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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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CTthrir own petty cliques , their exploded Stions , their ancient party war cries to SShfc for They aid not comprehend tbe idea of a free and self-sustaining nation working Jut it s own deBtiny by its own industry , intell igence , and moral energy . AccuBtomed as ? hay had been to the centralising and bureaucratic system of the ancien regime , a relaxation of its rigour appeared to them gyaonymoas vrith the wildest confusion , uproar , and an archy . It was not posssible , in their opinion , that the people conld walk alone , and « hey trembled , with the most dreadful appretensions , at their getting loose from the bureaucratic apron strings by which , in all
past times , they had been fettered .. Instead of quietly aiding to develope the Republic , and accustom the masses to the exercise of politicaland social priveleges , ] they commenced , from the very moment they were placed vo power , to curb , restrain , and mutilate these privileges and franchises . The people naturally chafed and grew impatient at finding , unexpectedly , these restrictions placed npon them , and impediments placed in their way where they had looked for help . Bad blood grew up between them and their representatives , but the latter , having possession of the organised military force , were , of course , the strongest ; and they caused the streets of Paris to ruu with the blood of many of its best sons , because , under a Republic , they desired to be
Republicans . The people discovered , however , a great and importantfact They learned that , with Universal Suffrage they had the power of changing the constitution of the Assembly itself , and of tUas regaining possession , constitutionally and surely , without the shedding of a single drop of blood , of that power which ftvey \ mvfisely parted with to enemies of the Republic . This knowledge was acted upon . Deputies were returned from all parts of the country whenever _ a vacancy took place , who ¦ we re known to bo honest Republicans ; and
at the Paris election of 1850 the Republican party showed its strength by returning the socalled Socialist candidates by an immense majority over all their rivals . "What was the consequence ? The majority decided upon perverting the powers entrusted to them while yet they remained a majority , and to deprive the industrial classes of the very franchises by which they had been returned as representires under the Constitution . M . Thiebs made the return of MM Fiotte and Sue a reason for revising the electoral law ; which was neither so logical or so just as if he and
all the former functionaries under monarchy had been declared to be for ever ineligible to hold any office under the Republic , because they were known not to hold Republican opinions . The excuse , whether good or bad , served its pnrpose , however . » A ' ' " tyrant and traitorous majority passed a law by the mere brute force of overwhelming numbers , which , in fact , disinherited and disfranchised the entire of the working classes , and handed orer their electoral rights and influence into the
bands of the middle and wealthy classes , and with these of course the actual Government of the country . Since . that time France has been a Government of repression—of coercion—of terrorism . Force and the arbitrary will or caprice of an unconstitutional administration has been the sole ruler under a nominal Republic . The freedom of speech , of assembly , of printing , and of writing , have been systematically violated and trampled npon . Paris—Franco ¦—has been as free as Yienna , and Austria : Hnngary , or Naples .
The time approached for the redress of this great wrong . The people who had been thus infamously robbed of their franchises , had , in tiie majority of cases , decided upon refraining from taking any part in elections until the disfranchising measure was repealed . At the same time they declared their , intention of asserting their " rightB at the next General Election in 1852 , and , if need be , with arms
in their hands . There can be no hesitation in the mind of any one acquainted with the history of France for the last fifty years , as to tl \ e issue of such a struggle . The people who have so repeatedly broken the bonds of tyrant monarchs , and sent them trooping in search of shelter and refuge , are powerful enough to snap the puny fetters woven by such diminutire and merely clever political conjurorsas M . Thiers & Co .
But just as a fair contest was about to be waged , M , Bonaparte steps in in the character of peace-maker . In his message , he assures the Reactionary and really disorderly party , that he will continue the Bystem of repression which he and they have so long jointly pursued ; while on the other , he holds out to the people the promise of a restoration of Universal Suffrage , clogged with some
conditions by which , in the jargon of these jugglers with popular rights , it is to be separated from all that was ' impure ' in its former operation . In plain English , restrictions are to be imposed on the Suffrage , which , in the hands of the authorities , may be made to disfranchise large numbers of the working classes still , whenever it may Buit the purpose of those in power .
There is no mistaking the object of this sLillr-sliallr policy . Louis Xapoieon has but one " object in view : his re-election as Pbesi-DESi by hook or by crook . Even in the message , he gives hints , broad enough , to the Assembly , that if they will compromise the matter with him and make the Suffrage universal for the President , they may retain it in a restricted form for the members of the Assembly . It is from no love of liberty the proposal is made . If it should be agreed to enfranchise the people
and it does once more , they have nothing to thank M . Bojja PAUTE for / His policy is that of the policeman , not the statesman . Coercion and repression , not development and freedom ., are the mottoes of his government ; and if he should succeed in the artful dodge he is now trying , the people of France will be as far as ever from enjoying that freedom which honest jrepubli can institutions , fairly administered , would give them .
The half and half policy of the Presidekt , however politic it may seem to him and to the secret advisers of theElyEee will not succeed . We do not eay that the law of May will not bo repealed . We hope and believe it will , notwithstanding the rejection of the first motion of the new ministry that the question should be pushed forward as one of urgency . But what we say is , that the doable game M .
BOXAPAETE is playing is one that will neither gain him friends nor disarm his foes . He has , as yet , made not a step towards that permanent prolongation of his power , as head of the French nation , which is the constant and cherished object of all his actions . In order to have any chance of that , he must cease to coquette ¦ with theenemiesof the constitution , and throw himself frankly upon the sympathy and the confidence of the people .
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NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF UNITED TRADES . T . S . Boscoiue , Esq ., M . P ., President . "fiat jdstiiia . " "If it were possible for the working classes , by combining among themselves , to raise , or keep up the general rate of wages , it need hardly be said that this would baa thing not to be punished , but to be welcomed and rejoiced it" Stdabt AIjil .
THE WOLVERHAMTON CONSPIRACY . Messrs . Winters , Green , and Peel have this day received notice from Messrs . Corser and Underhill , attornies for Messrs . Perry , of Wolverhampton , to appear in the Court of Queen's Bench , to receive judgment , on the 13 th , or such day as Counsel can be heard , for certain conspiracies , &c . November 6 th .
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BRIBERY AT ST . ALBAN'S . The Commission issued by the Crown for inquiring into the existence of corrupt election practices in St . Alban's opened its sittings , in the Courthouse of that borough , on Monday week . The Commissioners are Mr . F . W . Slade , Q . C ., Mr . W . Forsylh , and Mr . T . Phinn ; and Mr . Fitzgerald is their secretary . At the opening of business , Mr . Slade stated that it was intended to hold open court , so long as the proceedings were not reported with that detail which would injure parties giving testimo&y , aud so long as opinion was suspended by the press during the pgndenoy of tho incompleted inquiry . The statute under which the Commission acts gives unlimited
power to bring all the evidence before them which they think necessary ; and for the furtherance of this end , also gives tho Commission power to grant a certificate to each witness deserving it , which shall exempt him from every penal or civil consequence of the disclosures he ' may make . Owing to an imperfect understanding of the intention of the Commission as to the publication of its transactions , the reporters of the London press retired from the Court-houae on the first day of th inquiry ; but on Tuesday , finding that they wer not precluded from giving the substance of th e proceedings , they regularly entered on their duties . Among the witnesses examined on the firsfc «* ay was Mr . Jacob Bell , the sitting Member . Mr . Be desired to enter parliament in order to pass a bin for the Pharmaceutical Society , of which he is a
leading weniber . The famed Mr . Coppoefc was tne instrument of his direction towards St . Alban s . The price of the borough was very explicitly mentioued to him ; and his doubts , as to whether a large sum would be needed for legal expenses , were allayed by Mr . Coppock's assurances that the money would be required for " agencies : md variousthmgs . Mr . Brace , a respectable London solicitor , went down to St . Alban ' s to make inquiries ; but returned with a very unfavourable opinion of the parties he came in contact with , and advised his client to have nothing to do with St . Aiban's . But Mr . dell conferred with . Mr . Coppock , aud then moWed to go on ; Mr . Brace banded bim over to another attorney ; and himself only meddled occasionally to keep his client " out of mischief . " Summoned by Mr . Coppock , there appeared in London Mr . Edwards the notorious witness who was imprisoned
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by tho House of Comraone ; a man for twenty-five yews connected with the St . Alban ' s constituency , ten years ago manager of the bank there , afterwards t-h m f ' i * lwayfl the controller and manager of the uDerai elections , and once the manager of a Con . servahro triumph . Mr . Edwards made his bargain for money with Mr . Coppock . The money transactions were studiously oblique and comphcated . The first advance was a packet of live Hundred sovereign * , brought by "Jenkius , " a man then unknown , and coming from an unKnown treasury , but since connected with Mr . w ° PP R ° n' ' Brape » and Mr - Hills the partner of MMJell ; and afterwards four other packets of five hundred sovereigns each were conveyed from Mr . XilllS through Mr . Bran * t . hrnnirh Mr . Onnnnnk
, and through Mr . Edwards ' s son to Mr . Edwards himself . Mr . Hills , the partner of Mr . Bell , frankly oepo 5 eB that he cannot now wholly explain the details of these advances , because be purposely comphcated tho entries of them with partnership matters in the partnership books , so that if any inquiry should be made the source of the money should be concealed . The constituency seems to havfl been at the fingers-ends of Mr . Edwards , and to nave been counted off by him in its leading teatur . es of Liberal , Conservative , aud purcbasea'Me , With the most minute and frAotional accuracy . Mr , Simpson , a local attorney , tried to get his uand into the election scramble , and he even offered from his party to pay off Edwards \ uth £ 300 hard cash ; but Edwards knew his supremacy , rejected that and other ofters , and boasted that he would poll two for every one that any other person would poll . Edwards ' s evidence before the Commission
was given on Wednesday and Thursday . The reader recollects , from our description of the proceedings before the Committee of the House of Commons , tno mode- in which bribery was managed in St . Alban ' s . At a small houae in a lane , ever since significantly called by the inhabitants ' « Sovereign Alley , " the venal citizens came and went to the ring of the Bell-metal of the fortunate candidate . After a general description of these matters , Mr . Edwards was asked the actual names of the citizens whom he thus bought and sold . He objected to mention those names . ¦ " Chief Commissioner Blade said . —You must supply the names .
" Mr . Commissioner Fovsyth—The reason is , that the act of Parliament requires a list ; and if you cannot give a list , we must ask you seriatim whom you bribed first , whom you bribed second , whom you bribed third , and so on through all the five hundred names , till we come to the end . —Witness : It is a painful thing to me , Sir ; and my first suggestion ia , will you tell me , in the presence of those who are hero , what will bethe consequences if I withhold the names ? " The Chief Commissioner—that you will be imprisoned until you answer . — Witness : A very pleasant thing for me , certainly ! I have been eighteen weeks in confinement already ; and I should readily be shut up eighteen weeks more if you would not press these questions upon me .
" The Chief Commissioner : You are bound to give the names . —Witness : Lot us first go back to the act of Parliament ; it says that I must answer all the questions put to me . ( Here tho witness's feelings gave way , and he was for a moment affected even to tears . The Commissioners ordered a glass of water to be / riven to him ; iind he soon recovered the remarkable nonchalance with which hehad-given his evidence up to this point . Owing to indisposition , he had been accommodated with a chair during his examination . ) lie proceeded—I am prepared to answer the question . It was either on the 29 th or the 30 ih November that the voters were first brought singly to me in my room in the house in Chequers-street . I can't tell
how many voters I saw that first night—I think it was between forty and fifty . " The Chief Commissioner : Can you now give us the names ?—Witness : I can only give you them by going alphabetically through the register of voters , if you compel me to do so . Names , I know , havo been selocted by partisans ; but it would be very cruel in me to gratify the caprice of some few . I will go through the whole , so as not to make fish of one and fowl of another . " The Chief Commissioner : It is not to gratify us , or to gratify anybody ; but the supreme power of the Legislature requires you to give the names ; and there is no alternative but to do it . —Witness : I wish to do it , and I hope it will do good . "
The Commissioners were thon furnished with copies of the borough register of electors , and proceeded to call over the whole of the names in regular alphabetical order ; asking the witness whether the voter in question had received anything for his vote , and how much . The witness made his answers from his recollection , by tile aid of a copy of' tho poll-book . The Commissioners in tliis manner went over the whole of the register for St . Alban ' a parish ; and the witness gave in about a hundred namts of electors who had all received bribes of & 5 ov upwards . In about a dozen cases the amounts were as high as £ 8 ; but then the parties in most instances wore stated by the witness to have been employed cither as messengers or spies , to entitle them to the excess above £ 5 ; and in some of these cases Edwards gave it as his opinion that the men had actually been
underpaid , rather than over-paid , in consideration of the services they had rendered to him during the five weeks during which tho canvassing lasted . In a few instances the bribes had been received by the wives in tho absence of the voters ; and sometimes tho husband repudiated ( he bargain , and withheld his vote from Mr . Bell , without , however , returning the money . Most of the head-money had been paid by the witness himself to the pai-tiea ,-and the rest , he had no doubt , had been paid by Sir . Bla ^ g . The witness explained that his security against the bribed voters breaking their promises after they had pocketed the money was to have nothing to do with them on any future occasion ; and if they should at a . future election keep their word , or give an unsolicited vote , he generally recompensed them with £ 2 or £ 3 after the close of the poll .
The whole amount of money spent by Edwards in bribing the electors by head-money , might have amounted to about £ 1 , 700 ; and about £ 800 was spent for the hire of committee rooms , salaries of clerks , payments to tho band , refreshments , unlimited drink to the committee and their assistants , and the dinners at which Mr , Bell was present . . The money which Edwards himself received was a " dolicate point . " They would not believe him when he told them . But he had " another inducement " besides the money . He should think that he nppropriaked about £ 50 to himself . It being recalled to his mind that he had refused the offer made by Mr . Simpson of £ 300 , Edwards said , " if it had been £ 3 . 000 instead of £ 300 " he would have refused it .
This answer provoked a searching question ; to which he replied— " I could easily explain it , but I don't think you will press that question , if you think of the ' serious injury it will do me . It is nothing connected with the election , and it was only known to Mr . Bell lately through me . " After a consultation in whispers , the Commissioners asked whether Edwards ' s object was " to obtain a pecuniary advantage , or only to retain the . influence he had in the borough . " He admitted that tho inducement was greater than money : " it was the interest of some one belonging to mo "—" an interest founded upon words that fell . " Being further pressed , ho said ' tho " words fell from Mr . Coppock .
" Mr . Commissioner Forsyth : Well , we must ask , our duty compels us to ask , what the nature of the words that fell from Mr . Coppock was ? "Witness : They had no reference at all to the election : they only touched my own immediate personal interest . " The Chief Commissioner : We must know what the wovds wero . —Witness : 1 . think it rather hard if I must give up all' that I have rested my hopes upon . I have told you all that you have asked hitherto , wishing to conceal nothing ; but this point is a matter only touching my own private interest , and if you press me I shall lose it . ( Here the witness's voice faltered , and he shed tears . ) He added , ' You do not wish to . destroy me . ' .
" Mr . Commissioner Phir . n : It is our duty to ask this question , although the necessity is very unpleasant to US . You have given your evidence in a very candid manner hitherto . —Witness : I have already givenyou the one ; I told you the name of Mr . Coppock . So as it does not pass from " my lips , I shall not suffer . "Mr . Commissioner Phinn : Is it a mere personal scruple on your pavt that makes you decline to answer ?—Witness : I have desired to give you every information . " Mr . Commissioner Phinn ; Yoy say Mr . Coppock can give us the answer . We shall ask Mr . Coppock the question ; but in case wo do not get the answer from him , we shall reserve to ourselves the power of examining you again on the poitil . Therefore , in deference to your personal scruples , the Commisioners will abstain from pressing you now . —Witness : Mr . Coppock is at homo now , and no doubt he will attend .
" Mr . Commissioner Forsyth : Well , we -will not press you now Edwards .--Witness ! Thank you , Sir . " Mr . Coppock was one of tho witnesses called in court : though he had been regularly summoned , he did not inako his appearance . The inquiry was adjourned . At the sittings of the Commissioners on Tuesday Mr . Coppock was subjected to a long and very entertaining examination . He described himself ae » Parliamentary agent , and continued : — " I have bern engaged in that way ever since Sir ltobert Peel ' s celebrated ' Register , register , register ' speech—ever since 1335 , in fact . About that time an association was formed of the leading Liberals of the day to look after elections ; and when it was established , I , without any solicitation on my part , was applied to to become their secretary . It was called the Reform association . Its object was
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generallj to attend to- thtfwgistration for England and Wales , and to nssisHhe Liberal cause generally . As to that Association , I was led into communication with every borough , and every oitv and every oounty in the kingdom ; and from that time to this , I hardly know how , in some way as connected with the Liberal party , I have been one of the first to know when a vacancy any where occurred , I hare witched all the vacancies < , and I know something , more or less , of most places in England . I can say that positively . I cannot go through a borough register as Mr . Edwards has done , and ticket off each voter , say 'to such a one I gave bo much . But I could take a list of the English boroughs , beginning with Abingdon and ending with the last letter ; and if I were to put
opposite , as I could , ' the member paid so much for his soat . ' I should , perhaps , mako as extraordinary a statement as that which you havo had from Mr . Edwards . ( Cheers—apparently personal to Mr . Coppock for thus defending St . ' Albans at the expense of the whole kingdom—came from all p «* ts of the court . ) I beg you to understand , Mr . Commissioners , that I did not state this to excite applause . I sfrite this to show what the Bystem is ; and no man in the kingdom has a greater horror and detestation of that system than 2 have . " Ho made out , that the reason wby Bell had succeeded against Carden was , that tho former would go as far as £ 2 , 500 , the latter not spend more than £ 1 , 500 . At another stage of hie examination , he made a curious statement , concluding witli an important avowal of ODinion .
" Mr . Forsyth : Tell us , with your experience , what you think would be tho legitimate expenses of an election at St . Alban ' s—excluding bribery , of course , from the consideration ?—Mr . Coppook : It I were looking at a borough like St . Albsui ' s , I would look first to see what number of persons I would have to retaiu . And if I found a dozen gentlemen of the legal profession wanting ten guineas a day , I would have to allow for them . ( Great laughter . ) And I don't see the difference between thiit and bribing a poor man—it ia worse . 11
Mr . Forsyth : There is a touch of satire in t ' sat , Mr . Coppock . Perhaps it is . But putting attornies out of the question , and speaking only of fiona jddfi cost , what would bo the expense 9—Mr . Coppock : Treating is abolished now ; so that cannot be calculated . It is difficult to say . I will tell you this . After Sir George Ward left St . Alban ' 8 , he went to Shffield . His election for St . Alban ' s cost £ 2 , 100 . His election for Sheffield cost him £ 160 . To such an oxtent was it carried in Sheffield , that the gentlemen who dined at the horcl with him paid each his own bill . This shows how difficult it would be to form an estimate .
" Mr . Forsyth : But generaily at , St . Alban's 1—Mr . Coppock : The hustings would cost £ 50 aud the clerks would cost £ 100 . A couple of hundred would leave £ 60 for the manager , and that would be enough . That is for the legal expenses , what a candidate must pay . £ 200 is more than an election here ought to cost . You couldn't make out £ 200 j but I beg to Bay that my opinion is that you will never prevent charges of this kind uritil you allow the ballot . The ballot is the only check you can ever have against bribery . You . may havo inquires like thiB , plenty of them ; but you will never tee any result , unless you meet the evil by the ballot . " The witness denied positively that he had held out any more specific reward tu Edwards than to do something for him ; and ' Edwards when recall- 'd could only swear to a promise to get one of his so a situation—whioh he took to mean a governme situation .
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The late member for Limerick , John O'ConneJl , is about to emigrate with his family to Australia . It is proposed to connect Birkenhead and Liver-. pool by means of an iron tube , or tunnel , sunk beneath the bed of the river . The work is estimated to cost £ 250 , 000 .
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The late Db . Babeiet . —On Tuesday an inquest ¦ w a 3 held on the body of Dr . Badeley , at the Salacen ' s Head , Chelmsford . From tke evidence of the medical gentleman examined , it was clearly demonstrated that the cause of death was apoplexy , that being produced bv the morphia or opium ¦ which was taken by the deceased . The JOTJ retHrned a verdict of accidental deatb .
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MONIES REGEItfEB FOK IB * "ffSEK ESD 1 KO THBHSDAt , XOVEMBEB GlH , 1851 . THE HONESTY FUND . KCElYiD 81 W . MDIB . £ s d . Sheffield , per G . CavUl 1 10 0 NATIONAL CHARTER FUNDReceived bv Jons Abxoit . —G . 0 ., South ampton ls-Three Friends , Oxford . per W . DruettlsTd—S . Fish , Preston Is—Brighton , per G . J . Holvoake 1 S «—per ilr . Rider Ss . —Total jSX 4 s , 7 < 3 .
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COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH . —Thdrsdat . THE WOLVBRHAMPTON CONSPIRACY CASE . —PERRY t . FEKL AND OTHERS . This important case was brought before the Conrt . Mr . Whateley stated that he was instructed to more tor a new trial or so arrest of judgment in
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The great question involved in the Wolverhampton Conspiracy Case will have passed through its nioefc important , if not final , stage , before another number of this journal reaches the hands of our members . Notice has * been received that the defendants in both indictments are to be called np for judgment on the 13 th inst ., when it is to be hoped that the vexed question raised by the Stafford verdicts , and the Judge ' B interpretation of the Combination Laws , will receive that grave and impartial consideration , which a question , affecting the rights and interests of many thousands of the most industrious and useful of the British population , is so eminently entitled to . It is impossible to overrate the magnitude and importance of the question at issue .
The decision of the Court of Queen's Bench , upon the point of law reserved by Mr . Justice Erie at Stafford , will confirm to the working classes of Great Britain the possession of a most invaluable right , or reduce them to a state of bondage , more complete and degra ding than was the condition of the helots of Sparta , or the semi-barbaric serfs of despotic Russia . In an article in the ' Labour League , ' published as far back as 1849 , we first designated Hume ' s Act , 6 Geo ., 4 Cap . 129 , the
Magna Charta of British Industry ; and Mr . Parry , in his admirably eloquent address to the Stafford Jury , took the same view . We conceive that Hume ' s Act bears the same relation to the ri ghts of Labour as the Magna Cbarta of King John , the Bill of Eights , the Trial by Jnry , or the Habeas Corpus Acts , bear to the rights and liberties of the people of England , and that an invasion of the one ought to be as pertinaciously opposed as any attempted infraction of the others would be , by a universal shout of defiance .
We cannot believe that it was ever contemplated by the Legislature that working men should be subject to common law indictments , for acts done perfectly within the spirit and letter of the statute in question : indeed , such a contingency appears to be expressly guarded against by the ^ oida of the act itself . It manifestly intended that the combinations of working men should be dealt with by that act , and by no other law , written or unwritten . What is called the common law , which has been described as the ' perfection of reason /
and of which the law of conspiracy is a curious manifestation , so exquisitely subtile , so immeasurably elastic , has never , that we are aware of , been admitted as capable of overriding the statute law ; and if words may be said to possess meaning , or to be capable of rational explanation , then did the Legislature forbid any other law to be called into operation for the prosecution or the punishment of working men , for any offence they may have committed in contravention of that Act of Parliament . In support of these opinions , we once again quote the Act itself : — .
4 th . * Provided always , and be it enacted that this Act shall not extend to subject any persons to punishment who shall meet together for the sole purpose of consulting npon and determining the rate of wages or prices ; while the persons present at such meeting or any of them , shall require or demand for his or their work , or the hours , or the time , for which he or they shall . work in any manufacture , trade , or business , or who shall enter into any agreement , verbal or written , amongst
themselves , for the purpose of fixing or determining the rate or prices which the parties entering into such agreement , or any of them shall require or demand for his or their work , or the hours of time for which he or they will work in any manufacture , trade or business ; and that persons so meeting for the purpose aforesaid , or entering into such agreement as aforesaid , shall not be liable to any prosecution or penalty for so doing : any law ' or statute to the contrary notwithstanding . '
Now the Acts with which the members of the Central Committee are charged , and in support of which there is the thinnest , slightest possible evidence , is clearly within the statute , and if exceeding the provisions of the Btatute , should have been dealt with in the manner , and by the means provided by the Act , that is by summary conviction before a magistrate . This is the mode provided by the Act for dealing with those who
are guilty of any violation of its provisions . But the fact is proved , the proceedings of the Committee are clearly made lawful by that Act . But by mixing them up with other persons and proceedings , with which they bad not the slightest connexion , an attempt is made to create and punish them for an offence unknown to the law , and , as it appears , expressly provided against by the statute . If this was all it were not much .
Certainly not sufficient to justi / yan appeal beyond our own circle , but it is the " thiu edge of the wedge" which a few more vigorons blows will drive home , end fix the working men of England in a position of irremediable slavery to the despots of capital . It is this consideration which gives to these prosecutions an importance beyond all former precedent , and which renders it an imperative duty upon the Central Committee to sink all personal considerations , reject all cunningly devised offers of compromise , and unhesitatingly to accept the honourable position forced upon them , of fighting for their order—the order of labour—the battle of industrial freedom aud independence .
We understand that large sums subscribed and intended for the defence of these prosecutions , are kept back or withheld , from a notion that the prosecutors would not proceed -further id the affair . How little do such parties know of the real character of the prosecutor ( we use the singular number purposely ) , or of the injury they do the cause which we believe they really have at heart . There can , however , now be no mistake—the notice for judgment has been received , and the day named for the argument . The nature and extent of future proceedings must depend altogether upon the means at our disposal . At the commencement of these prosecutions we viewed the matter as we do now , as involving the very existence in future-of any industrial combination ; we considered it our
duty to apprise our fellow workmen of the danger at their doors : we pledged ourselves to defend the right of peaceful combination thus rudely assailed j we have thus far redeemed our pledge , and shall still continue to steadily pursue the only path consistent with honour and duty . So far oar fellow working men have nobly responded to our call ; and now , when the day of battle has really arrived , we hope and trust all contributions really in hand will be immediately forwarded to the Defence Commitleft , as it ia impossible to foresee the turn the arguments may take , and we would wish , for the honour of labour , that our enemies should find us prepared and armed at all points to repel their unprincipled persecutions . Wm . Pbel , Sec . 259 . Tottenham-court-road .
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tbc case of Perry » . Peel and others , tried before Judge Erie , at the late Stafford Assizes . The defendants were noticed to appear and receive judgment on the 18 th of the month , and it might perhaps suit the convenience of thi Court if the motion was deferred until that day . Judge Pattison : Any motion , either for arrest , of judgment , or for a new trial , &c , could be made on that day , if it suited the conveniance of . the respective parties . , ' Mr . Keating and Mr . Parry , on behalf of their clients , made a similar application with an equally successful result . ; ; Messrs . Roberts , Stnart , and Chinnery , solicitors , were in attendance , also the defendants in the case . The motion was a mere formal one , it being the legal rule that all motions for new trial , &c ., must be made during the first four days of the term .
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THE DEPORTATION OP IRISH PAUPERS . At the Thames Police-court last week , a young Irishman named Shaw , attended before Mr . Yardley , to complain of tho forcible detention of his mother , with a family of two young children , iu a building at Wapping , against bw will , at the instigation of theparisb offiuers of St ; Martin ' s-inthe-Fields , who had obtained an order from the county magistrates for her remoyal as a pauper to Ireland . On Monday the subject was renewed at the Thames Police-c 6 urt , on the application of Mr . Dennis Gallagher , of 46 , Poland-street , who , after corroborating all that the young man Shaw bad stated , as to his own ability and willingness to
contribute to the support of his mother and as to the fact of the father having sent £ 2 from New York to assist in defraying the expenses or his wife ' s passage to America , drew a painful picture of the sufferings of tho pror Irish , who , having do settlement in this country , were sent off to a wretched loft in Wapping , and shipped thence in large numbers for Ireland . The horrible description of the Wapping loft ,-given by Mr . Gallagher , induced Mr . Yardley to send one of the officers of the court to the place in question . Hia report stated that he found the building a kind of loft , and no doubt very cold . There were ten or twelve beds in it . The floor was not very clean , but the iron bedsteads and the bed clothes appeared
to be in tolerable order . The superintendent said that all the bed-clothing was washed once a month ; but in consequence of the quantity of trampers and others , who come from all parts of the country into Middlesex to be passed to Ireland , it was quite impossible to avoid the presence of vermin cccasionaly , though every precaution was taken to beep the place as clean as possible . Mr . Yardley thought it a disgraceful thing that paupres should be sent from England into Ireland in ' a state of disease and filth . lie believed the complaint made by Mr . Gallagher was too well founded , and he thought it high time that those who had the administration of the poor laws should see that such a state of things was remedied .
On Wednesday , at the ordinary petty sessions , held in St . Martin ' s Vestry-room , a formal application was made for the rescinding of the order of removal . From the evidence of tho witnesses who supported the application , it appeared that the pauper's husband had occupied a house in St . James'smarket for three years previously to his leaving England , for America . His rent was about £ 20 a year , which he paid in instalments of 10 s . weekly , and he was upon the list of ratepayers . lie had . left his family about three months since , and gone to America . But two days after his wifo ' s application to the parish for leiief , a letter waB received from him , bearing the New York post-mark , and enclosing £ 2 for the use of his family .
James Shaw , son of the pauper , a journeyman tailor , expressed bis willingness to do all in his power to assist his mother and her family . He was At present in work , but his wages were very uncertain . Sometimes ho earned * 25 s . per week , sometimes 16 s ., and sometimes less than that . On cross-examination , the witness admitted that he was generally out of work fire months out of twelve . The pauper , Mary Ann Shaw , on being called in , said she objected to being sent to Ireland , on the ground of having no friends in that country , and of her long residence in London . Her application to the parish was for out-door relief ; and she knew nothing about coming into the workhouse until she received a message to the effect that the
relieving omcer wanted to see her and her children . She came with them to tho workhouse , and had been made a prisoner ever since , Mr . Henry Kingston , the relieving officer , deposed to haying told the pauper , on her making * a second application for relief , that if she continued to apply , she would certainly be sent to Ireland . Her reply was " They will never pass me after having been in this country fifteen years . " Having ascertained that the pauper had no legal settlement in England , and her application for relief being continued , witness took her before the jus tice , who , after attentively considering the case , gave an order for her removal . The pauper denied having received any warning that she would be sent to Ireland until the day the order for removal was made .
The principal grounds upon which the rescinding of the order was prayed were—first , the cruelty of sending the pauper to Ireland , where she had no friends ; secondly , it was urged that she had gained a settlement in Westminster ; and thirdly , that the pauper ' s son was in circumetances to support her . M . Griffiths , on behalf of the parish authorities , said that with regard to the question of settlement , it was quite clear from the evidence of the witueHsea that none had been gained in St . Janies ' smarket , inasmuch aB the hiring was weekly , and not , as required by the act , yearly . The capability of the son to support his mother and her family
would at once be estimated from his own admission that his average wages , when in work , did not exceed 16 s . weekly , and that he was out of work five months in the year . As to the cruelty of the proceeding , upon which so much had been said , he was authorised to state that the board of guardians , having had their attention called to certain allegations made before the magistrates at the Thames Police-court , had felt it their duty to visit the depot at VFappmg . They had done so at an early hour that morning , without any notice of their Tisit , and he believed the chairman of the deputation would describe all that they had seen to be perfectly satisfactory .
The members of guardians , who bad visited the establishment at Wapping , here stated that they had made a very close examination of the place , and had interrogated the inmates and servants They found the quantity and quality of the food perfeotly satisfactory , and the only complaint made by the pauper was , that she slept with her children on mattresses , which had vermin upon them . This was uncorroborated , and from the examination made by the committee , appeared to be untrue . After consulting together for a few moments , the Chairman said that the case had been very fully considered a fortnight ago , when the pauper refused to be sworn , and conducted herself very improperly . The bench saw nothing to induce them to change their opinion , and the order must be carried into execution . The woman with her children will accordingly be sent to Ireland .
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iHE "TIMES" AND ITS CORRESPONDENTS . Whatever may be thought of the desirableness , or otherwise , of maintaining a degree of secrecy in the conduct of the newspaper press , there can be no two opinions upon the additional importance of integrity on ( he pare of those wbo are screened by the anonymous from personal subjection to the salutary influence of public opinion . We fee ! , therefore , that when a journal pursues such a course of malignant mendacity as the " Times" bas done in reference to Kossutb , and everyone of the popular leaders in ( he late cominential struggles , it would be a false delicacy—raisprision of an offence against the republic of letters , and the commonwealth of virtue—to abstain from giving publicity to facts that may impair its prostituted influence , to compel an amendment of character .
The author of the •' Revelations of Russia" has , therefore , in our judgment , rendered a good service to the Cause Of truth as well of Liberalism , in Die exposure which he bas made in a recently published pamphlet , of the character of the parties by whom the " Times" is supplied with its information ; and of the process to which that information is sometimes subjected before U reaches the public eye . The following extract relates to the gentlemen employed in Austria and Hungary during the Ubt few
years ;—These correspondents were a Mr . II , a person named Bird , a Mr . Paton , and a Mr . Charles Pridham , who was at 'Viddin when the Hungarian refugees were there . Mr . R . was , is , or states himself to be , or to have been , in the British service , and is described as lamentably addicted to creature comforts , a fact which may account for conduct so inconsiderate as to border on simplicity . Mr . It . ¦ , in his character of Englishmen —a character for which all clasgQS of tho Magyars Imve had at all times the strongest predilectionwas allowed to pass where he pleased . Before the conquest of Transylvania by Bern , Mr . R . had
reachod Clauseuburgi where ho was on terms of tho greatest intimacy with the Austrian officers , to whom , in the hearing of numerous witnesses , he openly communicated all he had heard and seen in the Hungarian camp . Bern having entered Transylvania , arid defeated both Austrians and Russians , whom he drove over the frontier , entered Clausenburg , where Mr . R . was found most unconcernedly in company of his bottle , and apparently unconscious of the position in which he had placed himself . As an officer or cxoffiaer , there was no excuse for his ignoring that according to the stern usages of war his life was forfeited , and that Washington hanged Major Andre under circumstances less unequivocal . Bern
arrested , and but for his character of Englishman , and ignorant assurance , would undoubtedly have shot him . Aa it was , he gont him prisoner-to Kossuth ; Kossuth met him on the road far from sober and exceedingly abusive . The Governor of Hungary addressed a few words to him , to the effect that he had disgraced the name of Englishman , and ordered him to be set at liberty—not where he could reach the Austrians and make further disclosures—but on the Turkish frontier , to which he was accordingly conducted , and then set at large . This " correspondent" wrote several letters to the Times ; one or two denying the victories by which Bern conquered Transylvania , and another full of wrath at the treatmeat a " British
officer had experienced , " but without adding that consciously or unconsciously , drunk or sober , he hsd degraded the British name by acting as a spy . The Austrians or Russians ( General Bom in relating these particulars assured me ) , would have sliot him within four-and-twenty hours . Mr . Bird , the principal of these English correspondents , bas been many years domiciled in Vienna , where he gave lessons , and was a teacher and sort of upper servant in Prince Metternich ' s family , and dependent on its connexion for his bread . During the insurrection in Vienna , dreading that popular suspicion might call him to account for some of his antecedents , he was very prominently
engaged , with a red featner in his cap , assisting in the erection of a barricade near his domicile , On the capture of tUo capital by Windischgratz , he found it necessary and profitable to make good this backsliding by redoubled zeal . A reference to his correspondence to the " Times , " will show that ho denied or held back every striking fuaturo in the war unfavourable to Austria , such as the retreat of Windischgratz from Kapolna , his successive defeats by KosBUth ' s armies , the re-t . tking of Pestb , relief of Comorn and approach to the Austrian frontier , until such time as detailed intelligence oi these facts had reached Europe , by the circuitous route of Turkey ,
Among .- 't the Austrian correspondents , from whom its chiuf information was , and is derived , must be numbered a certain l ' azziazzi , clerk in the office of the secret Austrian police , who came over to London and published , through Mr . Bentley , a book called ' A Voice from the Danube , ' to whose call the public seems to have been provokingly unwillint ? to respond —a certain Felsenthal connected with the Detective Criminal Police of Vienna , and an Hungarian Jew named Lauterbach , who graduated in the office of Dr . Back , the actual minister , the violent demagogue of 1848 , who Bold his pavly to become the thoroughgoing tool of the Imperial cabinet .
One of these persons began in the " Times " a series of letters on Hungary , of which the publication ceased as aoon as the authorship waa discovered : another , if the writer remembers rightly , was subsequently attached to the Austrian legation . It is nut meant to be asserted that there have not been other foreign informants , others in fact could be pointed out . Even at present , the " Times " " earnestly hoping that before long some authentic history of the political course of the Hungarian insurrection will be published by those begt acquainted with its true character , " doubtless gives expression to the wish in the confident assurance that it will be gratified . It is extraordinarily represented at present in Ike capital of Praucls-Joseph , us well as now or recently at other absolutist courts ; and here , whether reaping the fruits ot' its zealous service , or taking anew its directions , it is likely to seek information through less stale channels flowing possibly ia fresher streams from the tame fount .
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And here it must be observed , that those mentioned have been spoken of in al )' charity ? Thfe wrltei could say—and if necessary , is'prepared to" saymucli more , not only upon correspondent ? , bui on those their correspondence is framed to please , or distorted and suppressed to justify . If he pauses now , ic is because he thinks that ,: without further exposure of individuals , he has said enough tO sllOW that in drawing on sources so obviously suspicious , and withholding all that reached it in a sense unfavourable to its views , the " Times " has been not itself in error ; but seeking to deceive , with aperverseneasoriginatiag in some unworthy motive .
The Mr . Charles Pridham was a member of the committee which was sitting in London while the Hungarian struggle was at its crisis , and was taken from the active advocacy of the cause to act as the "Times" correspondent in the very scene of action . He believed naturally that he could be of essential service to the true and the right by describing , in the columns of the leading journal of Europe what he bad ascertained by personal observation . Ia this be seems to have been bitterly disappointed ; charges his employers with conscious lying by the suppression of the known truth ; and threatens vhem , having " lifted the visor" to beware ere they compel him to " tear off the mask . "
Having obtained letters of introduction from M . Pulzsky and other Hungarians to their friends in the camp and council of tbeir native land , he proceeded first to Paris—where he was charged with other similar massives ; which afterwards caused him no uaibII pain to save them from detection—aud thence to Vienna . On apply ng to the Austrian government for a passport bo found that bis politics w ? re suspected , and that his demand would be refused . But he resolved on a personal application to Prince Schwarzsnberg ; and here is an account of the interview , and the consequent resolve : —
I found the Prince busily engaged nfc flis escritoire ; but he rose and received me with an easy , unaffected manner that quite won upon me . we were soon engaged in an animated conversation . If you search Eui 6 pe through you will scarcely find a man of nobler bearing , or a more majestic mien . To say that ho is the first gentleman of tlie continent is only his due : for out of England such men are seldom or never to be found . In fact , his aspect is essentially English , perhaps from his having so long dwelt among us . lie is now far advanced in years , yet he is scarcely less energetic than ever ; and , judging from his remaining attractions , you cease to wonder at the lore-conquests of his prime .
"Ah ! " he apostrophised nie . " Well , you belong to tho . Now that in a journal I can ' t , for tho life of me understand . Can you explain away its monthly gyrations ? Your "Daily News " and " Examiner" I can comprehend ; they are our declared foes ; but . your journal mystifies us with it 3 intelligence , only to stultify us with its leaders . Pray what is to be the term of its tergiversation ?' " And yet , Prince , " said I , "in a recent interview lie did me the honour of granting me , Baron Werner held tho directly opposite view . " " Indeed ! what did ho say ?" lC lie said the journal had manifested great devotion to tho Imperial family . "
" Well , so it may have done . It is true they have been of service to us , and perhaps they will be again . Lately , indeed , and since we have been victorious , they have discovered tho justice of our cause . Well , ' * nW what do you want roe to do for you ? " . " I want you to give me a passport for Hungary . " " "WeM , but there is a civil war . " " I know it , Prince , and am prepared for every risk and contingency that may occur . "
" That is always tho way with you English . Such daring , reckless boings ! I repeat , this is a civil war ; and your Italian correspondent , by his passing and vepassing from camp to camp , greatly hampered our operations during the war with Sardinia . Besides , I cannot answer for your life for even a day or au hour . You are ignorant of Magyar , and you say you speak German anything but fluently . Both parties are highly exasporated with each other . To both you * will be an object ofsuspicion . " ' I now discovered , from his manner , and wiih as much certainty as if I had seen the medium of information , that the Prince h ; id been duly apprised of my political leaning ; and that , in point of fact , ho viewed mo in the light of a political enemy .
" You want information , " he continued ; " you shall have it . Where ia jour hotel ? You shall iwve the " Wiener Zeitutig" regularly transmitted to you . " "I am highly obliged , Prince , for your kind offer ; but , to spunk frankly , I fear the people of Eagland will not believe the " Weiner Zeitung . " They require original inforination , and thiit from tho hands of one of their countrymen . " 11 1 am sorry I cannot serve you . Stay ; wait here for % few days , and I may be enabled to ' give you a passport for Pestb .. " witb
It was evident that his object was to play . me until tho war should have been transferred , by tbe combined armies to the banks of the The \ as . I felt , therefore , that no time was to be lost ; ond having procured Artusa's Map of Hungary , I hastened to the money-changers in tho Stephen ' s Plutz , to convert my Napoleons d ' or into Austrian papor . Tho reader will comprehend , in some degree , the batb 03 of Austrian credit at this moment , when I inform him that for those coins of the value of loa . lOd , English , I received , in Conventions Munz , eleven florins , thirty-six kreutzers , equal to £ 1 3 a . 2 id .
He got his passport vised for Trieste , and Bet off thither by railway . At Glotzburg , he dropped quietly off ; and made his way across the Styrian Mountains into Croatia After several narrow escapes , he at last fell into the hands of an Austrian patiy Vrliom he could neither mystify nor elude } and after much brutal treatment , was sent back to Vienna . There , putting a buld face on the matter , he ventured to demand compensation for what he had endured ; and in the end , was ordered out of the Austrian dominions within twenty- ' our hours . Again he contrived to deviate from the prescribed route ; made his way to Cot hi—where he found that Haynau had offered 5 , 000 florins for bis captureand thence to Widden , where Kossuth and the other fugitives had just arrived . ' He had frequent interviews . with KoBSUlh , and with the dying Bern . —Nonconformist .
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THE MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS . Bowling Ward , BRAD * FOBD .. —The polling in this Ward commenced on Saturday morning , at nine o ' clock , with great spirit , Messrs . Sharp and Moor taking tho leads . At halfpast ten o ' clock an objection was raised against Mr . Pickup , he not being a-burgess ; the poll was closed , and , strange to say , the townclerk decided to open the poll again , referring the parties to the Queen ' s Bench for an interpretation of the law . This step compelledredoubled exertion on the Committee of Sharp and Moor , Pickup ' s party working with all the vigilanco of Tories in despair ; and at the close of the poll the parties stood as follow : —
Sharp ( Radical ) ... 303 Moor ( Chartist ) 314 Pickup ( Tory ) ... 277 In Little Ward the Tories again suffered a defeat . At the close , the numbers were as follow ;— ; Mr . Glover ( Radical ) 431 Mr . Hudson ( Chartist ) 374 Mr . Bottomly ( Tory ) ... ... 318 Tlie greatest exertion was used to place Mr . Bottoml y in the Council Chamber by the members of tlie different Orange Lodges , Bottomly beteg the founder of Orangeism in Little Horton .
Tiverton . — On Saturday last the liberal cause received a great and most signal triumph , iu tho election of Mr . W . Kowcliffe , being triumphantly elected a member of the Common Council of the Borough of Tiverton . The number of votes for each candidate in the Westexe Ward were ;— " . W . Kowcliffo ... ... 1 G 9 S . Besley ... 158 R . Snow .... 142
This ib the second time he has been electeda member of the Council for this Ward . Mr . Rowcliffe proposed Mr . Harney in opposition to Lord Pahnersbn at the last General Election , when the show of bands was in favour of the former gentleman . ThiB act alone endears him to many in this town . He stauds out from the class to which he bolongB , and identifies himself with the cause of the - working man , being ever ready to take the side of liberal principles against any and every opponent .
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• .- . !* *•; : iii si i ¦ }¦* , {; A ¦ ¦;? ¦¦ - ¦ T \ W . ¦ : > - ^ , " V • - ,: ¦ - ¦ : November-8 , 1851 . THB NORTHE ftN STAR . : ¦ ~ * : ' ,- :-: " ' tvv *" ' . " ' ' ; t i ? :
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Nov. 8, 1851, page 5, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1651/page/5/
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