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THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY, JCI.Y 2G, IH51
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Ju « Aibliihed , IN UOt . AT ONE PENNY EACH ,
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In 2 *> s . at One Potnv e « J > , spkndidlp Illustrated , A HISTOKV OF THE DIFFEKEST EXrEDITIOXS ENGAGED IX THE SEABCfl FOR SIR J . FRANKLIN C 0 ST . MMSG AU , TOE REGE 8 T VOYAGES TO _ TH £ POLAR REGIONS . Including in particular the Expedition sent oat under the command OF SIR JAMES BOSS TO DAVIS' STRAITS : AM > Of Commander Moore and Captain Kellott , to Behrings Straits . "With an authentic cojit of the dispatches received from SIR GEORGE SIMPSON , OF THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY With other important and highly interesting information relative to the Expedition under
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JXbw . PuMifhing in Xot . at One Penny eacti . Bj the Authoress of ' The Gipsey Gibi . " Eadi Pc-st Xcmbeb of ihU Xovd will contain Sixteen Pages of solid print . THE TEIALS " OF LOVE ; OB . WOMAN'S REWARD : BT Mas . II . II . LO ' . VVDES .
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BEAUTIFUL HA 1 S , WHISKERS , EYEBROWS , &c , maybe , with certainty , obtained * v using a vcrv small portion of ROSALIE COUPELLE' 3 PARISIAN POMADE , every morning , instead of any oil cr other preparation . A fortnight's use will , in most instances , show ins surprising properties in producing and « urliii !» WhUlters , llsdr , 4 c , at any age , from whaterer cause deficient ; as also checking grejness , ix . For children it is indispensable , forming the basis of a beautiful bead of hair , and rendering the use of the small comb unnecessary . Persons who hare been deceived by ridiculouslj nametl imitations of this l ' oniade , niJl do well to make one trial of the genuine preparation , which they will Jiever regret . Price 1 ' s . per pot , sent post free with instructions , &c , on -receipt oi twenty . four stamps , by Madame COU-2 'BLLE , Ely-place , Holborn , London . Important Notice . —None is genuine unless the signature * Kosaue Cocpeixe , ' Is in red letters on a -white ground on the stamp round each package of her preparations . ' TESTIMONIALS , ihe originals of which , with many others , may be seen at the establishment .
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Tes timomal-io Alderxujj Thompson ' . —On the lein inst ., about fifty geatletnen , connected with the ward of Cheap , dined together at the Plough Tavern , Blackball , on which occasion an elegant piece of plate was presented to Alderican Thomp-Bon , as a testimony of the estimation in which he yaa held . Tha alderman , in a speech of much feeling , acknowledged the compliment paid him and expressed the satisfaction he felt at baring been adjudged by his felioir-citizenB to hare performed hia duty . The Hey . Mr . Blew , of GraveBt ^ ^ ho waa upended by the Bishop of Rochester , few sold Ms proprietary eJiarcb to Cardinal Wiseman .
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THE CRYSTAL PALACE . The following Engravings of this unrivalled edifice , are now readv , and may be had at this Office : — I—View of the Exterior of the Building ; a magnificent print—two feet long—exquisitely engraved ; from a drawing furnished by Messrs . Fox and Henderson ; and consequently correct in every respect . Price ox . lt Sixpence . II . —Proofs of the Same Print , printed on thick Imperial Drawing Paper . Price Ose Shilusg .
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THE POSTRAIT OF SIR ROBERT PEEL . A few impressions of this Magnificent Portrait of the late great Statesman are still left , and may be bad at this Office .
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NATIONAL CHA 11 TEU ASSOCIATION . Office , 14 . Southampton-street , Strand .
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EMIGRATION . THE LAXD I THE LA 5 D ! TO THE WORKING CLASSES AND OTHERS . In consequence ot the immense success that has attendea the soeietie * instituted by Mr . W . D . Huffy , a few friends have joined with him in a society , for the purpose of Emigration and General Colonisation ; they purpose to issue 5 , 000 shares of one pound each , deposit 2 s . Od . per share , calls 2 s . 6 d . per month . The following eligible investment is now ^ offered : —A freehold estate in Eastern Canada , comprising 20 , 000 acres of land , within seventeen wiles of a market town and the port of St . Francis ; from which steamers ply daily to Montreal and Quebec ; the River Xicolet , and the River Becancour , runs through the Estate , and are navigable for boats and floating timber down to the St . Lawrence . This estate presents as much as twenty miles of frontage to these rivers , with several mill sites , &c . ; the land , -which is of a £ iif average quality , abounds with timber ,-which , on being disposed of , it is considered will more than pay the price required for the land .
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BEAT 7 TIFUI- ASD LUXURIANT HAIR , WHISKERS , Ac , can only fee obtained by the use of : MISS DEAN'S CRINILENE , which bas a world-wide celebrity and immense sale . It is guaranteed to produce whiskers , moustachios , eye-brows , 4 c , in threee or four weeks , with the utmost certainty ; and -will be found eminently successful in nourishing , curling , and beautifjing the hair , and checking greyntss in all its stages , strengthening weak hair , preventing its falling o £ , &c , < fcc . For the reproduction of hair in baldness , from whatever cause and at whatever age , it stands unrivalled , never having failed . For children it is indispensable , forming the basis of a beautiful head of hair . One trial is solicited to prove the fact . It is an elegantly-scented preparation , price 3 s , and will be sent ( post-free ) on receipt of twenty-four postage-stamps , by Miss DEAN , 48 , Liverpool-street , Kiug ' s ^ ross , London ; or it may be obtained of every respectable chemist in tlie Kingdom .
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T . Bwws'sLisT .-The friends at Norwich are thanked for taking two more Refugees , making nine men . Literary Institute Horslevdown . lecture 19 s Id—Mr . Ulant Si—We Chmanls-W . Leell . ouse 3 a 6 d-Mr . Sturgeon 28 . MB rtASER , EdinDurgh . It was received a iortmgbt ago . itffiS&S ? ! SSSSL-W , ^ should . to . puWisbe , he trial which took place at Derby , on Friday the 18 th inst it we had received the continuation of the report . The proposed act will appear next week . fmME tE leedf .- We must decline publishing Tnonymous ^ ters containing « -, » . reunion , upon character , when we are not able to ascertain whether the charges made are true or false .
The Northern Star Saturday, Jci.Y 2g, Ih51
THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY , JCI . Y 2 G , IH 51
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FREE TRADE FALLACIES . ¦ ww ^ The elections for Scarborough and Knaresborough indicate that the reaction against Free Trade proceeds steadily among the electoral classes in those parts of the country not purely manufacturing . The ministerial organs while they depreciate the constituences who send such representatives as Mr . G . F . Youxg and Mr . Collins to Parliament , show , under their affected contempt , that they dread very much the prospect of a general
election with the existing electoral body . The philosophy of Free Trade may be indisputable in the abstract , but , somehow or other , its practical operation is by no means pleasant to large classes of the community . It may be very unphilosophical of them to grumble , but they can ' t help it . The galled jade will wince , and the crumbs of comfort which fall from the tables of such learned economists as Mr . James Wilson , and such transcendent statesmen as Mr . Laboucheke , dou't appease the irate Bufferers from' our recent commercial policy . '
We must flay , without being Protectionists , that we sympathise with the sufferers from that policy , and agree with them , in thinking that they ought either to have their case taken into consideration , with the view of applying a practical remedy , or they should have it clearly demonstrated , that their sufferings are inevitable , and counterbalanced by a general gain to the community at large , in which they themselves will ultimatel y p articipate . But neither of these things is done . To specific and distinct compliants the most inconsequent and inapplicable replies are made . The statement of the grievance and the answer have as much relation to each other as Tenterden Steeple and Goodwin Sands . In a recent debate Lord Naas on behalf of the
Irish millers complained that they were in a state of extreme distress , many of their mills standing idle , their work-people unemployed , and their condition progressively growing worse . In answer to that statement , Mr . Labouchere replied that the condition of the very lowest class in London is much better than ifc was . What sequence is there here ? What connexion between the two things ? By what strange association of ideas did the one statement follow the other ? Equally unsatisfactory was the answer to the allegation of the millers that their distress is caused
by the importation of foreign flour , ground . Prima facie , that seems to be a very likely cause indeed . If a large proportion of our foreign supplies comes in sacks ready for the use of the bakers , of course the home miller can be dispensed with to the extent of that supply . How does Mr . Labouchere meet the allegation ? In the first place he says that it cannot be the case because larger quantities of unground foreign corn havo been admitted and ,- therefore , the millers ? nust have more to do . That , however , is contrary to the fact , and an explanation was needed . Mr .
Laboucheke found it in the fact that there had been improvements' in the machinery . More work was done with fewer hands , by a few ' successful competitors on a large scale , ' whose success was so great that one experiment had destroyed several small businesses ; hut it was added , for the comfort of th © parties , thus exposed to be swallowed up by wealthy capitalists with improved machinery , that the increased competition to which they are exposed will stimulate them to ' improvements ' in . machinery which will bo of permanent , advantage to their interest .
Now we cannot see how the conclusion flows from the premises . The additional improvements to which tho stimulus of competition will give rise , can only be made by persons with capital , and able to manufacture flour upon a large scale , with all the labour-saving processes which a large establishment permits to be introduced . Tho ' small businesses ' must , of course , go to the wall , before their powerful competitors , who , while they absorb the trade of perhaps a dozen or two small millers , will not employ a tithe of the men , because the' improved' machinery will do the
work . By this very intelligible and too frequently repeated process , an increase of unground foreign—or even home-grown cornmay be quite compatible with an increase of idle mills and unemployed hands . But then it is argued by the closet theorists , who write in nonsensical terms about' supply and demand , ' ' averages , ' and other familiar phrases in the vocabulary of political economy , that though 1 improvements * may be followed by ' temporary Buffering , ' it is always succeeded by ' change of employment , ' and ultimate advantage to the persons engaged in tho superseded branch of industry . For the reasons we have assigned this cannot be the case , even reasoning in the abstract . That it is not true in
actual life , we need only appeal to the personal experience of almost every class engaged in industry or trade . * Change of employment' is not ao easily effected , as written about . In every department of life men find the places pre-occupied by busy , pushing , struggliug competitors for employment already too numerous . They need no addition to their number from * superseded branches of industry . ' The suffering does not prove ' temporary , ' as assumed by the theorists , Tho hand-loom weavers are only one refutation of that assumption , which , nevertheless , like many others emanating from the same school , continues to be repeated as confidently as if it were a truth , instead of being a palpable , falsehood ,
And , after all , what do such replies , put forward as pompously as if they contained the concentrated essence of political wisdom , amount to ? Even if accurate , as a statement of fact , they contain no consolation or satisfaction for the Irish millers . The economical philosophers seem to think that when they tell you the causes of your distress , nothing more is necessary . That is not the opinion of the sufferers . When millers , farmers , and other
ignorant people , are unphilosophical enough to cry out because they are hurt , they are rather exasperated tiian appeased by the sort of cool comfort derived from tho theory of causation comfort very like the consolation offered by 1 a friend' who , in the inidst of a calamity , exalts hifl own wisdom at the expense of yours , and remiuds you— ' 1 told you so . ' No doubt the superiority may be made apparent ; but that does not mend the case for tho sufferer .
When suffering classes complain , they want relief , not lectures upon the causes of their distress . Farmers and millers have no more right to be satisfied with such answers as they receive , than a complaint from Yorkshire clothiers of stagnation in their trade , with a reply that it arose from a falling off in the demand . That is exceedingly cheap political wisdom , and the complainants may , with great justice to those who utter it , exclaim—• Thank you for nothing !'
However successfully such stuff and twaddle serve to prevent the discussion of practical measures , and to supply the place of practical legislation in the present partisan House of Commons , it will fail witli the country at
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large in the event of a general election . The Times sees that clearly ; and hence it renewB its adjuration to Lord John Russell to bring forward a new Reform Bill at the very commencement of next session . But it is evident , from the context , that the motive for such a recommendation is not the enfranchisement of the people on the plain and distinct principle , that they have a right to the suffrage . The based that principle
measure is not to be on , or have that for its object , It ib intended aa a piece of political juggling , by which continued supremacy may be given to a particular policy and class . With that view , no doubt the new franchise will be of an exceptional character , and carefully contrived for the admission of those parties only who are supposed to be well affected to the domination of the commercial and monied classes .
We have repeatedly a lluded to this subject , and called attention to the necessity for an extensive organisation aud vigorous direction of the popular strength during the coming winter . The complexion of the new Whig Reform Bill will , after all , depend rery much upon tha attitude taken by the people out of doors , and knowing that , it will be their own fault if it is not a real and a comprehensive enfranchisement of the masses .
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POLITICAL PRISONERS .
There can be no doubt that within tho last quarter of a century great ameliorations have taken place in our criminal jurisprudence , aud in the treatment of those who have violated the laws euacted for the protection of life and property . In the opinion of many thoughtful men there has been too much done in this way , and that the criminal is now so petted , pampered , and surrounded by comforts , that
a residence in some of our Model Prisons amounts almost to a premium upon crime , It is curious to find that , while we have been growing thus tenderly solicitous about the physical , mental , and religious welfare of pickpockets , burglars , incendiaries , robbers , and persons guilty of having shed the blood of (; heir fellow-creatures , the treatment of political prisoners has increased in stringency . Mr . Fox remarked in the debate on the case
of Mr . Ernest Jones on Tuesday , that Leigh Hujst , Montgomery , Daniel Whittle Hahvey , Cobbext , and others , were treated very differently during their imprisonment by a Tory Government . They were lodged in comfortable apartments , had a choice and variety in their food , wore their own clothes , selected their own books , saw their friends , and were allowed to supply articles and communications to the journals with which they were connected . Their sentence being simply imprisonment , the punishment was confined to that . They were not classed with felons ,
subjected to penal discipline , condemned to repulsive and degrading labour , clothed in a prison drfiss , denied books , papers , and writing materials , and fed upon bread and water in solitary cells , at the discretion of a mean , malicious , and spiteful official . These alterations in the status and treatment of political prisoners , were reserved for the mild and tolerant government of Lord John Russell , in the middle of tho 19 th century . The little finger of the ' Liberal' Whig Government , is thicker than the loins of rampant Tory despotism .
We have now the answer of the Whig Oabinet to the charges made against them for the cruel , cowardly , and vindictive treatmentof Mr . Jones and his fellow prisoners . It shows how silentl y but certainly despotism may be established under the guise of liberal institutions . ' The Home Secretary ' s office has quietly usurped a power which removes political prisoners from the protection of the law , and places them entirely at its mercy , In fact , persons who have made themselves obnoxious to the Ministry for the time being are as directly subject to tho tyranny of their
political opponents as if they lived under the merciful sway of King Bomba of Naples , or could be sent by the Emperor of Austria to the "" dungeons of Speliberg , and tortured under special instructions from their Imperial Gaoler . According to Mr . Boutebie there is now no distinction between political prisoners and felons . ' The law recognised no distinction of that sort . ' It sweeps into the same net and treats with indiscriminate severity , the man whose onl y offence is that he advocates a manhood instead of a ten pound suffrage , and the man , who having imbrued
his hands in human blood , has by some legal technicality been convicted of manslaughter instead of murder . The duty of preparing rules and regulations for the treatment of prisoners is delegated to the ' visiting magistrates , ' subject to the approval of the Home Secretary ; and between them , with their naturally hostile and prejudiced feelings against political offenders—in other words , against persons who denounce misgovernments and class domination—it is no wonder that they take advantage of their position , and make official power minister to the
gratification of personal and party vindictiveness . Mr . Bouverie , in an excessive fit of candour onfessed that oakum picking was not a very pleasant occupation , but Mr . Jones preferred boinga ' martyr' to paying a small weekly sum , which would exempt him from that occupation . Mr . Jqnes , in point of fact , refused to 1 work or pay ; ' and by the rules of the prison he was placed in solitary confinement , and put on bread and water—and that was the whole of the matter—in which , he for one , saw nothing wrong or any ground of complaint
Now , Mr . Bouveme is not quite correct in his facts . Mr . Joheb did not refuse to pay or willfully encounter the honours of such a martyrdom as that of Tothill Field ' s Prison , under the mild domiaion of its present Governor . Being unable to pay himself , the proprietor of this paper and other friends supplied the money for exempting him from that degradation , with a slight interval when the money was not sent in , and in consequence he was subjected to the severe and disgraceful treatment described by Under Secretary , Bouverie . But we contend that if not
illegal , it was , at least , inequitable to add a pecuniary fine to the sentence passed by the judge , under the guise of rules and regulations , drawn up by visiting magistrates , and sanctioned by tne Home Secretary . We are not aware that either magistrates or secretaries are lay popes , and claim infallibility in suck matters . On the contrary , we think them the very last parties to bo entrusted with ' such powers , and believe , that as long as they possess they will misuBO them , in reference to persons convicted of holding different political views from themselves . Mr . Wil-LIams , the meml > er fov Lambeth , sought to exonerate the visiting magistrates from tho
charge of voluntary harshness , by the statement , that they had no discretion but to enforce the law as they found it , which , at the aamo time , ho denounced aB a disgrace , alike to the Legislature , and the age in which we live ; and he confessed that his duties in that capacity were very unpleasant . But we should like to know , wh y , if the ' visiting magistrates' are the parties who frame these rules and regulations , they don ' t take care to remove this double disgrace ? The power is in their own hands , accordin g to Mr . Bouveiue . Let them exercise it be » fore they are absolved from their share of the blame of these moBt disgraceful proceed ings .
So far from the defence set up by Mr . Bou-VERIE on behalf of the Government extonuating their conduct iu the sli ghtest degree , it aggravates it . If the law is really in that disgraceful state that it makes no legal distinction between , political aud ordinary oll ' ences of felony , ' if , is high time that the law should be brought into harmony with common sense
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and common justice , and a distinction made in two things bo palpably morally different . It is monstrous , on the face of it , to treat the advocacy of political changes and alterations in the existing constitution of Parliament in the same manner as a burglary or a highway robbery . Such laws are repulsive to tho moral sense of the community , and , instead of adding to , detract from , the security of the very institutions they are meant to protect . We trust that Lord Dudley SiuartwiII redeem his pledge to bring this subject fully before the House of Commons next session , and persevere until such an abuse of power , on the part of either magistrates or home secretaries , is rendered impossible in future .
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OFFICIAL TYRANNY AND OPPRESSION . THE LORD AND " THE APPLE WOMAN . Lord Seymour ' s administration of the Woods and Forests has been characterised by a series of acts of the most offensive character , and by not a few aggressions upon tho public rights and the public convenience , more fitted for tho atmosphere of St . Petersburgh than London . Few can have forgotten the trick by which , at the close of last Session , he was enabled to take a huge slice out of St . James ' s
Park and give it to Royalty ; fewer still his last exploit of turning the mob of mounted fashionables into the quiet and beautiful grounds of Kensington Gardens , on the pretence that the Glass House in Hyde Park would interfere with their daily equestrian exercise . These leetle jobs , however , though sufficientl y indicative of the arbitrary character and aristocratic superciliousness of this scion of a ducal house fade , into insignificance when compared with a case of gross oppression , in which the ' noble lord' has just been engaged ; a case so shameful that we cannot believe ifc will be suffered to pass with impunity . The facts are briefly these : —There lately stood in Hyde Park a building known
as the White Cottage , in which Ajjn Hicks sold cakes , custards , and fruit to the juvenile frequenters of that popular metropolitan resort . This privilege had descended to her from her grandfather , who , upwards of a century ago , rescued George II ., of ' gracious memory , ' from drowning in the Serpentine In return for this service Royalty granted to Hicks the right to sell refreshments in the Park to its frequenters , in perpetuity . The privilege thus accorded continued , in the first instance , foi- sixty-nine years—in the person of his successor for forty-nine years moreand lastly descended to Ann Hicks who , with the express permission of the Woods and Forests , some time since , expended the savings of her whole life in the erection of the White
Cottage . It might havo been thought that a privilege thus conceded , a building erected with such a direct sanction from the proper authority , and undisturbed possession for such a lengthened period , would have created au indefeasible right in law ; or , at all events , a claim for reasonable compensation in case of its deprivation . Not so thought ' my Lord' Seymour . Among other regulations contingent on the erection of the Glass Show House , was the prohibition of the sale of refreshments such as those vended by Ann Hicks . His ' Lordship' issued a Ukase , commanding her forthwith to ' clear out , ' and offering to pay five shilliugs a week
rent for her somewhere else , for the term of one year , as an act of gracious condescension . Now the White Cottage cost £ 137 of hard money—it was held in perpetuit y rent free , and Ann Hicks , who built it with the express sanction of Lord Lincoln , when he was First Commissioner of the Woods and Forests , naturally thought ; 613 4 s . too small a compensation for such a sacrifice , so arbitraril y demanded . She refused to move , and then his ' Lordship' pulled the cottage—erected with her own money—about her ears , and turned her adrift on the world , homeless aud pennyless ! The poor woman—whose sole occupation through life had been to supply
such harmless articles of refreshment as we have mentioned—thus dispossessed , made her appearance in the Park with a few cakes and apples to supply her old customers , was seized upon , brought before the Police Magistrates , and told a tale of distress which might have made tears roll down even Pluto ' s iron cheeks—misfortune had followed upon outrage , and misery marked her for its own . But' the law must be obeyed ; ' and so , without taking into account the original injustice which had made her an offender , the Magistrate enforced the law .
Wo can hardly believe that so infamous , so flagrant , and so disgraceful a violation of all the principles of equity as tfiis case discloses , will be permitted to be perpetrated with impunity . Admitting that it was desirable , or neceBsary , to prohibit the sale of siuch Bimple refreshments as we have named—a point on which , with all deference to Lord Seymour , wo differ from him—it ia plain , from the facts we havo stated , that Ann Hicks had , if not a legal , a strong equitable claim to full and fair compensation . The facts are not disputed ; and they make oat one of the clearest cases we have ever heard of .
The first Commissioner of Woods and Forests should recollect that , in thus gratifying his propensities for aristocratic oppression—in thus openly exhibiting his contempt for such vulgar people as apple-sellers—and thus wantonly placing the arbitrary dictates of his own imperious will in the stead of the ordinary and recognised practice of the people of this country , he is acting a most unfaithful part to the SOVEREIGN of whom he is the sworn servant , and is teaching the people , at the same time , to look upon his ' order' in a light which is neither complimentary or safe for them .
Aristocracy does not stand upon such a sure foundation that it can aafely indulge in . such wanton freaks of capricious and causeless tyranny and wrong-doing as this . The vigour which he exhibits in attacking helpless applewomen—the rapidity with which he seized upon and appropriates for his own order grounds sacred to the invalid and the wearied , pent-up citizen—contrasts most unfavourably with the tardiness which characterises his administration in other respects .
Session after eeaaion passes away , aud still wo are without those reforms which were promised when the light was first let in upon the monstrous abuses perpetrated in the department of which he is the head . Wo should like to boo him exercise as much determination in expelling from the public property the aristocratic robbers who , under various pretences , have appropriated Royal demesnes and residences . That , however , we suppose must be done by a Chief Commissioner appointed by a People ' s Parliament .
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' VIVE LA REPUBLIQUE . ' ^ "Jngwa iho CWJ 6 P ™ tors against tho Republic m France have , for the'time been signally defeated . They havo been beaten in argument and . eloquence , and failed on the division to obtain the legal majority . That this result is felt as "a heavyblow and groat discouragement , ' ma y bo inferred from the Infer and vindictive . 3 in which the 'Times' hi this country , and the ™?™! J * ubBo 1 ^ i «* nal « Tta Frauc
, comment on the subject . Their rage W scarcely any bounds . For months upon months they havo devoted themselves to the task of wntmg down tho Republic ; all the j » aclunery at tho disposal of the highly centralised Government of France has been put in motion to produce an appearance of popular dissatisfaction with tho Constitution ; Yet journalists , ministers , prefects , mayors , and P wu T broken down in the attempt , ana tho defeat on the question of revision has
been followed up by a decisive vote of censure upon the ministry , for having recourse to such an illegal perversion of their official powers . They were appointed as the servants of the Republic and the defenders of tho Constitution , and they traitorously sought to subvert it . Their treason has been authoritatively declared and rebuked by the Assembly , and they now stand unmasked before tho people o £ Prance in their true characters .
Three months must elapse before the question canbo renewed ; but , in the meantime , we see little prospect of any accession to the power of the Eevisionists , or , as they should be called , the Revolutionists . Louis Napoleon has played a foolish , as well as a losing game , by allowing his dynastic and personal pretensions to appear so plainly . If , instea d of acting iu the way ho has done , he had , iu a simple , straightforward manner performed his duties as the first executiv e officer of the Republic—acted himself in good faith to the nation , and selected for his advisers and assistants men of the same stamp , the popularity of his name would have been replaced by a solid and genuine popularity , based
on his own good conduct in the emi « nent station to which he was raised by six millions of votes . Instead of jstoop ing to chaffer with trafficking politicians , aud lose himself in the tortuous and miry labyrinths of political intrigue , his true policy was to have shown himself the servant of the millions to whom he owed his position , and who alone possess the power to prolong his tenure of office . They would have formed a much surer allianco to fall back upon than the tribe of partisans and adventurers for whom lie forsook them . Had he used the powers given him by the constitution to promote tho political and social amelioration of the masses , such a policy would much more surel y have led to a prolongation of power than that he has acted
upon . In constitutional monarchies tho ' first magistrate ' may be a puppet without real responsibility—in republics they are judged by their own acts . What has Louis Napoleon to show for the time he has ocoupied the Elysee and St . Cloud ? Positively nothing , but the betrayal of the millions who elected him , into the hands of the enemies of the Republic . Ho was directly particeps criminis in the infamous act by which one-half of the electors of France were disfranchised . That
act will never be either foigotten or forgiven . He has alienated the people from him , and now , if he ever contemplated a coup de main and the seizure of power by force—he has the pleasantprospectofCAYAiGNAC . LAMORiciERE , Changarjvier—in short , all the Generals of mark and influence voting with the Red Republicans , for the maintenance of the Constitution , which makes his re-election impossible , and vowing that they will defend that Constitution with their swords . His prospects , therefore , of a renewal of power by any means
whatever , grow small by degrees , and beautifully less ; ' and , notwithstanding the number of parties who , for their own selfish pur » poses , would gladly see the Republic destroyed , the very nature of their several schemes prevents their co-operating with each other for its overthrow . The Republic is tho only possible Government for France ; and if its public men would only accept that fact in good earnest and act upon it , a , career of greatucsa and prosperity would open up before all parties .
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PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW , Sittings protracted from the noon of one day to the dawn of another , and then only broken off to be resumed again at noon , attest that our legislators , like repentant prodigals , are doing penance for their waste of time heretofore . That in such sederunts business should be either well or wisely done , is impossible . It is either slurred over in hot haste , dispatched almost without knowledge , or , on the plea of being too late , consigned to the limbo of next Session .
Tho topics which have attracted the largest share of attention , and consumed the greatest quantity of time , are the Jew Question and the Auti Papal Bishops Bill—old worn subjects , and merely freshened up this week by tho accidental circumstances connected with the introduction of each , Thus , the courage and firmness of Alderman Salomons threw the temporizing and lukewarm Premier on hia beam ends . Never was man eo completely taken aback as the Little Lord , when , at the instigation of Sir B . Hall , on receiving an evasivo Whig reply to a straightforward question , the
member for Greenwich raised the iron rod which conventionally separated him from the House , and deliberately " passing the bar , seated himself on tho front bench , below the gangway . The opposition stormed , yelled , hooted , groaned , nearly foamed with rage , while Lord John was struck dumb with amazement , and found his tactics completely overthrown by this intrepid and simple mode of dealing with a subject which he has dallied with for four years . The subsequent legal arguments which followed this courageous assertion of the right of tho electors of Greenwich to send whom
they tmnk proper to represent them in Parliament , were too purely legal and technical for our taste , but that waB unavoidable under the circumstances . The question was removed for the time from the ground of principle to that . of fact . Had Mr . Salomons taken the oath or not 1 We feel bound to say , that tho clear and logical argument of Mr . Bethell , sustained , as it was , by the learning and reasoning of other legal members , went to prove that the member for Greenwich had done all that was required by law . The 1 st and 2 nd of Viet ., upon which the argument was mainly based ,
distinctly declares , that ' upon any oeeaBioa whatsoever , ' a person may claim to be sworn in the manner he declares to be most binding on his conscience ; and this Btatute is in conformity with the uniform practice of the realm ^ Mr . Salomons declared that he substantially , as well » b legally , fulfilled tho conditions required by the law , as thus interpreted . Hehad truly and full y taken the oathof abjuration , and was , therefore , entitled to his seat . The Government , and therefore the majority , were
against him ; but he took his seat , voted twice , and spoko once , and thus fairly raised tho question of penalties , which , it appears , will be tried , in spite of the efforts of the Whigs to prevent such an issue , At the meeting of Baron Rothschild ' supporters , on Tuesday , he announced that he had been served with two writs , each for £ 500 ; and for every time he may Bit or vote , he will be liable to a similar penalty , bo&ide being—if convicted—deprived of all c ivil rightB .
W o may expect , how that the struggle ba » arrived at this climax , a speedy settlement . The Lords always yield , when fairly encountered—and , in this , case , they have neither reason , right , nor popular opinion with them , We think , indeed , that from the commence " ment , it was an error to refer the matter to them at all . It was one which solely affected tho House of Commons ; and , had it been duly careful of its own privileges , it would never hare asked the Lords who it Bhould
admit or exclude . With the exception of tho case oi Mr . Ernest Jones , refem-d to in another place , tho only other long debate wa one on the well-worn topic of the Navigation Laws , in which Mr . G . F . Young , the newly elected Protectionist Member , inflicted a speech , bristling with figures , so rapidly strung together , that it was impossible for the hearer * to remember them , still less to compreh end their purport and bearing . The debate was ft mere ' show' one , ar id ended in smoke , as the Protectionists did not go to a division . The speeches were made , the amendment , which was the peg they were hung upon , was witfr-
Untitled Article
4 THE NORTHERN STAR . July 26 , 1851 :
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), July 26, 1851, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1636/page/4/
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