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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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The event of the week u the resuscitation of the League . Manchester believes , or pretends to believe , nntaxed corn is in danger of being taxed , and flies not Jo arms bat to the subscription list . Prudent even in iti enthusiastic paroxy ism , it itipalatedfor a call of ten per cent , on the nominal subscription , and with this proviso made a capital show of £ 27 , 000 in the coarse of less than half an hour . Of courie this was done on the preventive principle . By giving due warning to Lord Deebt of the trouble they can giv « him , it is hoped he will be frightened either from omce , or into submission to the existing policy -with
reipect to exports and imports . Not that we acouse Manchester of meaning to flinch from an actual hand to hand contest , should the squirearchy provoke it . There are too many professional and practised agitators lingering for another opportunity to distinguish themselves again , who rejoice at the accession of the Toriei to power as a godsend , and who are ready at the shortert notice to get up any amount of statil * tici , stereotyped arguments , and declamation to pattern , for—' a consideration , ' to permit us for one moment to dream of that On the other hand , the new Ministry and its organs are acting on the advice riven by Bubki , under different
circumstances—* For Gndfi sake , Sirs I then ipeakher fair , ' And straikhit canny wi' the hair . ' They beseech the country not to pat itself about in the slightest degree . Their taking possession of the Treasury benches is not of the dighteat consequence , any more than if they were a lot of Toodles . They don't mean to act upon their opinions , bless you Not at all . They have a right to these opinions , mind yon ; bat then , seeing there is a majority against them in Parliament , why should they be so unseasonable , not to Bay unreasonable , as to introduce such malapropos questions ? No , they will wait until * the country' can be appealed to . * The country , ' beauti
ful abstraction ! excellent euphuism for the little dirty rotten and venal constituencies , which landlords and rich men can bully , bribe , or coerce into submission to their dictates . That is * the country to which in due time ' an appeal' is to be made ; but even for it , time is required . The Protectionists demand * grace , ' in order that they may set the corrupting agencies and influences at work , which secure the sweet voices of such constituencies ; the Free Traders fear that if time is given they will be beaten at a General Election . The one party procrastinates , the other eargerly preEses for a decision on the mooted question .
Meanwhile , so far our antici pat ions , as to the effect of the change of the Ministry upon the position of parties , have been rally borne out . T \ e shall undoubtedly get back to something like a normal state of things . Matters will not be at' sixe 3 and sevens , ' as they have been for a long time past . As we expected , even Lord John has once more been galvanised into political activity . Cheaham-place has this week been the scene of meetings , foreboding active hostilities on the recommencement of the suspended nttings . The Whig Chief proposes to take Mr . Vhuebs' test motion out of bis hands , and himself lead the assault upon the New Ministry . Does he expect thereby to carry back the old cripples to their old seats ?
The other notable event of the week—but at a rery considerable distance from the Manchester gathering—has been the Parliamentary Reform Conference in London . Sir Joshua Walmsley and his friends have reall y been very unfortunate . They occupy in the political world the position which the Church of Laodicea is said to have done among the ancient Churches . They are neither hot nor cold , but lukewarm . They go too far for the respectable , orthodox , safe , moderate middle class Reformers . They do not go far enough for the masses , or at least keep so much within the limits that come ap to their notions of a real Reform , that they excite no
hearty , spontaneous , and genuine enthusiasm . The utmost they extort is a modified approval from the educated intellect of the more reflective and intelligent of the working classes . But the movement is passionless : it wants vitality it wants force—it wants that momentus which clears the path of obstruction , and hurries on to the goal by its own impetus . Before it can attain this , it must abandon expediencies , and take up the broad ground of principle . We have advised this often . The events of the past week demonstrate how correctly . If there is really so little difference between rating or residential suffrage , and the suffrage prob
posed y the People ' s Charter , as Sir Joshua Waihsley was at pains to show there ig , what use ifl there in stopping short of the later ? It evidently does not gain him the cordial assistance of the Manchester men , who have long purses ready to open at the Sesame' of another League agitation ; it keeps aloof the industrious classes , to whom Universal Suflrage Is a Bacred tradition , and inexpugnable portion of their political creed . Between two stools , the Parliamentary Reform Association falls to the ground . With the best intentions in the world , its promoters stand in the way of their enly chance of success , and ignore the sole means which are open to them of making a healthy , vigorous , national
movement . The addresses issued by the newly appointed Ministry to the constituencies from whom they solicit reelection , are as studiously moderate in their language and vague in their statements , as the utmost care can make them . Whether the hustings will elicit anything moreplain-spoken and decided , remains to be seen . At the moment we write , the subordinates have taken their cue from the new Premier , and put as little meaning into their words as possible . The possibility of a general election at an early date , has put old Members and new candidates on their metal . There is a visible movement in the straw , and , from all appearances , there will be rather a clean
sweep among the existing members , come wheu it may . Among the new candidates announced we see tho name of Mr . W . Comxgham , of Brighton , whose thoroughly Democratic views on political topics , conjoined with the warm interest he has taken in practical Co-operative efforts , should recommend him fa-SSS t 0 the popalar constituency of the Tower Intelli gence from the Continent represents war m being imminent . Switzerland is threatened on the one side b y France , on the other by Austria . Its crime is the possession of a Constitutional Government in some of the Cantons , the possession of at least a comparatively free Press , and the power of giving shelter to proscribed political refagees . This is an eye-sore not to be tolerated by Louis Bosapauxe , ¦ who , for years , was indebted to Switzerland for
hospitality and an asylum . He is going to show his gratitude by extinguishing the liberties to which he owed bo much ; and in this nefarions conspiracy is fitly mated by Schwamzesberg , to whom lib erty of any kind is hateful . Belgium is for the present respited , as it appears that the Russian autocrat has taken Leopold under his protection , and sent a celebrated General of Military Engineers , to look look after the strengthening of his fortifications . The army is also being increased , and put in a condition ready for immediate service . In addition to these rumours of
war at home , we are threatened with another Burmese war in India . The last was both expensive and protracted , and though it ended in our favour , it did not subdue a race which is more hardy and courageous than most of the native tribes in our Eastern possessions . The Engineers' Strike continues to present much the same aspect Both parties still hold out . On i , JS 7 * £ fct a numerous aggregate meeting of the
Metropolitan Trades , under the Presidency of -Mr . \ ansittari Neale , resolved to make common cause with the Amal gamated Society , and took the initial steps for organising a confederation of Labour , especiall y devoted to reproductive self-employment , lhe seed has evidentl y take n root in the minds of the iradeg . We trust to see it grow up , flourish , and income agreat tree . It is b y such constructive means aione that Labour can emancipate itself from thraldom . e
The Colonial Secretary and the Chief Commissioner of « oods are th * first two of the Sew Ministry re-elected . « - Uhcaeatera . show of opposition was made merely tor tbe his ™ 6 Peech ~ at Droitwich Sir J . Pakisoios treated s numwous constituents with an essav and a lunch . The l £ rS \ S ^ * the b 8 « erof thetwo . Both opposed bntS ^; Rfcform and Progress in the popular sense , aeas ?« M V Bnas declared in favour of an important ¦ n ^ wSm y > U ° ArbItratioa between masters
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Westminster on a Monday evening , in Finsbury on a Tuesday , iu the Tower HamletB on a Wednesday , in MarylebBhe on a Thursday , iu Southwark on a Friday , and in Lambeth on a Saturday evening , These meetings would each form a nucleus of strength of the Association ; and materially , serve to help the governing body in the direction of the general movement . The expenses of such gatherings I would wish to defray from the general fund ; but I hava little
doubt , as in each of these localities a local branch would be formed , the members and attendants at the meetings would readily meet this cost , if indeed it be any , considering that the Society business could be transacted the same evening , or , at any rate , in the same place . This is the way to spread political and social knowledge ; and to make men feel the necessity for connecting themselves with such an Association as that alluded to . ,
I have now exhausted my space , but certainly not my subject . I feel deeply the injury the popular oauseis receiving through the inertness and party contention ! 'of its leaders ; and myconviction is' imr movable ; , " that so long as men are ? - followed and-6 of principles ; so long as intolerance to other men ' s opinions forms the characteristic feature of the objections of those who presume to rule ; ho long as men will not support the organs already exclusively devoted to their interests , but cry alditd . ^ br others , which only means a change , to be followed by a like cry Bome months hence ; ho long as these things have to be spoken of as facts which tend to render unity of
action a thing perfectly impossible , six millions of adult men will remain unenfranchised , and the cause of the worker unnoticed and uncared for . Could but men see the advantages they now possess , these remarks would not be unproductive of good ; but , however small may be the consideration awarded to them , I beseech my readers to be mindful of their purpose ; to support those papers which are dedicated to their oause ; and to decide at once , whether the time is not come for the origination of a Una fide movement , which shall represent the opinions of the many , and be proof against party malevolence , party purposes , and Belf-serving men . CENSOR .
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[ As the columns under this head are open for the free expression of all opinions , the Editor is not responsible for , or committed to , any . ] . THE TRUE STANDARD ^ AND MEASURE OP VALUE .
TO MB EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Dkar Sir , —Having treated of Money , or Currenoy , of the American Banking System , and of the prinoiplss en whioh " Juntas" proposes the establishment of a National Bank , and a national Paper Currency in the United States , we now come to the consideration of tbe important quei « tion of an Universal Standard of Value . Dr . Adam Smith , the prince of political economists , in discussing this subject , says aa follows : — Book 1 st , Chap . V . •« The value of any commodity , to the person who possesses it , and who means bot to use it oruousume it himself , but to exchange it for other commodities , is equal to the quantity of labour which it enables him to purchase or command . Labour , therefore , is the
real measure of the exchangeable value of all commodities . The real prioe of everything—what everything really oests to the man who wants to acquire it—is the toil and trouble of acquiring it . What everything is really worth to the man who has acquired it , and who wants to dispose of it , or exchange it for something else , is the toil and trouble which it can save to himself , or enable him to irapoao upon others . What is bought with money , or with goods , is purchased by labour , as much as what we acquire by the toil of our own body . That money , or those goods , indeed save us this toil . They contain or represent the value of a certain quantity of labour , which we exchange for what is supposed at the time to contain the value of an equal quantity . Labour was the first price—the original purohas « money—that was paid for all things . It was not by gold
or by silver , but by labour , that all the wealth' of the world was originally purchased ; and its value , to those who possess it , and who want to exchange it for some new productions , is precisely equal to tho quantity of labour which it can enable them to purchase or command . Gold and silver , like erery other commodity , vary in their value —are sometimes cheaper , and sometimes dearer . Tho quantity of labour any particular quantity of them can purchase , depends always upon the fertility or barrenness of the mines known at tho time . The discovery of the abundant inincs of America reduced in the sixteenth century the value of gold and silver in Europe about ft third of what it was before . Gold , silver , and other commodities , therefore , inasmuch as they are continually varying in their own value , can never bo an accurate measure of
the value of other things . But equal quantities of labour , at all times and places , may be said 'to be of equal value to the labourer . In his ordinary state of health , strength , and spirits—in the ordinary degree of his skill and dexterity—he must always lay down the same portion of his ease , his liberty , and his happiness . The price which he pays must always be the same , whatever be the quantity of goods he receives in return for it . Of these , indeed , it may sometimes purchase a greater , and sometimes a smaller quantity ; but it is their value that Tariee , not that of the labour that purchases them . We cannot ostimate , it is allowed , the real value of different commodities from century to contury , by the quantities of silver that are given for them . We cannot estimate it from jear to year by the
quantities of corn . From century to century , corn is a better measure than silver , becauso , from century to century , equal quantities of corn wili command the same quantity of labour more nearly than equal quantities of silver . From year to year , on the contrary , silver is a better measure than corn , becauso equal quantities of it will more nearly command the same quantity of labour . By the quantities of labour , we can , with tho greatest accuracy , estimate tho value of different commodities , both from century to century , and from year to year . Labour , therefore , it appears evidently , is tho only universal , ai well as the only accurate measure of value , or the only standard by which we can compare tho value of different commodities at all times and at all places .
" Labour alono , therefore , never varying in its own value , is alone the ultimate and real standard by which the value of all commodities can , at all times and allplaces , be estimated and compared . It is their real price—money is their nominal price only . " Though Dr . Adam Smith proves so demonstrably in tho above and in other parts of this great work ( " Tho Wealth of Nations , " ) that labour is not merely the only source of wealth , but that labour is also the' only standard and measure of value , still you read his work in vain for any directions as to the means necessary for making labour the standard of value in practice . But after long and attentive study , and reading various authors on political economy , I am firmly of opinion that the only way to reduce those truths to practice , for the benefit of all the industrious
classes is to fix by law , a minimum rate of wages for unskilled labour , payable in national legal tender , bank notes issued by a national bank , the whole of which papermonev to be bnaod upon real weallli , viz ., upon property actually placed in charge of this bank , as recommended in the work on the " Nature and Use of Monies , " lately published by Mr . John Grey , of Edinburgh ; which book , every man who wishes to understand this most vital of questions , should oarefully and reflectingly read . The working classes of every trade . and employment , should unite for tho purpose of getting a law passed , fixing the wages of unskilled labour of all kinds , at 4 d . per hour—3 i . 4 d . perdayef ten hours , and 20 s . per week of six days work , from six a . m . to six p . m ., takino oil two
hours per day for meals and rest . The answer to the question , " What is a pound ? " would then in future be simple and easy to be understood . It is a week ' s work or a weok ' s wages for any ablebodied , unskilled labourer of average abilities . ! A great outcry of course will be raised against such a proposition ; we snail be told that our ' ancestors frequently have attempted to fix the rate of wages , by law , but always failed . The truth is , our ancestors ; like our modern capitalists , tried by law to reduce the rates of wages , and they have , in general , unfortunately , top well succeeded . But when did our capitalists or masters erer ask for , or our legislators aver . attempt to pass a law io advanee wages , or even to proteot the labourer from further reductions . Never , never .
I have proposed that the wages of unskilled labour should be 20 s . per week , because I do not think that any working man , in town or country , can support a wife and fa mily in any tolerable degree of comfort for a less sum , evon at the present prices of the necessaries of life , cheap as they in general are . Speaking of the comforts an unskilled , or farm labourer ' s wages justly entitlo them to , Dr . Adam Smith says : — " Land , in almost any ' situation ,. produces a greater quantity of food than what is sufficient to maintain all-the labour necessary for bringing it to market , in the most liberal way in which that labour is ever maintained . The surplus , too , is always more than sufficient to replace the stock which employed that labour , together with its profits . The most desert moors of Norway and Scotland , produce some sort of pasture and cattle , of which the milk and the increase are always more than' sufficient , not only to main-
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tain all the labour necessary for tending them , and to pay the ordinary profit to the farmer or owner of the herd or flock , but to afford some small rent to the landlord " Again , Book L , chap . VIII . :-. ' < There ii a certain rate , below wnicli , it seems impossible to reduce , for any considerable time , the ordinary wages even of the lowest speoieB of labour . A man must always live by his work , and his wages must at least be efficient to inaintaiahim . They must even , on most occasions , be somewhat more ; otherwise it would be impossible for him to bring up a family , and the race of such workmen could not last beyond the first generation . . 'Mr . Oantillou' seems , upon this account , to suppose that the . lowest speoiei of common labourers , must everywhere earn at least double their own maintenance , in order that one with another they mav be enabled to bring up at least two children ; the labour of the wife , on account of her necessary attendance An th .
ohildren , being supposed barely sufficient to provide for herself . The labour of an able-bodied slave , " the ume author adds , " is oomputed to be worth double his maintenance ; and that of the meanest labourer , " he thinks , " cunnot be worth less than that of an able-bodied slave . " UMe ^ jself seen able-bodied slaves sold , in the Southern ¦¦ ¦ States > of America , for from £ 140 to £ 201 ) each ; and I have i seen female-slav . ear sold for from £ 120 to £ 140 each for l W * ingt 6 )) aiooo , rice , cotton , and sugar ; now these prioee wouldnot be given for them , unlessthair labour were worth double their maintenance ; and the labour of the unskilled and farm labourers of this country , is worth double the cost of his maintenance , and the only means of securing thi « to him , bo far as I am able to see , is by a minimum rate of wages fixed by Apt of Parliament , and the other measuroi advocated in these letters .
Now , although these measures are based upon the principles clearly laid down by Borne of the host and most oelebrated writers upon Political Economy , Currenoy , and Banting , I am aware that the proposal for a minimum of wages , will be assailed with every epithet of opprobrium and contempt . But this will not chang « my opinions , unless accompanied with strong reasons against them . If a minimum rate of wages were fixed for unskilled labour , every other speoies of labour would naturally take its proper place as to remuneration above that minimum , fhe wages of all our officers under government , and of all
our soldiers , sailors , and policemen , the fees of our lawyer * the salaries of our clergymen , the rates of interest on our public funds , and in many other investments and occupations , are permanently fixed , and why should we not also fix the rate of remuneration for labour , and thus make it m practice , what Dr . Adam Smith said it ever was and ever must remain in fact and theory— ' The only universal as well as tho only accurate measure of value , or the only standard by whioh we can compare the value of different wmmoditieg at all times , and at all placo * ? " I intend lorther to aluoidaU this important subject in my next letter . I am , < fcc , Liverpod , February 28 th , 1852 . ° HW HCH '
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MR . O'CONNOR'S ACCOUNTS . TO THE EDITOR OP THE NORTHERN STAR . Sir , —la answer to the question put by Mr Brown of Preston , in your last impression , respecting the readiness of the Directors to render assistance in preparinc the accounts of Mr . O'Connor , the Directors beg to say that they have already done what they could , a nd will continue most cheerfully to afford all the aid in their power We are , Sir , youw Respectfully W . Dixon , C . Dotib , London , March 3 rd , 1852 . T " ^ * ' ' GlUI H '
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THE GLASS-MAKERS' DEMONSTRATION , TO THE EDITOR OS THE NORTHERS BTAR . orol'Z . llvou alj ° wineto correct a paragraph in the excellent report of the glass-makers' dinner at Dudley * Ir-h- K T pea , re ( i inyour P P er of the 21 st ult . The part to which i take exception is that where I am made to say that all omlisation was a necessity . " What I did say , in reference to the above subject was this , that if trades ' unions were au evil , which I admitted they were , so were an laws and governments a necessary evil , upon tho same principle . Laws and government were first framed for " > e protection of tho weak against the strong , and I believe « Y the same wise end in view . Now , if this be true , and i nave always been led to understand bo , then I say that an trades' societies have this same wise end in view—the protection of labour , the weak , against capital , the strong . I hope you will concede a small space in your next impression for this correction . As trades' unions are upon their trial before the- bar of public opinion , it is well that counsel for the defendant should be dearly understood . I have not , sir , the slightest idea of obarging your excellent reporter with having made the mistake designedly , for I think it must have occurred in the abridgment . ftn _ Williau Nixon . 22 , Henry-street , Ashted , February 25 , 1852 .
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CENTRAL CO-OPERATIVE AGENCY , 76 , Charlotte-street , Fitzroy Square . Weekly Report , Feb . 24 th to March 1 st . The Agency transacted business with the following stores : —Galashiels , Leeds , Booking , Stockport , Banbury , Bacup , Bury , Brighton , Guildford , Portsea , Ullesthorp , Woolwich , Bradford , and Halifax . The Agency reminds the public that the samples of Coburgs , Merinos , Alpacas , and Ribbons , are still on view at their offices , and may be sold in small
lengths to private customers desirous of consuming the pvoduce of Working Men ' s Associations . Samples have already been sent in town on demand . By the statements in the last number of the " Journal of Association , " it is seen tliat adulteration has found its way into the manufacture of . clotha by the introduction of shoddy ( old wool re-spun ) , instead of the genuine material . The produce of Working Men's Associations are to ba free from all sophistication of this sort , and the Agency intend paying great caro in this respect to the goods consigned to them .
After the organising of Co-operative Stores , and of Co-operative Associations , the next step to be taken is to establish the best mode of dealing between them , either for the goods of their own produce or for the goods they can supply more advantageously than the competitive trado ; this is to he the beginning of co-operative trade aDd commerce . Two modes of dealing are now in use or in contemplation among co-opevatovs . Some prefer going direct from one association to another—the shoemakers asking hats from the hatters , the tailors asking cloth ^ direct from the cloth makers . Some others prefer acting through the Agency , whoso functions are to enter into and keep connexion with all for the profit of each individual body through the means of the same correspondence—the same commercial bookeeping , &c . It is good after all that the
experiment should be tried on both sides ; whilst it remains the duty of the Central Co-operative Agency to maintain its principle of commercial action through common commercial centres , whereby a great savingof time , money , labour , and exertion is obtained , together with hotter results from having all things done regularly and professionally . Mutual exchange , and especially mutual credit , are utterly impossible without a co-ordination of mutual resources and of mutual efforts through a common factor . Each individual , or each body , becoming his own factor for all things , is falling back to the lowest degree of the scale of civilisation , by suppressing at once the incalculable benefits of division of labour ; whereas co-operative industry in its progressive paths over competitive and conflicting industry implies a both-sided development of more minutely divided functions , and more closely united workmen and workshops .
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/ scribed , but every human being shares justly in « Libat-tr Equality , and Fraternity . " Such is the Hopedalo Com ! munity as a Civil State . It ia au universal religious , moral , philanthropic , and social reform Association . It is a Missionary Society , for the promulgation of New Testament Christianity , tho reformation of the nominal Church , and the conversion of the world . It is a moral suasion Temperance Society on the teetotal basis . It is a moral power Anti-Slavery Society , Radical and without compromise . It is a Pence Society on tbe only imprognable foundation of Christian
Non-Rcsistnnce . It is a sound theoretical nml pmctical Woman ' s Rights Association . It is a Charitable Society for the relief of suffering humanity , to the extent of Us ability . It is a Socialistic Community , successfully actualisiny , as well as promulgating Practical Christian Socialisin--the only kind of Socialism likely to establish a true social we on earth . ¦ a , * * ' * * «* ? V ITB Advantages?—It affords a theoretical and PJ ac « cal illustratio n of theioaw whereby all human beiugs , hS ™ u ^ ' *• mflv becQrae individually and socially anHimnA lait » clf a capital school for aelf-correctioa « rniw » 1 ? . raenc > No wher ° else on earth is there a more In Lt n K ° rtoll ) allli ; - practicable sjatera of ways and peace , and rational enjoyment It guarantees to all its member , and AtnmAtmt * emnlov .
Uef in want ' sIw BqUate l ? "oiufottable ' subaistence ; re-£ \ iSZ * moSS T !\ 1 , ? tabfe »; decent opportunities for each one may by due self-exertion elevate himself tn the highest point of capability . lQ mraselt t 0 tn « It solves the problem wUichhi vsaolongpuzzied Sech . listg , the harmonisation of just individual free dom ^ ith aoci ' il co operation . Here exists a system of ai-rangeim ; " ^ siniDla and effective , under which all capital , iuduatrv . trU ' * ,., ! £ *
, skill , and peculiar gifts may freely operate and co-oWite with no restrictions other than those which Christian morality everywhere rightfully imposes—constantl y to tl ; c ad ^ vantage of each and all . This excellent system of amnuel ment i > its present completeness is the result of vsvioua and wisely improved experiences . It affords a peaceful and congenial home for ait conscientious persons , of whatsoever religious sect , class , or description , heretofore , who embrace Practical Christianity , substantially as this Community holds it . Itaffordaa most desirablo opportunity for thoso who mean to be practical Christians in the use of proortv .
talent , bkiII , or productive industry , to invest thorn . Here property is pre-eminently safe , useful , and bonefict'i . t . It is Christianised . So , in a good degree , are talem , skill , and productive industry . Who , then , would be able to say conscientiousl y , My property , my talent , my skill , my labour—ray entire . influence , is now beatowed where it injures no human being , suffices for my own real wants , helps my weaker brother , and promotes universal hoiiuess and happiness . " It affords small scope , place , or encouragement for the unprincipled , corrupt , supremely selfish , proud , ambitious , miserly , sordid , quarrelsome , brutal , violent , lawless , fickle , high flying , loaferish , idle , vicious , envious , and mis chief-making . It is no paradise for such , unless they voluntanly make it first a moral penitenitary .
It . affords a beginning , a specimen and a prein . go of a new and glonons Social Christendom—a , grand confederation o ! similar communities—a world ultimately regenerated and Menised . Tho Hopedale Community was bovn in obBcurity , cradled in poverty , trained in adversity , and has grown to a promising childhood , under the Divino guardianship , hi spite of numberless detriments . The bold predictions of many who despised its puny infancy have proved false . Tho fears of timid and compassionate friends that it would certainly fail have been put to vest . Even the repeatsd desertion of professed friends , disheartened by its imperfections or alienated b y too heavy trials of their patience , has swrcely retarded its progress . It has still many defects toout ' -W much impurity to put away , and a great deal of improve ' ment to make it moral , intellectual , and physical . 15 ut it will prevail and triumph .
The same paper contains a letter from a member of the Shakers' Society , near Leeington , Kentuck y , descriptive of the mode of life , dietary , and possessions , of that portion of a singular secfc , whose admirable , social , aud economical arrangements , are singularly contrasted with their fauaticisui in other respects . Surrounded , however , with an abunuancQ of ph ysical comforts , the result of their associated labour , ' they are , ' says the writer , who traiumitB
the letter to the ' Tribune '— . The longest lived of any people in the Union ; thevoivn as fine land and as fine stock as Kentucky can show ; ' thoy are very wealthy , and the society in the south part f . f the Btate is also very wealthy . They seldom have any sickness , and never hail a case of cholera , notwithstanding it was all around them . Thoy have abandoned the use of tho fhsh of hogs as food . If you should visit them you would bo delighted with their village . They own the finest Durham oattle * I over beheld .
To competitive slaves aud toilers , we recommend a perusal of the following daily bill of fare : — At our meals we have considerable variety inavticles oi diet , and these articles , except in a few instance !' , arc continually changed , according to oircumstancos ; bo that it would be impossible , or nearly so > to give a perfect understanding of how we live in every minutia . But , generally for breakfast we have two kinds of meat , cold light oread and warm biscuit , commonly in form of light rolls , milk butter and cheese , domestic tea and coffee , Irish- potatoes and other vegetable sauces , pies or pastry , &o . For dinuer two kinds of meat , soups , cooked vegetables , cold ii <» ht bread , warm corn broad , milk , butter and cheese , puddings pies , &o . Supper , no raoat , cold light bread , domestio tea and coffee , milk , butter and cheese , potatoes and voijetablg sauces , pios , presorted fruits , &c .
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THE SHEFFIELD WOMAN'S RIGHTS ASSOCIATION . At the annual Conference of tho Sheffield Woman ' s Rights Association , held on Wednesday , February 25 th , at their Committee Booms , 33 , Queen-street , it was unanimously agreed that a general plan of organisation , in li < -u of tho present Social one , should be adopted , inasmuch as they consider it would bo far more conducive to their carrying out their objeot , desiring , as thoy < lo , tlieir sisters co-operation through tho length and breadth of the land in their noble undertaking . Is was therefore resolved to establish an association , to bo called the " National Woman ' s llighta Association , " with a President and Exeoutivo Council at its head , to be elected annually . Cards of membership were also agreed upon . Miss Anne Knigbt , of ( juiet Home , Chelmsford , a . membsr of the Society of Friends , was chosen President for thu y « ar ending Februury 25 th , 1353 , and also the following officers : —Mrs . Oarr , Vice-Presilient Mrs . Turner , Treasurer ; Mrs . M . Brook , Financial Secret tary ; Mrs . A . HigginboUom , Corresponding Secretary .
PETITION AGAINST THE ENROLMENT OP THE MILITIA , To the Honourable the Commons of GreRt Britain and Ireland in Parliament Assembled . The Petition of the undersigned women « f Sheffield in Public Meeting Assembled , Sheive th , That it is with feelings of sorrow wo have again to witness the attempt to reorganise the militia . We bavu too long seen the demoralising effects of taking our cWMven and husbands from our peaceful homes ; and we feel that our ull is mixed up with this at . tempted spoliation of mankiud . We unhesitatingly declare that we hate war in any shape . Your petitioner !! fully bclitvo that if
Parliament should carry outthis dcswii ( and we sincerely tiopettuy may not ) , that it will , in the end , prove an iigRressive war upon the interests of the people of this country , which all will have to deplore , lour petitioners also beg to obeerve that they have no fear about any other invasion than that which the government and honourable members are at present engaged in—namely , the invasion of our own hearths and liberties . Hoping that your Honourable House will again examine seriously tljis question and its evils , and finally consider to abandon the vvojeet , ihi'J allow \ u to dwell inpt-ace , We remain , your dutiful and ioyiil subjects , and will ever pray . Signed on behalf of the National Woman ' s Rights &SEOci : u \ on , KrS . A . HlGGINBOTTO . f . Mvb . Mar y Brook .
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Fuxds in aid op Jin . O'Connor . —A preliminary meeting of Mends to Mr . O'Connor was held on Friday , 27 th ult ., and by adjournment on Wednesday last , at which measures were agreed upon by which it is hoped to form a large and respectable Committee , lov the purposo of raising subscriptions in aid of that unfortunate gentleman . Tho objects aye twofold : Frstly to audit tho accounts of the Land Compauy Secondly to purchase an annuity for Mr . O'Connor . Several members of parliament have been amiiiptl hi nrlii Mr . T . S . DuncorabB has intimated hi , rca linesi to iS t ftb a properly constituted CwnnriKce for these oWects In our next we hope to present a list of a Commiitw ¦ wKiS will command tho confidence of the public ™ t £ e a $ speedily secure the important objecting £ e ' "
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Co-oruKAHVB Leaguj . —The first general meeting of tho newly constituted body was held at its offices , Pall Mall , on Monday night , wben a oounoil of twenty-five membera was unanmously elected , comprising most of the oldest and best known social reformers in the metropolis and . the provinces . Tlio managing committee irill be cvp . pointed by the council previous to our next number , and we shall then give the full particulars , as well ns an outline of the course of action which may have boon determined upon .
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SHAW CO-OPERATIVE COMPANY . Shaw , March 3 rd . —Shaw is a small township , about three miles from Oldham ; Ia the second week ia February , 1851 , thirteen men agreed to open a provision store as boou as convenient , and tlio first night ' s deposits amounted to £ 60 . The following week we took the house and shop of widow Ashtont near the Wesleyan Chapel , and the shop was opened on the 28 th of last mouth . On . Monday last , after paying five per oent . on all deposits for the fourth quarter , -we had a dividend of Is . 6 d . in the pound for all members purchasing . We now number eixtv-fivo members , and possess a capital of £ 3 G 0 . It may be cheering to some of our friends to hear that wo are going on bo well at Shaw in Crompton , and that we hope to increase the number of our members .
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THE HOPEDALE COMMUNITY , U . S . The ' Popular Tribune , ' published at Nuvoo , the head quarters of M . Cabet ' 8 Icarians , contains an interesting and hopeful account of this community , extracted from the 'Practical Christian , ' of which wosubjoin an abridgment . After defining the sense inwhich the community is a Church of Christ , namely , that it is based on a simple declaration of faith ' m the religion of Jesus ChriBt , as he taught and exemplified it according to the scriptures of the New Testament , ' and of acknowled ged subjection to all the moral obligations of that religion , the article proceeds : —
It is a Civil State , a minature Christian Republicexisting twtAiN , peaceably subject to , and tolerated by tho governments of Massachusetts and the Unitd BtaW . but otherwise a Commonwealth complete within itsoif . Those governments tax and control its property , acoordinp to their own laws , returning less to it than they exact from it . It make * them no criminals to punish , no disorders to repress , no paupers to support , no burdens to bear . It asks of them no corporate powers , no military or penal protection . It has its own constitution , laws , regulations , and municipal police ; its own legislative , judiciaries , and executive authorities ; its own educational system of operations ; its own method of aid and relief ; its own moral and religious safeguards ; us own fire insurance and saving in . stitutions ; its own internal arrangements for thn hni . iinr ,
ot property , the management of industry , and the raising of of a thnstian Republic on a minature saalo . There La no Red Republicanismiin it , because it oschews blood ; yet it » w «? n l& * true Pem ° craticand Social Republic , wherein neither caste , colour , sex , nor age stands pro-
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THE CRISIS AND THE OPPORTUNITY . Mb . Editor , —The events of the day are decidedly favourable to the canse of Progress . Such a ' golden opportunity' for the manifestation of the popular vill may not present itself again for many long years . It ia the people that will be shortly appealed to ; and the question to be determined upon by them is one of principle , and not a thing of detail . But where we should look for activity , we find supineness ; where leadership , dissensions . Tho Crisis will be dissipated by the hand of time , and the oligarchy will be the victors . The people will remain unheard , and hence
concluded to be satisfied with things as they are . A Tory administration will negative all proposals for Electoral Reform , and the silence of the unenfranchised wUl strongly tend , in its practical results , to pronounce the Derby' policy as compatible with the popular will . It is very generally remarked , that ' Reform ig not wanted . * Why ? Because tbe working classes are silent in such a demand ; andone-half of those who have the vote , fail to exercise their privileges when the fittargv'bccasion offers . Thia reasoning is ! fallacious . If is most advisable , for tbe country ' s good , that the Suffrage should be definitely settled , by conferring upon every
free man the privilege of citizenship ; and it is fuither most unjust , to deny the vote to C , because A and B , possessing it , fail to use it . But these are the weak inventions of the enemy . We could afford to laugh at them , if we had the means of combating them ; but these being wantiug , the said inventions are presumed to be triumphant , and hence become important , as a consequence of our own impotency . And so there is but little hope for the cause of Labour . For it , as before , nothing will be done . No vote will be given
to the toiler ; no education to his children . The combination laws will remain as ambiguous as ever ; for though I may think them plain , and susceptible of but one translation , yet the gentlemen of the ' long robe' and * silk gowns' think otherwise ; and this division will ever tell against the liberal construction of them , which the necessities of tbe working man imperatively call for . Well , these are the exigencies of the period . The opportunity for doing much is the time present , but the will to use it properly is unfortunately wanting .
The General Election , come when it will , either in April or September next , will no more ascertain and embody the people's opinion in respect to the questions of Protection ot Free Trade , Reform or No-Reform , than if no such election occured . Certainly , about one-seventh of the adult males of the three kingdoms will have to do duty for themselves and their poorer unenfranchised fellow subjects , each elector having not only to think for himself , but also for six others , of whose views he can know nothing or would not heed , if he knew , tbe power being in his hand—and according to the decision thus arrived at , so the people will be said to have declared its will
But , as we all know that this is but a thing of Shams , I am of opinion that the Unenfranchised should be solicited to speak for themselves in such an emergency—have their own meetings , and their own speaker *—and in all possible ways force upon the notice of the community their opinions upon the great events of tbe day . Were there a People ' s Party , such a step would most unquestionably be taken . Now is the time , or never . The poor man ' s bread is threatened to be taxed ; there is to be no reform in our electoral system ; no education for the people save that which the Holy Church shall dictate ; foreign refugees are to be sedulously watched , and their actions
in England reported to their home governments ;—tbe bible and the crown are tbe prominent symbols of the country—they are the essentials of greatness of a Tory mind . Here then is a budget of grievancespolitical capital enough to shake society to its very centre ; and yet I venture to say that , with all this wealth , this food for agitation , Chartism will ever be a bankrupt cause ; and they who preach it regarded as obstructions in the way of real and practical reform . The fact is , Chartism has spent itself out ; the horse and the rider have fallen together ; and common
gratitude bids us speak no more of the one , and to do our best to ameliorate the pecuniary condition and soothe the mental sufferings of the other . Thus , I am for organising the people anew under a name of a more expressive and definite character , and for raising a handsome conttibutiou to Mr . O'Connor , to secure him from future want . My meaning is plain ; my advice simple ; my advocacy sincere ; and could men resign tlieir prejudices , and forget their previous protestations , some such proposal as that here mentioned would be Beriously entertained by those who presume to be the leaders of the people .
The Executive , or that which is left of the Executive , of the Chartist Association has deserved well of its supporters . In resolving not to do anything until the liabilities of the movement are defrayed , iti members have shown themselves to be men of probity and honour . I applaude them , for their steady perseverance ; and earnestly intreat them to be unmoved by the Philipies of their opponents , for their determination is both creditable and just . As soon , however , as the outstanding debts are liquidated , I am strongly -of opinion that the Executive , and they only , should convene a Convention or Conference , for the especial purpose Of considering the
present state of the country , and devising measures for the immediate organisation of the labouring classes . In calling this Convention , I beseech them to be explicit and definite in their propositions to the country . It will not do to call a Conference without submitting the business to be entertained by such meeting . Delegates will require to be instructed by their constituents . If opportunity for consultation be not extended to them , they will hesitate to vote for any particular policy until they have learned the opinions of those they represent . Thus little , if anything , -will be done . This must be avoided ; and it only can be , by adopting the caution here laid down .
The Executive having then resolved to call the Baid Conference , I intreat them to discuss the following suggestions , with a view of their forming part of the business paper : — 1 . The present state of the public mind , in respect to popular agitation ; and whether it is not advisable to originate furlhirith a People ' s Party , which shall combine the social as well as the political elements of a national movement . 2 . Whether to the organisation thus proposed there should not be given a new name ; and that henceforth the terms of membership should be made as low as is compatible with the wants of an independent board of control .
3 . Will it not be for the general benefit , that at the said Conference , men who are not delegates should be permitted to express their opinions upon the present condition of things . The voting , of course , will be confined to the representatives ; but there are many men in London yrho ate true friends to tiie cause of popular progress , and who are most anxious to see an Association originated like to that I have mentioned , who would afford considerable information , if permitted to give it , and whose support it would be very necessary to ensure .
4 . Whether the attention of the said Conference should not be directed to the settlement of the political end in view , in the establishment of a National Association , viz ., « M anhood Suffrage , protected by the Ballot ; ' and to this measure only the members shall be pledged . 5 . All other views upon political questions than that j ust named being left as matters of private opinion amongst the members , whether it should not be made part of the duty of the newly-formed board to organise weekly meetiugs in various places of London and the large towns , and at one place in the smaller ones , to discuss the measures introduced in Parliament , as also those which affect the great question of Labour and Capital in their relations to each other . Thus , say in London , there might be a meeting in
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^^^ ^ ^ " ^ fcv TIT / ^ ? X ~< . 0 UUj AND NATIONAL TRADES' JOURNAL . '
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. mXV NO 748 LONDON SATURDAY ffl 4 E , CHiM ^ 9 T j pbicb ^ iv ^^^ r , . AI . 11 " . ItO . fllUiiUVH , PiUUm / ai , HiailUn U , lOUl . i t Five Shilling and Sixpence per Qiinrter L ^ __ - — - ^ — —— ^—^———1—^^^^^^^ ' "' - ' ¦ ¦ i i i .-n
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 6, 1852, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1668/page/1/
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