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THE BOETHEEB STAB, SATURDAY, FEBBUARV 14, IS32; -m ¦— -
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^^^—¦ ^g— m^^ww— ^*^^^^^^^ Iu«t Pt&lMied by mraiAKDSON AND J»"*\^d Meet-street, London; 9. Capil-treet, jjablin, auo Derby. MICE *X BHIIXJSGS.-SEST BT *OST FOR EDO-HOT =™^ THE DUBLIN REVIEW, JL So. S3, February, 1S52.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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NT 7 W P 4 TH 0 LIC WORKS E ^ tliJedby r . icn ^ so . ^ so .. Hie Lives of the B . Le onard , of Port Maurice , and - ^ ris a « kks * - * ° Biessed Leonard , price is . Sent by post for 6 d . extra . Che third and concluding Volume of Pope Benedict XIV " u Heroic Tirtne , pr ice 45 . Sent by post for fid . extra . In Essay on Catholic Home Missions , by the Ber . Fatheh Fabee , Priest of the Oratory . Small 8 vo . printed wrapper , price Is . 6 d . jittle Sfcirv ' s Hymn Book . Part I . By Edwabd B . Wiirvso . JJ-A . formerly ScUfJar of Balliol College , Oxford , Dedicated by permission to the Very fieTerend Father Fabes . tr ice id . [¦ he Conferences of tbe Reverend Pere Lacordaire . pans I . sn JII . On the various subjects connected with the Doc trines &c , of the Catholic Church . Delivered in the Cathedral ef Kotre liame , in Paris . Translated from the French by He-nbi lAscixjf , Dedicated to the Right lion . Lord John Russell . Large 8 vo . To ha completed in Ten farts , price 2 s . each Part . Sent by post fur fri extra . he One Thing Needful ; or , the Attainment of our Last Bad . 3 y the Very Rev . Father John Baptist Paoisi . Snper roval 32 mo . fine paper , doth gilt , price 2 s . lie Journeys of the Popes ; translated from the German of Joasxus Von Mclhb . With an . Appendix on the Emperer Joseph II . By Hicbabd IUbt ; Author of ' Pope Adrian lv ., » an Historical Sketch . Super royal 32 mo ., handsome cover , price 3 d .
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Uli'UltTAXT SOCIALIST PUBLICATIONS ! BO 3 ERT OWEN'S JOURNAL . THIS JOURNAL foblislicd vreeily , price One Pesnt , and in monthly parts price Fouspesce ) , bcplaiBS the means by which the population o ! the world may be laced uitbia new and va-y superior circumstances , and provided ith constant beueBcial employment , and thereby enabled to enjoy omfort Jiud abundance , aud great social advantages ; and the irect means by which this change may be effected with benefit to 11 classes . The addresses on Government , on Education , to the Delegates f All Sations to the Worid ' s Fair , and on True and False KelHon rhich have lately appeared in the pages of tVis Journal , have been eprinud in the form of cheap pamphlets , and will be found to conam information of the deepest interest . Ihe Eleventh Monthly Partof this Journal is now ready Price 4 d . Also the First Volume , Price 2 s . Cd .
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HENTRAL CO-OPERATIVE AGENCY y Instituted under Trurt , to counteract the system of &dui tmtioii and Fraud now prevailing in Trade , and to promote the pnncijile of CoTijierative Associations . Trustees-Edward Vansittart Xeale . Esq ., ( founder of the Institution ); and Thomas Hughes , Esq ., ( one of the contributors ) . Commtrcial irirm-Lechevalier , Woodin , Jone » , and Co Lct-ao ^" 11 EstabUsllment -7 ( i ' Charlotte-street , Fitzroy-sguare , Branch Establislunents-35 , Great Marylebone-street , Portlandplaee , London : aud 13 , Swan-street ; Manchester . The Asency intends hereafter to undertake the execution of all orders for any Hud of articles or pr . duce , their operations for the anTltr * ar . * restricted to Groceries , Italian Articles , French Wines A Catali ^ ue has just been published , containing a detailed list of all artic . es < uth the retail prices affixed , with remarks on adultera-Jon . Vr-. ce 00 . or sent free bv poat for ten stamps . Also a rrtioleaile jir . ee list for Co-operative Stores gratis , or bj post fur one Co
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Sew Tract by the Aational Keform League ' The Trutli shall make vou free . ' THE COUNCIL beg to inform all Eeformers £ a . « * -3 haTe just published a new tract , a comprehensive & ££ gi £ ^***>** ^ te * « 7 SSS ^ f ^ AlZl ^ SV ^^' The people ask lor bread , and the National Reform League gives l ^^ L a a s S 7 S henlliejrhave leamea *** OT AdMfei K fecrefcoy National Keform Leame 18 ji Denmark £ AW ^ » W that great staSn \ fi ™ ^ JHSSK ^""^* **^ - * " * * " *!!
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BE Sie-T ^ i %° w " *«**« . Trades , and Co operative » fj * % S ? ouM te forwanle 4 immediatel y after thriroccur-EaS . i ^ T aglut of matter * «*** at the latter p » n 1 5 ^ ^ consequent curtailment or non-insertion / BeportsshotLd consist of a plain stateinentof facts . mseraon - nn ^^ S * ' 0115 ^ n ^ for publication should be mitten on one = ide of the paper only , and addressed to the Editor . " " j ^ I ^ l * ?? ^ - ^ . ° Sheffidd . 28 . for the Amal-^ matedSocieiyofEngin eers . andls . for liquidating the EaTcu . tove Debt , wJuch we have handed over to the proper partiesWe have also wand Is . from a iliddletonean , for Se oWertttated m our arnele on the Land Companv ' s anil ™ U « S * S 2 S
KBaMBasw ar « "i ^^ srsSSsysL 11 " ^ « " > * " . «» isoss TB 2 communications excluded this week for want of Commk-J rf ^ lw ^ " ^ Pt onian - An Address from the SKIS ? O'Connor Ketoptm Fund , StocVport-nnd J .
The Boetheeb Stab, Saturday, Febbuarv 14, Is32; -M ¦— -
THE BOETHEEB STAB , SATURDAY , FEBBUARV 14 , IS 32 ; -m ¦— -
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THE SHAM REFOrvM BILL . This is the age of ahams . We have Buddenly dis covered , under the- alarm of forei ga invasion that we have 'dockyards wi thout shi ps-fleets , and no vessels to protect our shores-men without guus and guns without men—artillery without horses—a vast army , and no soldiers to repel an invader—costly steamers that will not transport troops—soldiers with muskets , which an enemy ridicules—provisions which no one can eat—gigantic establishments without efficiency , and now to add to the catalogue , Lord J . Ecsseel has proposed a Keform Bill that * 3 i ntended to reform nothing . You may be startled by that Btateoient , gentle reader , but we refer you w ms 'lordship' himself as ourauthority . Thechangea « l ° Lseeinillg-taore is to be no essential
alterainfluence Jli ? nambers , weight , position , and House of o mteresta now represented in the * ere foLrffT'V ® to remain «•» same as they was av ™ dfv o 6 . Eeform m of 1832 - That M « tion ofthelaid ^ * 1 fo PerPetaate the dominaavowedly * 2 j ? f ^ ^ Reform BiU of 1852 is as fiion ofthe Sufiwr * L ® ° same basia-the exten-Blightest effect il Ju * m to £ * ™ H not have the Hooseof Common < Zf ^ ^ P ^ tion of the concerned . The sm ' aKL *! Mlative nambers are anau boroughs may be expanded in
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¦ ^^——bulk , but they will be essentially the same in character , and send the same number of members to Parliament , selected from the same class as at present . There is to be , in short , au extension of the Franchise , but no redistribution oi the representation . The privileged classes will still , on going into the lobbies , count the old majority of noses in favour of perpetuating the old abuses , and the time-honoured system of mis-government , by which they have thriven at the expense of the toiling millions . The bill is a mere juggle , and yet so deftly was the trick performed by the juggler on Monday night , that it deceived the so-called 'liberal' Parliamentary Reformers into applause , and no small amount of verbal appproval .
We hope that since then they have seen andrepented their error . There is not a single provision in the bill of such a substantial character as should ensure the support of any sincere Reformer , with the exception of that which proposes to sweep away the incongruous and intolerant bundle of oaths now administered to members . In saying this we do not forget that one'point of the People's Charter' has been included in those provisions ; but its presence there merely reminds us of the utter futility of all measures of Reform which do not include the whole of these points . The abolition of the Property Qualification for members will be totally inoperative without its co-relative ' point , ' the Payment of Members . The apparent concession is au illusion . Living in London , and especially in the
position of a member of Parliament , is expensive . From the very nature of that position a large outlay b incurred . if the individual discharges his duties properly , and no man can do so without spending more than the sum required as a qualification for borough members . The choice of the newly-enfranchised five pounders , therefore , will be confined to the same classes as those from which candidates are at present taken , and these , when returned , will do just as members now do , take care to make their position subserve their own interests and that of their class , at the expense of the country at large . The example of Scotland is a proof in point . There is no property qualification required for Scottish members ; and yet whoever heard of anybody but a 'laird , ' or a laird ' s agent , or a wealthy manufacturer , or merchant , or a lawyer seeking promotion , being sent to Parliament ?
jtfow , however this species of representation may suit-the interests and harmonise with the opinions of the dominant classes , it is clearly not that asked for by the industrious and toiling millions . They want their opinions and intere ' sts represented by men who practically know them , and who can speak from that fellow feeling , which is the best stimulus to earnest and coutinuous exertion for the removal of evils which are felt by all . Labour never will be properly represented until it has the power of sending such
members as these . As Mr . Bright aptly and pithily said in the debate on the Irish Tenant Right Bill'Ton cannot expect that cats will legislate rightly for mice . ' The remark applies generally , as well as to Irish landlords . Capital and profitmongering , in their various shapes , are the only things at present represented in Parliament . There-is not a single mouse of labour permitted to ' cheep' there ; and Lord John ' s new sham will exclude them as rigourously as ever .
This , we repeat , is not the kind of reform aBked for by the people . It is not even an ' instalment , ' as some professed 'liberal' newspapers have called it . Instead of that , if it bo accepted in its present shape ' , the measure will prevent a satisfactory adjust-, ment of a question which Lord John himself admits * is ripe for settlement . If it is passed , we shall have the old outcry against constantly tampering with the constitution , and be told that we in England cannot afford to have a revolution every twenty years . That is just the reason why , when we are about the work , it should be done in a workman-liko fashion , and in such a substantial manner as is likely to last . Wg , therefore , on thepart of the labouring classes , say , No compromise with the imposture attempted to be practised by the whig premier ; while we are about the
task , lot us do it thoroughly . ' If the present opportunity passes away , it may be years before another so favourable occurs . Lord John admits that tho peaceable and orderly conduct of the people during the last four years of European revolutions , entitles them to the confidence and the gratitude of the ruling classes . He admits , further , that a time of peace and quiet , is the very best for discussing and settling such important questions . "We are , consequently , bound to treat the subject in good faith at sach an opportune and appropriate period , and by removing this standing political grievance , set the enorgiea of the nation free to pursue those constructive , social , and educational reforms , which are essential to the physical , intellectual , and moral well-being of the community at large .
Had there been a vigorous and efficient Chartist organisation in existence , as we have , during tho recess , vainly urged on the attention of those who take an active part in tho movement , it would now have been able to render great practical and important service . Such a body might have placed itself in communication with the Members who are known to be friendly to the principle of Universal Suffrage , and concerted with them the means of raising the whole question in a temperate , but firm and discreet manner , in the course of the debates on the Bill . Even if
this course had failed to produce any immediate effect on the measure itself , it would have formed a formal protest on the part of the masses against its being supposed to be accepted by them , and , at tho same time , the basis of a justifiable movement for the attainment of a real reform . But the probability is that a few members acting in this manner would have urged on the hundred Members who are more or less independent of Ministers , and -who Tote in favour of Electoral Improvements , to take a more decided and nnited course than they are now likely to do .
Failing the existence of such an organisation ,, of course we cannot expect such results , and must work with such materials as are available . The National Reform Association has now an opportunity of showingits usefulness , if those who direct its affairshave but the political foresight and the requisite spirit and determination to seize upon it . There are the elements ofapowerful , independent party in theHouse of Commons , but for years they have been dormant or useless , because they were disunited . The members who ought to constitute the party are all leaders— ' every ' man doeth that which is right in , his own eyes . There is no concert—no organisation—no general agreement even on points of their common political creed—no subordination , and consequently no strength . * J
Now , if the party who have voted for Mr . Htjmewho have carried the ballot on two occasions—and who in two successive years resolved by a majority that the Suffrage should be reduced to ten pounds in counties , were to meet and appoint recognised leaders , frame a series of amendments to be moved in Committee , appoint a « whipper-in , ' and act with thatcompactneis and consistency which the Whigs and Tones do , there can be no doubt that the bill would emerge from Committee very unlike what it now is . The very announcement that they intended to pursue such a united and firm policy , would induce Lord John to yield on many important points and if they failed to satisf y themselves , they ought to vote against it on the third reading , and tiras ensure an appeal to the nation on the whole question at a General Election .
Whether Buch a course be adopted or not , one thing is quite certain , the question can never rest until it is definitel y and finally settled . No Ministry will dare in future to propose Zees than Lord John has offered ; the people will be certain to demand more , and with each succeeding session so firmly , that their demands must be at length conceded . Past agitations have not been free from errors and mistakes , but they have at least had this substantial and sttKpiaas'r ' iffflrt
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POSITION AND PROSPECT OF THE ENGINEERS' STRIKE . the ? ' H& ? ffiJ ! A a are llkely to g <> togeaS ^ sa ttttlz&tttei ^ strongest reasons in his extra judicial 2 £ r ? SSd on export * statements , which the ' Times' so eagerly haatened to hold np as the decision of a chosen jS
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cial umpire between the Masters and the Operative Engineers . If success is to be the measure of right and the standard of justice in future , his lordship will , most probably , huvet ' o make a moat important exception . The prospects of the Amalgamated Society appear to be of the most encouraging description . The last measure of the Employers has resulted in a total and acknowledged failure . On Monday last they opened their establishments , and intimated that all who chose to sign the obnoxious declaration—to which we directed attention last week—were at liberty to resume work . They calculated , most pro * bably , upon the want of work having sapped the
integrity , or imitated the temper of a few of the members , and also upon the chapter of chances which , in such unfortunate straggles , tend to produce misunderstanding and disunion among the men . If such was their expectation , they have , by this time , discovered that they were completely out of their reckoning . For one man , connected with the Amalgamated Society , who has ' gone in , ' some twenty or so have ' come out . ' True , the labourers flocked to the gates and signed ( as they could with a clear conscience ) the declaration offered to them ; but that did not help the employers to resume work in the slightest degree . However valuable and necessary their
services may be to the production of the completeresult , it is subsidiary to that of the skilled mechanics , and without them there is no work for tho unskilled labourers . They are undoubtedly much to bo pitied ; without any fault of their own , they have b 6 en deprived of employment . The Masters and the publicdeclinetoassisttheminanydegreecommensurate with their numbers and their wants . The Operatives are willing , but engaged as they are in a struggle with a powerful opponent , they necessarily husband their resources , and concentrate all their energies upon the
vital points attacked by the Masters . The course pursued by them in asking the men to sign a declaration so utterly repugnant to the feelings of Englishmen , and so subversive of all ideas of fair play , has not only damaged them in public estimation , but has roused the skilled workmen—not formerly society men —to a sense of the duty they owe to themselves and their order . They have already held meetings with the view of forming themselves into societies , and thus be entitled to become a portion of the already extensive aud powerful Amalgamated Society .
The object of the Employers in closing their establishments was to break up at once and for ever all existing combinations among the men . By the course they have adopte d they have strengthened them , and caused the formation of other new societies . They are progressing backwards . Even the ' Times , ' that doughty champion of Mammonism , has been at lastsilenced bythe ultra-absolutist tone adopted by the Bucklersbury conclave , under the instigation of their ' liberal , ' ' philosophical , ' and ' phrenological' secretary . Since they issued . their famous ukase , the oracle of Printing House Square has been dumb . It had stomach for a good deal , but it could not Bwallow it . ' May I not do what I like with my own , ' raises so many formidable collateral questions that had better not be touched in these ' days of free and fearless inquiry .
Besides these symptoms of alienation on the part of their most powerful all y / there are others which surely betoken the disruption of an Association founded on assumptions irreconcilable with the first princi ples of justice and morality , and which had for its object purposes at variance with the highest and the best interests of the" Commonwealth . The weaker or the more reasonable Masters are deserting a conspiracy against the rights and liberties of their fellow subjects which in the one case is likely to end in their own ruin , in the other is a reflection upon their judgment . These desertions , when once they commence , will increase rapidly . There will be a general rush to be first in the field , and to secure the skilful workmen whose value the last month ' s experience must have so conclusively taught them to appreciate !
We are happy to observe , also , that the other trades are taking up the matter in the true spirit , and acting upon the conviction that the battle the Engineers are fi ghting is not that of their own trade , but of Labour generally . The London Compositors , on Wednesday night ; ' mustered to the amount of eight hundred at a special general meeting , and unanimously voted £ 100 to their brethren who are now enduring the heat and burden of the day . Should more be needed , we have no doubt more will be freely given . Other trades have acted in a like liberal spirit , and with the same enlightened appreciation of the vast importance of the principle at strike , and supported besides by the steady subscriptions of the members in work , the capital of the Amalgamated Society remains , we believe , untouched aud undiminished .
All these are cheering indications that there is a growing intelligence on the part of the operative classes , and a clearer view of the measures that are requisite for protecting themselves against the aggressions of unscrupulous and selfish capitalists . The violent and unreasonable policy pursued by the Masters will indeed have conferred a boon of incalculable value upon the industrious working masses , if it teaches them experimentally and practically the two great lessons we have for years been endeavouring to
enforce , namely : that the only true protection for Labour is to be found in a National Union upon the equitable principle of Mutual Assurance , and the application of their aggregate capital to productive purposes , by means which would ensure to all the unemployed members of their respective trades , a living in return for honeBt labour , inateadof an allowance for being idle and useless . We triut the present contest will leave in this respect a plentiful harvest of good results to be garnered iu due season .
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SHAMEFUL TREATMENT OF MR , F , O'CONNOR . We pride ourselves vastl y upon our civilisation , advancement , intelligence , and improved manners , but the barbarism that is thinly veiled by the crust of conventional polish , ever and anon breaks forth to show how little the higher principles of humanity and morality influence the great bulk of mankind . From Courtly memoirs we learn that a necessary part of the education of Princes was a human whipping post , upon whom all the blows fell that should have been bestowed upon the royal pupila for dip
obediencelazi-, ness , or stupid obstinacy . The same fashion prevailed to a late period in public schools , perhaps still exists in some of them , of unhappy little wretches who were flogged as examples to the rest . How far either royal or ragged scholars profited from these examples need not be told . The conduct of men in the large school of every day life , too truly testifies to its demoralising effect . Society always has its whi pping post upon whom , by common consent , it can expend its baser passions and animal ferocity . We keep each other in countenance with reference to such persons in actions , the bare imagination of which , applied to others , would be repudiated as monstrous and incredible .
Such has been the treatment of Mr . F . O'Connor this week . It must have been evident to every unprejudiced person in the Vice-Chancellor ' s Court on the previous week , that , from whatever cause it arose , the actions of that gentleman were no longer under his own control . In the case of any other public man of similar standing , sincere and respectful commiseration , accompanied by watchful care , would have been expressed and tendered . But Mr . O'Connor is , and has long been , the popular whipping post , the exception to all the usual rules of civilisation , Any injustice—any calumny—any denial or perversion of justice in his caBe , has been looked upon as the natural and proper course , neither to be wondered at , nor condemned .
Suppose any other « gentlemen' of Mr . O'CoNnor s position had caused—perhaps under the influence of an extra bottle of champagne—a similar disturbance at the Lyceum Theatre , and resisted or atruck the policeman who attempted to force him out of the box he had paid for , and was his for the night , would the Bow-atret RadamamHus have been so inflexibly severe , so far above all ordinary consideration of humanit y ? Read the police reports . We do not want any other answer . Fines , in many cases moat
absurdly low in amount , are the common commutation of an aristocratic ' spree' or Mark . ' But Mr . HpRYhad caught the whipping post , and was determined to make an example , and show how ' virtuously indignant' he could be ; and so , in the moat approved style of these really vulgar and canting exhibitions of magisterial morality—he talked pompous nothings and gratified , perhaps a personal , perhaps a class prejudice—by straining his powers to their fuJI
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stretch , and inflicting an indignity on a man who was acknowledged as a popular leader , and was not in go od odour with the ruling classes and the powers that be . There was much force and point in a question put by Mr . Reynolds to the magistrate , in his manly and praiseworthy attempt to prevent Mr . O'Connor from suffering that indignity . The very manner in which the policejudgeanticipated , and cut it short , proved that his mind was influenced by the newspaper reports of the conduct of Mr . Connor before the Chancery Judge , and panted for an
opportunity of showing unesprit de corps , and punishing what his learned brother found it impossible to touch . But what was there in the transaction that called for so severe and disproportionate a sentence ? Even had the version given by the policeman and the servants of the theatre been correct , it was one of the simplest of cases . It amounted to a partial and momentary disturbance before a single actor appeared on the stage , and the extent of the damage experienced by the policeman was a slap on the face . Would not 20 s . amply have atoned for these offences , even had Mr . O'Connor been perfectly accountable for his actions ?
But it appears that , as usual with officials in such matters , the affair , was very much exaggerated by them in giving their evidence . ' One of the audience / who states that he is no admirer of Mr . O'Connor , and never before saw him personally , states , in a letter to the ' Sun , ' that he was in the opposite box , and that , though Mr . O'Connor did gesticulate somewhat extravagantly , and accompany the music by letting timea little loudly than usual , it was not more than many gentlemen might do who were peculiarly excited by music . He adds , that the audience , so far from being angry , were rather amused , and that he , sitting opposite in a small theatre , did not hear the dap on the policeman ' s face , which one of the wit * nesses swore was 'heard over the whole house J '
These facts speak for themselves . The matter , however , assumes a graver aspect when it is remembered that under the weight and pressure of disappointments , reverses , and long years , of arduous and unrequited exertions , the strong mind and frame of Mr . O'Connor have given way . He needed the soothing and careful attention of those who have made it their study to ' minister to a mind diseased ;' he was treated with a violence and harshness which
reflects discredit not only on the person who was the immediate actor , but upon the country in which such an event could take place without instant and universal disapprobation being expressed . In the House of Commons , on the contrary , the announcement of his imprisonment was received with ' laughter . ' We take leave to say that laughter was not only unworthy the character of English gentlemen , but that itshowed anobliviousness of the privileges of the House , and constituted a precedent , which , in stormy times , should they ever arrive , will be full of danger . The Commons who sustained their privileges when
assailed even in the person of the great demagogue of the day John Wilkes , better understood their duty as legislators and the custodians of English liberty than the meu who now sit in St . Stephen ' s , and forget their duty to the Constitution , when their personal or party predilections are gratified . The case of Mr . O'Connor is , truly , one which muist awaken the sympathy , and excite the compassion of every right-minded man . It would be folly to say that his public career has been free from
errors . But this , at least , may be said , that to pursup what he thought his duty ,, he voluntarily divorced himself , to a great extent , from the society of the class to which , by birth and social position , he was entitled , that he speut life , energy , and money freely , in the promotion of the principles he has for so many years consistently advocated in public . It is hard that , as he declines into the vale of years , when his hopes from the cherished scheme of his life have been wrecked , and the once active and strong brain has succumbed to'the tear and wear of an
unusually hard-worked public career—Mr . O'Connor should have been subjected to this last insult , which was quite as much uncalled for by the nature of the case , aB by the necessity for maintaining the dignity and the purity of justice . We cannot doubt that the intelligence will give the deepest pain to thousands , who remember with gratitude his fervent , enthusiastic , and well-meant advocacy of their rights and interests ; and who will see in this act only another proof of the alienation which unhappily exists between the ruling classes and those who , whatever class they belong to , advocate the cause of the toiling and oppressed millions .
We are bo much pressed by the mass of correspondence which appears in to-day ' s paper , and the demands on space required by the current news of the week , that we have been obliged to exclude several articles which had been prepared for insertion in our leading columns .
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SOCIETY OF THE FRIENDS OF ITALY . On Wednesday evening a conversazione of this Society was held at the Freemasons' Tavern , at which Signor Mazzini delivered a lecture on the objects and views of the Italian national party . The chair havin g been taken at ei ght 0 clock b y Mr . Taylor , who apologised for the absence of Lord Dudley Stuart , who had been invited to take the chair , Signor Mazzini came forwara , and was most enthusiastically rc-WmHpif ^ '"^ ^* 06 " ^ their "PP ^ use , not as addressed to tl « n ™ i "onally > but , as . th . erePresentative ofa cause with which renL tn i ? f P £ e -1 > their 'SmP « hy aa < l P ^ ged their adhe-£ it . i . ? S to"kltnotR 8 tt ™> ri 5 ofapplau 8 etotheayine gladiawi 7 ^ n ad , &UghtwcU l but , as atoken ° » " empathy for someth ng hin ml E | kn 7 «» 8 yetreplete with vitality , though for the moment 1 SLWi J * BPhue . ) The people tf Italy would yet
"r ^ bestir themselves , and rise stronger than hefore . His duty that evening was to tell them something ahftut the Yiews entertained by * Q n *^ »{ , Par 'J o « ta'y ° n * eltaltatt question , what that patftf was , and what they wanted from the EBgHsh people . First . W . before telling them what their views or their opinions were , he must «!«! , IT u A u l re not ' for 80 mauy calumnies , so many false accusations , had been heaped upon Italian liberalism , that it was quite essential to clear away some of them . In the first place , they ! " ^ n ^ rAtheuts , Unbelievers , nor Sceptics , for Atheism was despair , Unbehef was instability , and Scepticism weakness , while on the contrary they were full of hope , faith , and energy , which no t ^ f ° PP h eSS 10 U ' ewM *»»«*¦ They were not anarchists nor thS ? « T £ tbeT r < £ P eoted , authority , and had confidence in the people . But they could not look upon the present rulers of Il . te . i i ! i . I thatauth ? tity i * teh the , could respect when d their thrones
™ l ™ . ° resting on the support of foreign armies , ? l ^ nf h - OWeru ?? J only t ? de 8 rade ^ oppress the people , in ! stead of being applied to raise and enlighten them . All classes of ™ „ wf ? , ° ple were on ^ 8 ide of those wh 0 had *» n denounced torn * ° dofd f . 8 " 8 ! iesand anarchists , ruling for ashorttimeby ZZ f , lntil «» datiOD . Why , their chief martyrs we . e found £ W ^ ! M £ ? Uea the » riB * oo « 9 y . Thei municipals had given m their adheawn to the Republican form of government , ondwhovM it but the people who drove the Austrian out of Lorn bardy and Venice , and defended Rome against a French armv ' ( App ause . ) When , in 1849 , they decreed the Volition of the teL poral sovereignty of the Pope / not a single Roman o \ S ed tlm measure , and had not the French and Spanish troops interfered Avi ^ M i te M ° f bein g ' ein 5 tated > would now have bee , in thpf « ° ' Ma nd w « , Pepl » P » . "en Dublin . ( Chews . ) Lastly , they were not communists , nor levellers , nor hostile to proper ? tern mnwf , V « ?™* ^^^ term wus used ^ * e q * K *! KJ 5 " £ ™» ' ?« ' a neighbouring country . W L
Kon ^ dtaSSStaS ., wS ? ™ H ? l 0 nM b ? i uatly «* i « ted to social wotTpp ^ v T . '• " . ! e ffllddreams of communion , the abolition of SS 5 « * « ^ llmitatI 0 . nof W > eny within a system of forced orga-Si ™ - ? M'le suppression of capital , or in other words , the cutting down the tree for the sake of its momentary fruits , and all the other reactionary , shortsighted , impotent conceptions of that tyatem ot materialism , they entirely repudiated . They believed that the people should be lctt free , to thinlc , fool , and legislate for themselves ; and that no one should he permitted to interfere with them intheircftbrtstodo 80 . ( Applause . ) He had told them what were tueir views , and now he should tell them what they wanted . Thev wanted Italy to be a nation . That the Italian people should eniov the advantages of freedom , of toleration , and of education . In ™ Vh i , P . esent moment , such a meeting as that hefore him would be looked upon as rebellion , and be dissolved by the bayonet while the speaker would be punished with imprisonmentTor death * In Tuscany a man could not read an Italian Bibk wiThout exS mmsm
warn is rebtcred to all the Italian people . ( AppSl f UnW freedom
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tgpf-SSfs SBSBBBasi yssfsss
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NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OP UNITED TEADES . u , T . S . Ddscombe , Esq ., M . P ^ President . " HAT JUSIIIIA . " " If it were possible for the working classes , by comhinamong themselves , to raise , or keep up the general rat . 5 wages , it need hardly be said that this would be a thine notL * punished , but to be welcomed and rejoiced at . "—Stuabt Hill At a time when such . unprincipled efforts am making to supersede the Northern Star , ' as essen tially the working man ' s newspaper , by the most ex travagantly ridiculous misrepresentations as to it » being the organ of the Financial Reform partv » ? the enemy of Chartism , ' and the hack tool of v \
nancial aud Capitalist Reform , '— « a Parricide that stabs its parent ! ' and a great deal more in thewo rs style of the worst school of political writing , it becomes a duty of the Executive of a movement essenti ! ally Democratic in its spirit and principles , aud which has benefitted so largely by the facilities afforded it through the columns of the « Northern Star , ' of communicating its progress periodically to its members aud the public , toprotest , in the name of a very large portion of the working classes , against this viru . lent , unfounded , and evidently interested attack upou the only existing newspaper open full y and freely to the working classes of Great Britain .
The official connexion of the National Association of United Trades with the 'Northern Star , ' dates from December , 1846 ; and as it is so much the fashion just now to hunt down Mr . Feargus O'Connor , with all his eccentricities , forgetful of what he has done for the cause of progress duving the last twenty years , aud oblivious of the personal services , pecuniary and otherwise , rendered by that generous patriot , to men who but for him would have never emerged from the loom , the shop-board , or the briefless benches of ( to
them ) a profitless profession ; . and as we conceive this growing fashion is an ugly and unbecoming one , and unworthy of imitation , as a measure of justice to Mr . O'Connor we present a narrative of the terms upoa which the National Association ' s reports and articles have appeared in the weekly columns of the Star , ' to the period when he ceased to be connected with it , and upon which they are continued to the present day . On the 1 st of December , 1846 , a special meeting of the Central Committee of the National Associa .
tion was held at their office , Hyde-street , Bloomsbury , aud among other important questions for consideration was that of obtaining an ' official organ' for the movement . After much deliberation and discussion , a deputation was appointed to await upon Mr . O'Connor as the proprietor of the ' Northern Star , ' to arrange with him the terms upon which a portion of his paper could be secured for the purposes of . the Association . Mr . Duncombe , the President of the Association , anticipated the projected interview of the deputation with Mr . O'Connor , and presented to the Committee his report of that interview , which we now present , and which ( though from memory ) wo know to be substantially , if not literally , correct . Mr .
Duncombe having stated the chief object of his visit , Mr . O'Connor threw open a copy of the Star , ' and said , ' Mr . Duncombe , choose in my paper any two columns you please , and they are at the service of your Association . ' Mr . Duncombe selected the two right hand columns of the fifth page , wherethe reports and articles of the National Association have from that period to the present been generally found , Mr . Duncombe then inquired in what manner Mr ., O'Connor would desire remuneration , whether by a pecuniary equivalent , or by stipulating for . a certain number of copies being taken weekly . The first offer Mr . O'Connor absolutely declined , and the second was not insisted on , but left entirely to . the convenience and option of the Central Committee .
The only condition' mutually insisted on by the contracting parties was , that neither party should ba considered responsible for the opinion , political or otherwise , of the other . And it is upon these terms that the trades of England have possessed and still possess the ' Northern Star , ' as the advocate of their interests , and the vehicle of their necessary communications with each other . And yet the Star' is pronounced as having « pursued a policy that disgusted every thinking and sound-hearted democrat . ' "W ith
how much greater truth could this statement be applied to its author . In the name of . the men whose interests and feelings we represent , we protest against this false and mali gnant calumny , and call upon the members of the National Association and the trades of . England to endorse our protest by their active and continuous support of the only Journal pledged politically , socially , and industrially , to the advocacy of their interests , free from prejudice , partiality , or favouritism .
Independently o . C individual support , to which the excellency and variety , of its matter now strongly commends i t > we would recommend tbat every associated body of workmen should take and file a copy of the ' Northern Star ' as the only accessible record of trades' proceedings , and as the best means of instructing their members in a knowledge of their industrial and political . rights and duties . It is a plan tbat this Committee has found most beneficial , every branch of the Association having been supplied with
a copy of the' Star ? since the commencement of the Wolverhampton struggle early'in 1850 ; and the outlay the Committee thus entailed upon the association has during this period been many times saved in postage and printing . &c , which would otherwise have been indispensable for conveying information to the members of the progress of that important struggle . We particularl y recommend this hint to the Council of the Amalgamated Engineers , whose cause the Editor of the Star has taken up with his accustomed energy and talent .
We only add to this our conviction , formed by a personal knowledge of the public conduct of the Jditor of the « Star' for the last twenty years , that the working classes never had a more consistent and useful advocate of their political and social interests than that gentleman . We think we know the private opinions of the Editor of the « Star' upon most political and social questions as well as we do our own , and we should say , that he is the most unlikely mau we know to turn traitor to those great principles of social and political democracy , of which he has beon for so many years the ardent and eloquent champioD , for any consideration of personal interest .
We have considered it our bounden duty to those we represent to say so much in explanation of our past and present connexion with the 'Star , ' injustice to Mr . O'Connor and its present Proprietors and Editor . w . Peel , Sec . Queen ' s Bench Prison .
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ADDRESS TO THE FLINT GLASS MAKERS OF BIRMINGHAM , STOUBB 1 UDGE , WORDSLEY , AND Fewow WoBKMEtf , —We now address you once more on the policy and wladom of joining society . Our present society has had a trial of nearly three years ; men who were dimhtful of society ever £ o « &El I 8 ei ? ' ? . fterthcPre « ou » faHnres , now acknowledge our dav . hnl ? T - !! ? ^^ « "S * ens our ranks j over ; & ' raUed strong « . ' " * " *** ^ h&ni ™ ^ *" Those who are not in society have no protection , and by their very weakness mvite the oppression under which they are placed , to ba more oppressive still . Had it not betn for our present society , winch nai , in the short period of its existence , paiil to unemployed SSSmi ? . 00 ° ' where ™? ™ te » our trade-sfcteenmoves r " ld . h » ve _ "> c ° P ™ y "Peaking , nothinz ; we should have lv > An nuo .. ' ,: : r . ^ s o > " uullu s ! we snoum n '" » 8 thantnat
w t * JT . > andyet , with a partial union , we fc'W th ° « " ««* Progress of destruction . What should we !? £ ?? ? » /? WWe in , union ~ if all were equally determined to put * i stop to the downward progress of our trade Ours is money ISliiili in each other The fcn 1 *] " * ls wan « n 8 & confidence-confidence ^ lr ^ n > S ^ MriAl ?« miem * ' Eve " " 1 tbat defi ; cUve uni ° i MSS ^ t Sffiasr ^ wwS sa ^ -asf e' ^ position in umon and not in union ; h ., t «•¦» f « i c . nfident that you
dence and h w < T"h 5 <* * best ; all that i , T wanting tacoo ?" 5 JS ? q ^ ? endeav < Hn > to restore by all the means o ft hSwta n , ° i 8 ln ' We be&t 0 a ™™™* that a Great Dinner ^ ^ "n ^ ancasterian School ltoom , Dudley , on Friday , F * ifataHta 1 ft IW 0 ° i ? lock- We 80 len"lly invite every Flint GU » S Vi'e threa districts t 0 atlend . & 8 ° «« t 5 OT out - ^ P n come and hear for themselves . The Central Committee and Cen l Secretary will be there . Lanmhire , London , Scotland , w other districts , will be invited to send their leading men , to endeavour to assist us in the onward progress . Show your thoug ht »* yourselves and families by your attendance . Every thing that W » in our power will be done to make you comfortable , and tno roughly explain to you the principles of the society . - .. .. me Committee have unanimously agreed that a ticket , w «»" special invitation , shall be forwarded to every employer in »» threa dhtriets , [ This address is signed by the District Committees of Birmtag haD ' i Stourbndge , Wordslej , and Dudley . ]
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thb Gosmakbrs , —Orders have been received from w Ordnance by five of the first firms in Birmingham for tw Bupply of 15 , 000 or 18 , 000 new rifle muskets upon W
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4 THE NORTHERN STAR . .. ' , '" , . Februaby 14 , 1852 . !
^^^—¦ ^G— M^^Ww— ^*^^^^^^^ Iu«T Pt&Lmied By Mraiakdson And J»"*\^D Meet-Street, London; 9. Capil-Treet, Jjablin, Auo Derby. Mice *X Bhiixjsgs.-Sest Bt *Ost For Edo-Hot =™^ The Dublin Review, Jl So. S3, February, 1s52.
^^^—¦ ^ g— m ^^ ww— ^*^^^^^^^ Iu « t Pt&lMied by mraiAKDSON AND J » " *\^ d Meet-street , London ; 9 . Capil-treet , jjablin , auo Derby . MICE * X BHIIXJSGS .-SEST BT * OST FOR EDO-HOT = ™^ THE DUBLIN REVIEW , JL So . S 3 , February , 1 S 52 .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 14, 1852, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1665/page/4/
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