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^ Protectionist Minir iry is sgaia in ^ xwrer . r otd DeRB ? , warned by his failure to form an cdininiitration last year , and knowing the feeble and ricketv condition of the Russbll Cabinet , exposed it to & towlutiou at any moment , was prepared for the em ergency . A telegraphio despatch on Friday night \ o Badminton , whither he had gone on a visit that Lv broncht him up to town by the mid-day train on -Saturday ! " A few minutes after his arrival he reeved the Royal command to attend at the Palace n ganday , obeyed , and undertook at once the duty f forming a New Ministry . This tame there was no
d elay or difficulty . On the meeting of both houses on Monday afternoon , the resignation of the Whigg tras formally communicated , and the fact that Lord pERBTwas their successor . In the « H erald , ' whioh is the new Ministerial organ , a list appeared in the morning , ^ ydx showed that for most of the officas the new Premier had the names ready cat and dry . 4 . short recess of four days was requested to complete the arrangements , and in that time the Ministry and the listof the Household Officers were alike finally arranged . The country party , which we were to frequently told was dead and buried , andbeyond all chance of resurrection , is once more installed in
Downing-street . With few exceptions , the new Ministers have not formerly held office . They an a spick and span fresh lot , and so far preferable to a junta of red-tape hacks in office . TVhether they will be equal to the task they have undertaken tun * alone can show . Meantime , though thera are serious misgivings , there is at the same time a disposition to give them fair play . The late Ministry were so thoroughly incapable , and had so completely lost the confidence of all parties , even of their own friends , that it is a positive relief to have got rid of them ; and with that sensation a far inferior and even less tried Cabinet than that ju 3 t constructed by Lord Derby , would have been hailed with at leest the
neg ative satisfaction of having escaped from a terrible tore . A short trial will show whether we have exchanged Sing Log for King Stork , ^ . ^ ... . .. Taking advauUtga of the short cesi&tion of parlia . mentary business , the weejc Has wen made a busy one of public meetings . Some of these had been announced previous to Lord J . Russell ' s sudden trip np by Lord Paimersion subject : —the sham reform , which expired with the official existence of its author . Of course , it was of no use slaying the slain , or subjecting to a detailed criticism a measure which had almost fallen still-born . Still we are happy to
perceive that , at all these meetings , the same estimate we bad formed of its utter inadequacy to satisf y the demands of any section of earnest and genuine Reformers , was strongly and unmistakeably expressed . That is a hopeful eign of the times , which is not the less encouraging because the Tories are again in office . The meeting for the repeal of the Taxes on Knowledge called forth a demonstration of publio opinion on that question ; which proves that it is ri pe for settlement . Vast numbers left the place unable to procure admission , and the speeches were np to the mark .
A huge Anti-Muitia gathering took place on tha same evening in the City , at which there was evinced a very decided hostility to the revival of that species of force , whether it is called 'local' or 'general . ' Palmerston ' s plan , for whioh the Commons toted , wai as little to their liking as Russell ' s , which was lacked out . The fact is , that John Bull , though he has no objection to fight when there is absolute necessity , does not like compulsory soldiering , which may cause him to neglect his business ; and he does not see why he should be called upon to submit to the consequent loss thereupon , when he knows he has been for many years paying at the rate of £ 17 , 000 , 000 sterling for soldiers and sailors , arsenals , and ships of war . If these things really are needed , where are they ? Surely we have paid enough for them . If
they are in existence , let us have the use of them ; if not , let those who have misapplied and squandered the public money be duly punished for theirmisdeeds , before any more good money is gent after the bad . Seventeen millions yearly is a pretty fair sum to pay for assurance , especially when it is taken in conjunction with the £ 28 , 000 , 000 we pay as interest on the cost of old wars , which were said to be for the same purpose . If more is needed , let the people who have the property to protect , pay the premium . It is surely ' too bad' to levy a forcible conscription , and , in fact , to make our young men liable to five years compulsory service for the protection of the property of others , while they are refused a vote for members of Parliament . If Lord Palueksxox and the Tories insist on carrying the measure further , the cry should be ' no vote , no musket . '
Strife and alienation between employer and eaiployed continue to be the order of the day . In addition to the standing quarrel between the Employers and the Operative Engineers , a new struggle has commenced between the Omnibus Proprietors and the Drivers and Conductors . The statements of the latter —made at meetings after midnight—prove how thoroughly anarchical our present system is in all its ramifications , and how " totally opposed it is to the iutellectual and moral development and progress of the class who , under its influence , are condemned to helotimn , while they are mocked with the name of freemen .
A strike among tha Coalwhippers on the ThameB for an advance of 2 d . per ton , appears to have been generally successful . It is a peculiarly laborious and trying occupation , and at the old price of sevenpence , to which the work had been reduced , the average earnings were only 12 s . 3 d . a week . The strike seems to have been conducted with great moderation and discretion , and > ithout giving rise to any disorder . Among the other meetings in the metropolis that " aim peculiar attention , was that with reference to if- i ^ Wolverhampton strike—the particulars of wmch have been so amply reported in this Journal . « was expected that the defendants , whose term of imp risonment expired on Monday , would have been
present at the meeting , bnt they were arrested on coming out of the Queen ' s Bench by sheriff , officer and conveyed to Horsemonger-lane Gaol , where ! under much inferior treatment and much wore stringent regulations , they will have to remain until the wxea costs of the prosecutor are paid . Unless the nuuU be forthwith raised for that purpose , this will oe equivalent to a sentence of perpetual imprisonment ° n men whose only fault was their honest , and roanl y , though temperate , determined defence of their order . ' "We earnestly trust that , numerous as are the calls upon the purees and upon the attention of the working classes at the present , these brave men , Vrho won a substantial legal victory for Trades ' UnionB , will not be Buffered to languish in prison : in
onecass we fear , from our personal knowledge , that further confinement for even a short period would be attended with dangerous , if not fatal , results . The sum for which these martyrs in the cause of Labour are incarcerated is large in itself , but would be afrifle to the trades collectivel y . It is a matter which will not brook delay . Continental aftairs present scarcely any novel feature . The French Dictator continues to issue decrees f * ^ al fateand ives arties at the El and
„ , g p ysee « ie Tuileries , which are marked by the two notable ^ afacteristics—first , the absence of every respectable i ? renchman and Frenchwoman ; second , the presence of Englishmen and Englishwomen , who , we must suppose , would have been quite ready to drink cnampagae and waltz with Jack Sheppaiid , if h » naa onl y possess 6 d the meang of < ( Joing tnetning uanosomel y . ' Meantime , the elections are carefully J « a openl y manipulated by the creatures of the Die-, . » £ 0 that even the slender tok ^ d-ps of fraadom
tion ^' . wLich apP ^ ed in the so-called Constitute vi beentirel y destroyed , and no man who hai o slightest independence , or who dares to have an P"uou j ^ WQj wH 1 be Tetavned tQ tfae Chamber Jiutes , who are in future to be the body slaves of e -Trench despot . There are , however , Bjmptomi ea £ a ^ •**«—* " « & « dull— ' order' has been J « m , . but nothing besides by the bourgeoisie-iiad . emT 7 preadB wido and deep—and certain war-likt u oustrationg in the direction of Switzerland and ficS ?~~ Iatter especially—has elicited a signiaenJ from NlCH 0 LAS of Russia , that my uncle ' s * Jw » T musfc not P lay to 0 manypranks . He may be gutted to keep the place warm for a real Legiti-ChSoT - ° more * He does not belongt 0 tbe real ~ "a basins
. to ^!? , and respectful note of Lord Graxvillb * estt *« my ' S dispatch of the Austrian Minister , ia soS Forei gn Refugees , has elicited a still more n and hostile letter from Prince Schwartzes ? -
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berg , who toreatena every kind of annoyance to Englishmen travelling in Austria , because we will not drive the victims of his despotism from our shores . This will be a capital test of the policy of the new Cabinet , in regard to foreign matters . Perhaps Lord Derby wiU submit to obey the hectoring mandate of Austria , and order out of England all who are obnoxious to the Hol y Alliance of despoti . We Bhall see . *
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[ As the columns under this head are open for tbe free expression of all opinions , the Editor is not responsible for , oi committed to , any . ]
A Nationai Bahk . TO THE BDMOB OP THE HORIHBRN STAR . DBA * Sir , —My last letter contained " Junius ' s " deicnption of his boasted American Banking System and the principle on which it is based . It is my object now to state his opinions on a National Bank . A State Batik is a bank chartered by some particular State . A National Bank means a bank chartered by the Congress and Government of the United States . Of the last we are now about to treat .
On this subject our author says : — " We have shown that this country cannot do without a bank-papercirculating medium , notJoeYaBy sensible man dream Cnat it can . The question then i « . whether we shall use tte paper of private and irresponsible persons , or whether we skaU have a law-regutated paper currency , involving in it zproperretpomibilityto the public ? Manifestly , there can be but one answer to that question . The next question is , whether it is best for the several States alone to furnish a paper currency , or whether we shall have a National paper medium also ? r *
"Ifexperiencebeofany weight , we all know that we have all had infinite trouble when the Stattt alont havedone this . All the cheating , all the bank frauds , and all the losses complained of , as falling on the public through the agency of banks , have come from State institutions . Whereas during the twice twenty years of a A « tionol paper currency , all went well , and no nation ever had a better currency . It is a notable fact , that neither the government , nor people , ever lost the first cent , by a national banh , and that both , and all , have realised from it incalculable benefits . The power of the general government over a national institution , to prevent fraud , is much more effective than that of the several States over their institutions . The skill of legislation in the former case is of a higher order , as combining the concentrated wisdom of the nation , and the vigilance of tbe nation is greater—a thousand eyes for one . It would be next to impossible for a national institution to cheat tbe public .
" Theimiveraal credit of a national paper medium , is indiBpensable to the domestic trade , and the domestic commercial relations of the people of this immense country . A man starts on a journey with current money of the state banks , and at the end of the first stage it becomes uneurrent . The farther he goes , the worse it is ; and the time haa been when a traveller might lose fifty per cent , on the money he set out with before he gets to the end of his journey . It is the same with remittances . We have hit forty-five per cent , on money received as a remittance at the city of Washington , which was at par in the State where it came from . " But between the remotest points of the Union , the discount on a national currency could not exceed one cent , and a half in a hundred ; generally it would be nothing . And in our foreign trade the credit of a national currencv would
be as good at London , Paris , St . Petersburgh , Constantinople , or Canton , as at New York , Philadelphia , or New Orleans . Whereas , our state banlipaper is good for nothing abroad . Such credit of our national paper medium abroad is # f incalculable importance to a great commercial nation like ours . A national paper medium , indeed , 18 almost , if not quite , as necessary as the constitutional specie tender , and discharges nearly the same functions—exactly the same , so long as it is redeemable in specie . Nobody would tolerate an unsound national currency , nor have we ever had one ; nor would a national institution tolerate an unsound state currency . Consequently , in the co-existence of these two kinds , we are sure to have an universally sound currency . "England , doing most of her business in London andZtvtrpool , where her circulating medium isprodigiously active
, can , from that circumstance alone , do with a tesaraount of circulating medium than we can ; whereas England employs a much larger amount . Under such circumstances , as a cotnmeroiai rival , we stand but a poor ohance . Our field of trade is vastly wider , and our uninvoked resources immtaturably greater , but for want of an adequate circulating medium , we can neither cultivate the one nor frail out the other , as our interests claim . As to the constitutional power of Congress to establish a national banh , for the issue of a national paper currency . if one will deny that the design of the constitution in giving power to Congress ' to coin money , ' and the withholding that powerfrom the States , was to secure a uniform currency . Nor will it be denied that the power to issue a paper
medium exit U somewhere : but a paper medium being the chief currency of the country at all times , it is , in fact , more influential tn maintaining or disturbinguniformily , than coins . Besides , a constitutional power , given for a specific end , implies the means indispensable for that end , else it is no power at all , and so says the constitution itself— 'Congress shall have power to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers . ' " Consequently , as a paper medium hat always been and w the chief currency of the country , the end of uniformity would be totally subverted if this power be denied to the general government . If , therefore , it is the right and duty of the general government 'to coin money , it is aho their right and duty to furnish a paper currency atio , so long as a paper circulating medium is necessary for the country .
" It is only within a few years that much has been said on the subject of a government ( in contradistinction to a National ) banh ; and it is not perhaps even now generally well nnderstood . But it is important that it should be well understood , as efforts have recently been made to establish such a constitution—or rather to mend the constitution , of the United States , by enlarging the powers of government . Jfr . Fan Buren ' s ' Sub-treasury Act' was a government banh in embryo , and 3 Ir . Tyler ' s 'Exchequer Act , ' was it » consummation . And it is apparent that the principle of & government banh is not yet dead , and that another attempt will be made to revive it in a new form . The new , pet banking system will be an attempt to make government credit answer the purpose of a common currency—a thing impossible ; if a uniform and stable currency be required ,
government credit can never be anything other than a subject of trade , to be dealt in by bankers and broker * . We ask the single question , Are you accustomed to see United States Treasury Notts pass as a common currency ? Such a thing was never known , and cannot be . You may see these treasury notes passing over the counters of bankers and brokers , in the way of trade , or in the hands of persons who want to * eep money by thtm , but the moment they want to use them ,. they either sell them at apremium , or are obliged to submit to a discount , if they should bo below par . We must have a national ( not a government ) bank , and a national paper currency , a part of it as low as ten and five dollar notes , always of uniform value by being payable in specie . "Banking is a trade ( trading in money ) not a governing power . To introduce it into the government , is adding to the constitution , for government to assume it isusurpation . in the
Banking hands of government , as a part of its functions , would have no master—it would be a sovereign power . Why , sir , it is frightful to think that banking should have had even a chance of gaining such a position in this free country ! But such , precisely , is the thing that has been proposed 3 Nay , nay—we will have no such thing . Banking is a vocation to be governed , and well governed—not a governing power . Separate it , therefore , entirely from the government , and govern it well . Give your national bank any improved form you can devise , and throw around it additional guards ; for of all the agencies of society , banking requires the most rigid authority of law , and the moat h ^ fhAT i ° e ? , Ternment . Through their representatives , the people will make it , and take care of it , and it Z i nf < K V *}* - Ifc wiu » lway 8 1 " 5 in the power of the laws and under the care of mvemmciit . And
it should be aware that a master stands by its side in the government and is ever looking into its concerns . " Such are the ideas of this writer in relation to a national bankfor the UnMstate The objects he proposes toac n ^ r !? , rr ^ rv ti , . ly j ^ »« e of a / r ^ jncrea ^ ^ L JSTiktaM J ^ glDg tbst a large b " proXy * power and profitable trade cannot be maintained unless there be a large amount of money in circulation . He , Eecondly , would luvve tto money to maintain an uniform and tUJull value at all times ; and , thirdly , to paoatreely thus , not only in all the state s of the Union , but also , if bank to have a large capital m real property , and be prepared to meet aU us notes on demand , in gold or silver ,. He proposes that the national bank should be an institution altogether separate and distmctfrom the e ™ nntf ™ ™™ rn .
ment ; but that the government , in accordance with the laws passed by Congress on this subject , and under its directions , should watch over continually , and , if necessary , control Us proceedings The impossibility of either the American or the English banks meeting their notes at all times in specie has been alread y proved ; and since the bank capital , consisting of real property , according to tho American system , far exceeds m value all the notes the bank has in circulation , why should not the general government make these notes a legal tender in every state in the Union ? By this means they wonld be relieved altogether
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from panics , and from bondage to bullion . AsKiesh caDi . tal was lodged in the bank , in pledge for addjtiMal notes their paper circulation would increase , iandfit would decrease in proportion as the notes wereijeturried and the property redeemed . Money , thef # epreien : tative of wealth , would increase in proportion as wealth lodged in the bank inc reased , and the monev would decrease as the wealth there decreased pand thus the circulating medium would always be ' exactly prWtionedto the requirements of trade and the ; wantHf ra .
oieiy . a national bank should , in faot , be a nat&nalnawnshop , at which property of every kind shouldfe taken in pledge for national legal tender bank . noteS . ihese notes wouTd thus be , in reality , pawn tickets - ' and wthey would all be based HpOn property greatly above their value ; they would at the same time be the safest and best&osuible currenoy . These notes should be issued as lof as £ l Bv this means-exceptfor small change-gold and silver would wm n ° TS . ° nece . ssary a » d **<*<**«* £ money . You will naturally ask , what Bhall we do in such case for a standard of value ? I intend to . answer that important question in my next letter . j * * " I am , & 0 . 1 ; . JoiTN PlVfn Liverpool Feb . 22 nd , 1852 . ' 'i *? '
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T w-u HE EDIT 0 R 0 F THE N 0 RTHER ! fc 8 TAR . r » a } y £ u ailow me t 0 ^ ve an otounity to say a few words to the friends and admirersTf Mr . O'Connor SiS ? T / ° the Nati 0 ?^ Ladd Otefrtoy . » P <> n the painful and unfortunate position in whioli- 'he is plaoed No circumstance has occurred in thehis . toty . aif the Demoi cratic movement in this country thaf has'kastrsucha gloom upon the oharaoter , or degreed and MMiated-the position of democracy , in the eyes of its ' efieinleX as th ' eneglect and estrangement manifestod to one who forso many yews has been looked up to as the leader of the movement ; and * £ V v ty frV ^ nficed everything he posseased-SSf * ' £ ? - lect ' . " * wealth-to promote the inteoSftl £ ? h ° K kIDg ? iIlwnl- lt i 8 no us ° . Present , to inquire whether he could not have devoted it in a more prac-SitrifT / ' t ord ' ? tothe circumstance * and Mu . tZM JS . V ^! l ? Wlth ' there can be no dBQying but K «™ ? h ated hem in a ™ y * Wch proved tfcat hi was "S " 1 /^ 1 " ^ he Pursued , and which nused the hatred and animosity of theenemies of progress to compass it
tB ™ fti r a e T , !? P ^ neCe f l- \ u ecapifculate the caU 8 es . * k mssrwa&w ^ ^ "sfsflacjia . ss . aii Sr ^^ on 5 t ,. to be taken t 0 assist Mr . O Connor , to throw around him the shield of protection , itTthTiZ Tf T ln 8 ult 8 which are heape < i uJon him ml ! S w'i " P Per press , hotfi metropolitan SM ?\ i - Wlth ^ hat a tone of triumph have they exbibited to their readers the weaknesses natural to Mr . O Connor ' s lamentable position ; and I regret to sav it that the mass of our countrymen , ifmnrant tr tLLlL *
„ those weaknesses are led to mako ' them thenb ^ otdTribal ? QW * ^ nd W &re TV h 0 in thehour of b ' s Prosperity ™ S f l ° n 0 % associated in the cause he was Hw e by our P atfly . our indifferent , and our ingratitude , the accessories to this villany , inhumanity , and injustice ? Forbid it , Heaven ! To talk of resuspitating the movement in its present degraded state is foll y ; go where you will , the men of thought and feeling , belonging to the movement , seem to ba seized with a moral stupor , a reckless indifference to political questions , because they feel tha t every insult offered to Mr . O Connor is a stab at their own characters Until this blot has been erased from the escutcheon of Char : ism , we shall never get that union , confidence , and Cooperation which is essential to successful political agitation . There appears to be two things requisite at present :-
\ i n ~ J take immediate steps to have the accounts of Mr . O Connor with the Land Company properlj collected and brought in a business form before the Master in linanoery . h ? r ?? tako . 8 tfP 8 ^ have Mr . O'Connor plaood beyond the reach of penury , and under the best medical treatment and protection . Now , Sir , without any disparagement to tie men of btockport , for the position they have taken in getting up a subscription for this purpose , I conceive that their conduct deserves every praise ; but , to bo effective , it appears to me necessary that the subscri ption should be headed from London , and that the partv aotmo aR trflaRHvn *
should be independent of the movement-should occupy , if possible , a high social position ; because of late there has been such antagonism exhibited , Buch hatred and ill feeling engendered , amongst the leaders of the people , that it is impossible to find a man who would command tho confidence of all eections and parties in the movement . If such men aa Mr . Duncombe , Mr . Waklty , or some gentlemeni in their position , whose characters would be above the petty spleen of the men who " would rather reign in Hell than serve in heaven , " could be got to lend their influence and assistance , I feel assured that there is honour and humanity amongst the leading men in the metropolis , sufficient to carry out this humane and bcnflvolent nhi / nt
10 the first proposition I would call the attention of the members of the Land Company , and ask them , if they value honour , if they have any desire to rescue their own oharacters , and the character of Mr . O'Connor , from eternal obloquy , to meet in their various localities , and speak out what course they intend to pursue ; and I conceive that it will not be out of place , as secretary to a very large branch of the Company , to ask where are the Directors -Messre . M'Grath , Clark , Doyle , and Dixon ? We who for so long a time had them engaged as our seryants , have a ri ^ ht to know what oourse they intend to pursue . I but re-echo the words of thousands , when I ask , where are they ? will they assist to an honourable settlement of this business ? or will thoy be parties to tbe injury of their own characters and the character of **? om *? o l havo not tbe lea 8 fc doubfc of the integrity of Mr . 0 Connor ' s conduct , if it is fairly brought forward , and investigated by honourable parties .
To the second proposition , I would appeal to the friends of political and social progress of all parties , and ask them to behold in Mr . O'Connor a wounded soldier of the army of progress , a victim to the ignorance , corruption and tyranny of existing systems . To the immediate party with which he was oonnected I am sure the appeal will not bo m vain . Whatever may have been the antagonism into which they may have been drawn against him , in the hour of adversity let him not have to exolaim , — " No friend , no refuge near , All , all is false , and treacherous around . " No , I know that there are numbers who only want to see the proper machinery organised , to lend their generous Bupport ; and there aro thousands aotuated by no other motive than sympathy with suffering , humanity , who , when they Bee the question in its proper light , will give their aid and assistance . °
Brother Democrats , —to you , who in days gone by , have cheered him in the great cause he so ably advocated , to you , as a duty , due to the principles you profess , is imposed the task of taking the initiative in this good work ; on its due performance will depend the future character you will bear . I had hoped to see this painful subject ta ^ en up by abler hands . I h ave been silent , till silence becomes a crime , for there is involved in this our characters as intelligent men , our integrity as a combination ot working men , and the future progress of politioal and sooial improvement .
Hoping that the importance of the subject will be a suffi ciant excuse for asking the favour of insertion , I remain , yours truly , 1 O .. _ James Brown . 18 , Upper Lawson-street , Walker-street , Preston , February 16 th , 1852 .
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THE NEW MINISTRY . The CABiSET .-First Lord of the Treasury-The Earl of Derby . Lord Chancellor—Sir E . Sugden . President of the Council—The Earl of Lonsdale . Lord Privy Seal—Marquis of Salisbury . Chancellor of the Exchequer—Mr . Disraeli . Secretaries of State—Home , Mr . Walpole ; Foreign , The Earl of Malmesbury ; Coloniel , Sir J . Pakington . FirBt Lord of the Admiralty—Duke of Northumberland . President of the Board of Control—Mr . Herries . President of the Board of Trade—Mr Henley . Postmaster-General—The Earl of Hardwicke . Chief Commissioner of Woods and Forests—Lord John Manners . Commander-in-Chief—Duke of Wellington . Master General of the Ordnance—Viscount Hardinge . Judge Advocate—Mr . Bankes . Secretary at War—Mr . Beresferd . Secretary to the Admiralty—Mr . A . Stafford . Secretaries to the Treasury—Mr .
G . A , Hamilton , Mr . Forbes Maokenzie . Secretaries to the Board of Control—The Earl of Desarfc , Mr . H . Baillio . Under- Secretaries of State—Home , Sir Vf . Jolliffe j Foreign . ! Lord Stanley . Lords of the Treasury—Marquia of Chan * dos , Mr . Bateson . -Lords of the Admiralty—Rear-Admiral H . Parker , Rear-Admiral Phipps Hornby , Commodore Sir T . Herbert , Captain Milne . Attorney-General—Sir F . Thesiger . Solicitor-General—Sir F . Kelly . Chief Commissioner of the Poor Law Board—Sir John Trollope . Household . —Lord Chamberlain—The Marquis of Exeter . Lord Steward—Tho Duke of Montrose . Master of tho Horse—Earl of Jersey . Yice-Chamberlairi—Marquis of Worcester . Treasnrer—Colonel FoveBter . Comptroller-Lord Ossulston . Captain of the Yeoman of the Guard-Lord De Ros . Captain of the Gentleman » at-Arms— The Earl of Sandwich , Lords in Waiting—Morton , Byron , Crofton , Hawarden , Verulum , Gallwey , Shennon Polwarth . Ireland . —Lord-Lieutenant—The Earl of E glinton . Attorney-General—Mr . Napier . Solicitor-General—Mr . Wiuteside .
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THE NEW REFORM BILL . - O / i Wednesday night a publio meeting of the inhabitants of Limieth was held at the Horns Tavern , Kennington for the purpose of taking into consideration Lord John ' Russell ' s Reform Bill . Mr . VST . A . Wilkinson took the chair , supported by Mr . W . Williams , M . P ., theRiuht Hon . C . T . D'Eyncourt , M . P ., Mr . Alcock , M P the Right Hon . J . Locke King , M . P ., Mr . Trelamiy , M . P ., and other gentlemen of influence in the parish , The Chairman opened the proceedings by denouncing anV Reform Bill which omitted the Yote by Ballot , without which there could be no real protection to the voters . But tho Whigs were gone , though he hoped that in future the Whigs would be more useful in opposition . They had however to consider a more grave question . Tho men who
had been selected as her Majesty ' s Ministers were pledged to restore what was called Proteotion—or in other words to restore the dear loaf , and to take away the cheap one Tho " Times , " speaking of this new government , said that they ought to be pressed with no hasty or inoonvenient questions , but allowed a fair trial . Well , he . had no objection to their having a fair . trial —( hear)—but let the people without asking them any questions , speak out and stvy to that . government what was expected of them —( cheers )—and give them to understand what oourse of policy would be required of : them . ( Hear , hear . ) He was glad tbat they had the opportunity at that meeting of speaking out their minds , and he trusted that the . expression of their opinion would have ita'due effect . ( Cheers . ) Mr . T . Harvbt moved the . first
resolution—That the tfudden and abrupt termination of lord J . Euisell ' s Ml-!« istry ihrnm no , aegrce deter the inhabitants of Lambeth from pr ^ snjgf 8 Twar 4 their . w , ell . matured demands' for a thorough reform of the House of ( Commons j this laeetingbeJne fully convinced tlftt H . tner&eyK ^ jf a time when interest as well as duty called for unawmtty -fo prevail amongst all dames of Reformers , itUthe present , and this meeting therefore calls upon e ' viry '" liberal cona Jitusnoy throughout the country at once to pledge tYieirtepvesenta . fives to . demand of the government such a change in our repre . 8 entatire system aa shall embrace the important principle ! of Residential Suffrage , Vote by Ballot , Triennial Parliaments , Equal Electoral Districts , and the Abolition of Property Qualification for Members . . This resolution was seconded by Mr . J . P . Murrotjoh .
The Right Hon . C . T . D'Bykcourt , M . P ., in supporting tho resolution , referred to his I ' arlinmentary conduct &i a proof that there was no necessity for his pledging himself to support the motion . He thought Lord J . Ruesell deserved the gratitude of the people . ( Considerable disapprobation . ) He fully agreed in all that had been said tbat evening as to the instant necessity of a sweeping Reform , and not Buch an ono as the Reform Bill . That measure referred to thirty boroughs , to whioh additions were made , and he defied any man to point out one of them whioh had not become nomination boroughs . ( Hear , hear . ) This would have been the case under the nroposed system , and with every extension of the franchise " to which the liberty of voting by ballot was not superadded . ( Cheers . ) He believed that this would produce pure constituencies , and
remove for ever those causes of complaint which had so often called them together in that room . ( Cheers . ) Mr . W . Williams , M . P ., who was received with loud cheers , addressed the meeting in approval of the resolution , and declared his determination to pursue tbe course be had invariably followed for thirty years in aiding all liberal measures . They had now a Tory government in office , and he could now declare that he never knew one of them to vote for a liberal measure . If these mon went to the country and succeeded , good bye to all reform for years to come ; and not only that , the electors would have enough to do to keep what they had got . That government would rule them with a rod of iron—they would seek to impose a tax on bread—' cries of " Let them try" ) —they would try it , and not only that , they would succeed if tho constituencies of this country were not true to their
interests . ( "We are ready for them . " ) If there were 200 resolute men in the House of Commons , they could not do it , for those men would never suffer them to hate ono farthing of the public money , or the Mutiny Bill , which they woud require still more if such a measure were proposed . Let , then , the eleotora endeavour to return men who would uphold their interests , and if they did so , they would ultimately have a Reform Bill auoh as they sought , and such as the interests of the nation required . ( Cheevs . ) Mr . John Thytaites made a long speech of a very caustio character as to the duties of representatives , &o ., and concluded by urging the Vote by Ballot as indispensably neoeBBary . Mr . Bbison moved an amendment demanding Annual Parliaments , Universal Suffrage , the Payment of Members , &o .
Mr . Mbnce seconded the amendment , which was negatived , and the original resolution was carried unanimously . Mr . Webber moved the next resolution : — That this meeting viewing with deep regret the Eudden advent to powsr of a . party who have hitherto been the avowed enemies of progress , and the . advocates of the unrighteous tax upon food , calls upon the friends of humanity in a determined manner to reliat , by every constitutioual means , any attempts to re-impose a bread-tax . Mr . Townsend seconded the resolution , which was spoken toby The Hon Locke Kisg , M . P ., and Mr . Alcock , M . P . After a vote of thanks to the chairman , the meeting separated at a late hour ,
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( Loud cheers . ) He considered that if ho had not stake enough in the country to hare a vote he certainly ought not ¦ to be oalloil upon to fight . ( Loud cheers . ) If , therefore , he was ballotted , he should write on a card , and send it to the government , the motto " No vote no musket . ( Cheers and laughter . ) He appealed to such working men as had been employed in the same shop with foreigners whether a . Frenchman as such was the enemy of the Englishman ? . ¦ ( Cheers . ) He did not believe that ho was , and , therefore , if . Lord John Russell or some other gentleman hero had quarrelled with some gentleman in France , let them meet » t Dover , put on tho gloves , and settle their dispute in tuafcmanner . ( Loud laughter . ) « ir . johs Scoble , in seconding tbe resolution , said there nr " ml ! , * time of P eace whea we had s 0 Iar S uoon «« * We P aid 23 ° . ° 00 moi i 15 ° i 000 of wh ™ WGre armed ™ rt T " - ( J " e 3 at * present time , equipped , Then wa h ^ SClpUned ' m he supposed , to meet an invader , officers ami nn a ? ?* ia which we had 39 , 000 men and pmcers , and oonsistin ? of isn am ™ u \<\ nf which nntrhf .
Liberty was staJdfn ^ 11 h . is ^ 7 aright , the great enemy of under foot ? It was R sK le of Eu ? ope 75 J 8 - ^ did . not think So was anl / ' nie 3 ; ( CllC ? ' ? ' cause every mUitovy po ^ er ? " ? fear ? evasion be . keeD its DODulation oJff a 3 " lucl 1 as lfc coul ( 1 do t 0 S ^ ST ^ z ^^ str ^ that tl } % first general rising on the pmVtteUri ?? « . 6 . rights , as in 1848 . ( Hear , heaM K t ? . « er " « r duty of all in this country o protest aS ^ 1 * . th ? ness 7 and unfairness of ih lES ^ BTTiuS Zn Moreover , its object was to place the appointnS of tho officers directly or indirectly in the hands oftho -Jvemment , and was therefore opposed to the publi , liberties of tha oountry . ( Loud cheers , ) Mr . Searle , of the' Dispatch , had no wish to divide the meeting on the subject , but thought that there was no such absolute absurdity in the present dread of invasion . Dr . Burnett , in a humorous speech in which he recom .
mended the restriction of the ballot to persons liable to the , Income Tax on £ 500 , proposed the following resolution : — That this meeting , bearing in mind the manifold and enormous evils which have befallen this country from tho habit of interfering pytorceofarms in continental affairs , of which our national debt >« a melancholy monument , protests in the strongest manner against any such intervention for the future , as likely to involve us in conflicts , the termination find disastrous results of which no uuman eye win foresee , while all onr past experience proves that no permanent advantage can accrue from such forcible interference to tue great interests of humanity and freedom . . This waB seconded by Mr . George Thompson , M . P ., who , in a tow words , exhorted the country to mako the most of tne s&ort time which would elapse before tho government of nV iT y ffould be ready to meek t ' House of Commons , it was then carried unanimously unanTinouIl ^~ th 6 " resoll ' tion ' ffhioh - was carriad
hi ^ k J !\ meet S ( les »; es to record its conviction that the great « n ^ trv nn V l , htened . French natiw <* er ! shei towards this « v tn Zl % W tha " pacific ana friona'y fcelin B . ^ d would connMPflh , ™ a 8 , T ancetllat their feelings are cordially recipro-Sffi ^ ° ve " vhe > a' > ne mHJ ority of iheEnglish people , who desire tttl < n ° S w U ! l 1 confiden « and good will ; which have been growing so rapidly between them within the List few years , may iwT nvr T " , cem 6 n t ^ . * « U the comhined influence oivl ligion , civilisation and commerce . Mr . Chamerovzow moved , and Mr . Joseph Barrett seconded ,. the adoption of a petition embodying tho above ref . solutions ; and also that the petition be forwarded to Lord John Eussell for presentation ; and that the members for the City bo requested to support its prayer . ito ^ gtataT ^* ™ both C 1 >™ . a * d
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TO THE TRIENDS OF MR . O'CONNOR . Gentlemen , —Having received communications from several parties iu the country respecting the position of my unfortunate uncle , Mr . F . O'Connor , with the National Land Company , I avail myself of the columns of the " Northern Star" to make a reply .
In the firat place , I beg to saj that the present , state ol Mr . O'Connor ' s health is such that he is unable to attend to business of any kind ; so that , unless the assistance of those for whom he has laboured so long and so faithfully be at once afforded him he will be utterly ruined . It is well known , thai he has at various times advanced large sums of money in order to carry on the Land Plan ; and that such sums are still owing to him by the Company ; and unless this claim is liquidated Mr . O'Connor
is ruined , tor it is all that he has to depend upon to save him from positive want . The question then , is , what is to be done ? Mr . O'Connor ' s state of mind disables him from making out his own accounts , or , ia fact , rendering any assistance iu making tbera out . It therefore becomes necessary that his friends should endeavour to provide means—in the first place to rescue his character from the foul imputations that have been heaped upon him of having robbed the Company ; and , in the second place , to enable him to get back his own advance ; .
For these purposes it is requisite that Mr . O'Connor should he provided with counsel to conduct , his case in the Master ' s Court , and likewise with an accountant , to take charge of bis papers , in the shape of vouchers , &c , for the amounts which he has paid on behalf of the Company , from its com . mencement up to the passing of the Bill ; as neither the audit of Mr . Grey , taken at the timeof the parliamentary inquiry , nor the audits made at the various Conferences of the Company , will be received by the Master . Therefore , even if Mr . O'Connor bad been in good health , it would have been necessary for him to have had tho assistance of some experienced accountant ; but how much more so under bis present unfortunate circumstances . To provide him with this assistance requires money . Mr . O'Connor has none , nor have I the means of assisting him . It . therefore , resls with bis friends either to save
him , or to let him be sacrificed . A small subscription from each would meet the emergency ; but to be useful it must be immediate ; there is uo time to tie lost . AU communications should be sent to me , addressed , " Mr . Roger O'Conuor , 16 , Great Windmili-street , Haymarker , London . " Post-office-orders to be made payable to me at the General Post-office , St . Marliu ' s-k-Grand . Small sums had belter be sent in postage stamps . All monies received by me will be duly acknowledged in the " Star" each week . Gentlemen , in conclusion , I lieg to say , that this appears to me to he the only way in which roy unfortunate relative caa be saved . It it , however , for you to adopt such means to serve your old and tried friend as to you seems best ; and anything which I can do to assist both you and him , shall be done most willingly . I am , Gentlemen , your obedient servant , 16 , Great Windmill-street , Koger O'Connor .
London , Feb . 2 G . [ In giving insertion to this painful communication , we must vemind our readers that we have already earnestly advocated a similar course , but without effect . If the appeal of Mr . R . O'Connor is responded to , it appears to us that the most satisfactory way to proceed would bo to form a committee of gentlemen friendly to tho object , wi h a . duly authorised Secretary and Treasurer . If the subscription is to hi sufficient for- the object iu . view , it will leaure an organised machinery of advertisements , collecting hooks , and caiiWBsers , anil those cannot be provided by an individual . We Bhall bo happy to give any aid in our power to Buoh a Committee . —Ed . JU . l ' l ^ s *** - * . / fiVON ' i / $ &N § # . I . VTiV -7- —— . ; : * //'„
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THE PROPOSED ENROLMENT OP THE MILITIA . On Wednesday night a crowded meeting was held at the London Tavern to petition against the proposed enrolment of the militia . Mr . H . Alexander ( having been unanimously requested to preside ) observed that the meeting had been called together , in order to express the viewa they might entertain with regard to the panic , which to a certain extent had prevailed amongst the people of this country , but which , he felt , had been in a great degree unfounded , and which , he believed , would lead to consequences that might prove highly disastrous to us as a nation , because it would have the effect of increasing still furthor tho publio burdens , which were already so heavy in connexion with our military establishments . —He hoped ; that the present meeting
would be only the first of a series to be held to protest against the scheme . If it was necessary to employ a largo number of men in a military capacity he would very much prefer having such as would volunteer and paying them for their services , to pressing men against their will . ( Cheors . ) Mr . Hbhrt Richards having offered an apology for the absence of Mr . Bright , moved a resolution , which alluded to the statements in the Queen ' s speech , and in those of Lord Palmorston ' s , and other distinguished political authorities , as to the continuance of our friendly relations with foreign powers , expressed the surprise and regret of the meeting tbat a proposal should hare been made to increase the armaments of the country , and to enrol the militia ; adding that such a proposition was calculated to encourage vague and groundless apprehensions at home , and to create irritation and distrust among neighbouring nations .
( Cheers . ) Mr . Richards proceeded in a vein of pleasantry to detail the invasion panic of late years , and ridiculed the idea of a French invasion . Most of the letters ia the " Times" on this subject were written by officers and dated from tho United Service Club . It was a pity that Mr , Carlylo ' s suggestion was not carried into effect , namely , that the army should be employed in time of peace Upon some useful wovk . ( Hear , hear . ) If these army and navy Officers , who had nothing to do but to lounge about the club-homes until they were overcome with ennui , and until they became quite hypochondriacal and began to scream like hysterical girl . g " The French are coming !"—if these gentlemen had onl y some useful service to perform—such , for instance , as draining the bogs in Ireland —( loud laughter)—there would be an end to these perpetually returning panics . ( Loud laughter and cheers . ) He should like to isuow where our
navy was— 'Our channel fleet we cannot tee , Because it ' s not in sight . ' ( Laughter . ) Our ships were in the Mediterranean preserving the rook of Gibraltar and Malta ; they were on the coast of Africa , battering down negro dynasties ; they were chasing pirates , and yet after all we had to give £ 10 per head to amateur pirate hunters to do the work of exterminating them . ( Cheers . ) Mr . Richards , then sketched tho provisions of the proposed Militia Bill , and asked if it was not a monstrous injustice ? It taxed the young men who would be drawn to the amount of the wages they earned , and it would be juRt as fair to say that only those between the ages of twenty and twenty-three should pay the income t uieerB
ax . \ . j - men of property it would not be of much inconvenience to serve , because they could make arrangements for the carrying on of their business in the meantime , but to the mechanic or clerk it would be ruin . ( Hear , hear . ) The men who rode up to town in first-elass camases would be ready enough to support the Militia . I * » u enie V ? S ey oame U P frora t ^ ir country jeats , would say that thoy must have a militia to defend their property ; but while they took the workng man from his employment , and made nim submit to the degradatmg diBciplino of the army , they would not give him the suffrage . ( Loud cheers . ) He trusted , however , that the country would send so loud a remonstrance to the minister as would compoi him to abandon the bill . ( Loud oueerB . ) . *
Mr . . Saitohi Moblkt seconded the resolution , which was earned unanimously . ' .- ^ J ^ i T . OffKS"'D « a working man , then moved the second resolution , winch was to the following effect : — That this meeting regards with especial repugnance the proposal for enrolling of the militia , . . * a measure pre ^ lnt with Sand social evils to the community , fosterinir warlike teelin »<; utterlv oo . Honul ^ Spirit ° - « ianity , inflicHng ' great ftfift bSifl ¦ e 8 P " " J' g » <»* ing clams , exerting n most deleterious nfluence on the public morals , by deranring the habits , aud S&X *? Tf I *? , > 'oun - whil « " $ 8 tend to enoou . n »^ nn S / Vr a 8 teful a " mormons expenditure of the S , » h « n « . t * F « d mi"lon 8 of Pounds sterling since the peace , on the pretext of putting the country in a 8 tate of defence .
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PARLIAMENTARY REFORM . The first of a series of i Monday ovening public meetings on this subject , convened by the Committee of the National Reform League , was held at tl \ p iieleotio Institute , Denmark-street , Soho , on the 23 rd instant . About 200 persons were present , including a good-tempered looking observant policeman . Mr . Rogers was called to the chair , and read notes from Mr , Harney and Mr . E . Jones , who regrett-d that previous engagements prevented their attendance . The meeting was addressed by Messrs . Murray , Bryson , Bezer , O'Brien , and others , and the undermentioned resolutions were oarried without opposition . —1 . " That this meeting considers the New Parliamentary Reform Bill , put forward by Lord John Russell , ;« affording no essential improvement upon the existing law , because it still makes property , and not humanity , the basis of the Franchise—because it wouldnot enlarge constituencies sufficiently to nullity the present praotice of bribery and corruption in the return of members to tho House of Commons—and because ifc makes no provision for the Ballot , or for shortening the duration of parliaments . "—2 . " That this meeting is of opinion that tho advent ol ' a new ministry is a favourable opportunity for the unfranchised classes to reiterate their claims to a bona fide share in the legislature , through representatives freely chosen by themselves , and who would go into parliament pledged to make the political andjsocial requirements of the unfranehised and working classes known and understood ; and that , therefore , this meeting earnestly recommends those olasaes , if they are not content to have their political existence ignored by the upper and middle orders , to enter at once upon a strenuous and legal agitation for their rights , through tho means of public meetings and petitions to the legislature . "
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BRISTOL . On Tuesday evening a meeting , at which there were upwards of 2 , 000 persons present , was held at tho Broadmead Kooms , to consider the proposition introduced by the late nuniBtry , embodying a local militia . Robert Ciiarltox Esq ., presided , and on tho platform were several of the leading members of the Society of the Frionds in Bristol . Mr . G . Thomas moved , and Mr . II . O . Wins seconded : — That this meeting obsems with regret the proposals laid before parliament for calling out the militia , at a time when the late mmuters assured the uountry that we avo , as a nation , on terms of perfect amity with all foreign powers . This was oarried with thrao dissentients . Mr . H . Corshau moved , and Dr . Asrt seconded : — That in the opinion of this meeting such a measure is both unne . cassary and mischievous , dangerously invading tho liberties of British subjects , interrupting the regular pursuits of industry and ooramerco , bearing with peculiar hardship on the working classes of the community , and diffusing an iufluencc most detrimental to public morals . The proceedings were enlivened by tho speeches of two gentlemen named Tamlts a nd Clarke , who contended that a stern necessity existed for a militia bill ; the latter gentleman remarked that in case it was carried into effect , the suffrage should be extended to tho whole body of men capable of bearing arms . The proceedings terminated with a volo of thanks to the chairman .
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AND NATIONAL TRAJRS * JOITRM AT * .
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w . n . p . M . Moil , Mm miMM it , y ~ ... ^ rs ^^ Z
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 28, 1852, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1667/page/1/
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