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THE NORTHERN STAB, 8ATPUPAY, MVUL1I IS, 1859.
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T 11 E ATM K X M U M IN S TITUTE
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2To eomajJOtttonts.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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- * - for AUillOllS and ARTISTS . 30 . S t-kvU ' . e-sucet , Londoa . Every companionship of men require sume particular uonw or onion ; some natural iiuks and some common object wwen induce concentration ; and the promoters of this undertaking nave ds * : " theil-arrangements on the peculiar posiaon and circumstance * 01 Literary Men and Arti « - . . „» . In dealing with nieuial worker * , that is . men ^ ho are more inte . retted in the w » U « Vm-mseiWes which they pursue than in «| f com men iul results , it became peculiarly necessary to a ^ t ^ ePa l , ^ rane * mems . The pron-rctrfprofit and pecomarj bwefit » «™ - clent Trith commercial men to attract att «> ton ^ command support Literary mm , as it is weU kuo « u . l ^^ SXrandSer ticuluriy ignorlnt of % m * and calculations ; and they jw ™ " ™* the cuSdencenortnl cautwn . as regards F « o" » 2 « gg" £ ?? . of business men . Tosuchadast the common app ^««» a eao , JW . J . whUstlawyers and doctors , deixyawn ana f ± "\^ ° J * * solars and sailors , have founded Associations ^ and Assurance Officrs . theliterarynUn . have gone lisUessly on . ™« f £ ™ com .
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The advantage of appropriating the subscriptions to the Assurance of sums , that will ultimately drop into the benefit of the Institute , is , that provided the philanthropic portion of the scheme do not prosper , the policies will remain for the benefit of those subscribing . By this plan , those who sympathise with Literature and Art will have an opportunity of gradually testing the scheme , and thus would not be risking their money on an unsuccessful attempt . There are , doubtless , many uobU minded and wealthy individuals who would subscribe largely to any method that would permanently benefit the workers in Literature and Art ; and there may be reckoned still more who would give their subscriptions in a mode such as proposed , by which they co ^ ld gradually test the result of their liberality ; and who thus might conscientiously compound , a * it were , for all claims ofalikenatae . A hadsom Annual Subscription to the Institution would be a fair answer to all privatt solicitations .
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Just Published by KIL'HAR » $ O ? Y AND SON 127 Sfieet-sUcet , JLoudon ; 9 , Cupcl-tttiect , Dublin ; and FJUCE SIX SHIIXUiGS . —SEST BT POST FOR SIXPENCE EKTBA . THE DUBLIJf REVIE V Ko . W , Januaty , lS 52 . ' NEW CAT H " o ~ L I C WORKS Just Published by Hichabdson asd sos . The Lives of the B . Leonard , of Port Maurice and of the B . Nicholas Fattore . With beautiful Portrait of Blessed Leonard , price 4 s . Sent by post for 6 d . extra . The third and concluding Volume of Pope Benedict XIV , on Heroic Yirtue , price 4 s . Sent by post for 6 d . extra . An Essay on Catholic Homo Missions , by the Itev . Father Fabeb , Priest of the Oratory . Small 8 vo . printed wrap per , price Is . Cd . e Little Mary's Hymn Book . Part I . By Edward B . ffiiEOM , H . A ., formerly Scholar of i JalJiol Cellege Oxford Dedicated bjr permission to the Yery Keverend FATHER PaiiEE Price Id .
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p ENTHAL CO-OPEIIATIVE AGENCY , \ J Instituted under Tru-: t , to counteract the system of Adulteration and Fraud now prevailing in Trade , and to promote the pnncipleof Cu- « perative Associations . Trustees—Edward Vansittart Neale , Esq ., ( founder ot the rnstitution ); and Thomas Hughes , Esq . ., ( one o : the contributor ^ . Commercial r irm—Lecbcvaher , Wumlin , Joaes and Co Central EstaWishmeut-iu , Charlotte-street ! Fitzroy-. quare , London . * i > Branch Establts ! iments-35 , Great Marylebone-Street , Portlandplace , London : aud 13 , Swan-street , Manchester The Asencyiutends hereafter to undertake the execution of all orders for any kt « d of articles or pr . dace , their operations for the present are restricted to Groceries , Italian Ar ticlei , French Wines ana Brandies , A Catalogue has just been published , containing a detailed li « t of all arhc'es with the retail priws affixed , with remarks e-u adulterate f . 7- ? l ^ free ° y P ' im ten stamps . Also a wholesale price list for Co-operative Stores gratis , or by post fur oue
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CHEAP AIYW SXAIVDAK 0 WOltKS Now FtMithing in Nos . at One Penny each . ALL IFLEiDIDLY ILLESTBAKD , i .-tiie tOST MA . ntNER 8 , or the Search for Sir Jota Frank lin , an authentic account of the Yflrious expeditions that havo been sent in starch of the missing ships : Vfith numerous platen S .-LAMARTINE'S TRAVELS in the Holy Laud : with coloured Frontispiece and Title , and numerous other plates , 3 . —THE PILGRIM'S PROGRESS-e # roj ? W « edition j with co . loured Frontispiece and numerous other plates .
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Just Published , pric c 3 s , 5 d , THE MASTER ENGINEERS' AND THEIR WORKMEN . Three lectures on the relations of Capital and Labour , delivered by request of the Society for Promoting Working Men ' s Associations , at the Marylebone Literary and Scientific Institution , on the 13 th , 20 th , and 27 th of February , 1852 . Br J . M . LUDLOW , E « q ., of Lincoln ' g . inn , Barrister-at Law . London : John James Bezer , 133 , Fleet-street ,
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IMPORTANT SOCIALIST PUBLICATI O NS . ROBERT OWEN'S JOURNAL . THIS JOURNAL { Published weekly , price One Fesnt , and in monthly parts , pr ice Podbpece ) , Explains the means by which the population ol the world mny be placed within new ana v ; ry superior circumstances , and provided with constant beneficial employment , and thereby enabled to enjoy comfort and abundance , and great social advantages ; and the direct means by which this change may be effected with benefit to all classes . Tho addresses on Government , on Education , to the Delegates of All Nations to the World ' s Fair , and on True and False Religion , which have lately appeared in the pages of this Journal , have been reprinted in the form of cheap pamphlets , and will be found to con . tain information of the deepest interest , Ihe Eleventh Monthly Part of this Journal is now ready , Price 4 d . Also the First Volume , Price 2 s . Cd .
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THE O'CONNOR FUND . We intimated last week that an influential and responsible Committee was in course of formation , for the purpose of assisting this gentleman iu his present unfortunate position . We hoped to have been able this week to publish the complete IiBt of the Committee , but the absence from town of several members of Parliament , during the recess caused by the Ministerial re-elections , has prevented their being seen
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NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS AND THE TIUDE . Star Office , 16 , Great Windmill Street , March 13 th , 1852 . The Proprietors of The Star beg to intimate to Subscribers and the Trade , that in future it will be Published by Mr . James Bezer , 183 , Fleet Street , instead of Mr . Pavey , Holy well Street . Country JS ew 8 vcndor 8 who receive their supply through Town Agents and not direct from this Office , will please to remember this change in sending their orders in future .
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Our Correspondf nts will oblige us greatly hy attending to the following general instructions : Thi > earlier we can veeeiv * their communications in tlie week the more certain they are of bcinj ; inserted . This is the case especially wilh letters upon general subjects intended for the columns set apart for' Free Correspondence . ' Reports of proceedings of Chartist Bodies , Trades , and Co-operative bucietus , &c , should be forwarded immediately after their occur . rence . By tins means a glut of matter is avoided at the latter end of the week , anil consequent curtailment ov non insertion . Reports should consist of a plaiu statement of facts All communications inunded for publication should ho written on m 0 " . l de " ' ' . !! : P » «»! y . and addressed to the Kditor .
is ouly one of numy of a similar character . We think , however «™ ti « f ? "ST . ' i '¦ V ne test the l ) Oilhtf 111 alid dM « P « w ««« & ^^^ thSSrwmbethe iiatBrai i ' iiiitoh ™ iitofthe M « n ! u tT f T a - u iU Eee on "fleetton , that the publication « L » « ? ? , " r ^ > U-memit le | t « r w-uld ouly j « vI undue importance to the individual referred to . and add to the already too wary internal disputes , which distract the Chartist body . We respectfully dec me to insert the reply of the Ashton Charlies to the attack made upon their Secretary until it appe . rs the paper that made it refuses thtm ti . e justice of a hearing . What , ever may be the treatment we receive from otuers , it shall not cause us to forget the courtesy due from one journalist to another
The Northern Stab, 8atpupay, Mvul1i Is, 1859.
THE NORTHERN STAB , 8 ATPUPAY , MVUL 1 I IS , 1859 .
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WHO SHALL GOVERN ? The Tories are in power—the veritable old Tories those of whom it was add long ago that they wera dead ; of whom it was prophesied that political ro-Burrection was totall y impossible . But there they arc , once more her Majesty ' s Ministers ; and from one end to the other of the domain of commercialism , the cry is turn them out . ' h T ^ Si T ? N »' <*« ler , * S «« to bo governed by the old Tories ? Let ourselves be ruled by the men who fought ngaina * . Catholic Imauahiation-vho Tl £ « * ° £ ° Ver > ' cd 8 ° f inmrwotuw Jl foftK o 1 ° Bill -v-ho opposed W repeal of tho Corp LaW 8 , ^ havo i , cii aw ut 4 that gr ^ t wmnercial Ktew £ w- *\ vi jncaa to
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undo it . Jfever . We will not submit to it . We will write' Resurgain' upon the banners of the old League . We will array our forces once more under its banners . Wo will subgerib ' e forty m fifty thousand League pounds —( a League pound is ten per cent ., that is two shillings . ) We will cry aloud , and ceaBe not , and if these Tories do not succumb , let them look to their order—let them prepare to defend their « old nobility , ' for we will raise the people to struggle for their rig hts . . to thatIf adis
Thas really come . Free ^ Tre touched , the Free Traders will go for the > rights of the people . What do tho people say to that ? Reall y it should almost make them pray for an attack upon Free Trade , and that it might he successful , for that would rouse the Leaguers to a support of the popular demands . Let that happen , and the League will become Ru organisation , not only to guard corn against an impost , but for extended suffrage , and the rest of the points of the Charter . A fixed duty of fiyo hillings a quarter would convert Mr . Cobden to Manhood Suffrage and spur on John Bright to
, an onslaught upon the House of Lords . Upon our words we are almost inclined to fling up our caps and hurrah for a fixed duty . If these Leaguers are only sincere—if tbey sea % mean what tbay say , they would carry the Charter , pure and simple , in tho next Session of Parliament , after corn was stopped at the Custom House . But the ' IP' stands in the way , and that , although a small word , is a potent . It means more than many a long drawnout sound of four syllables . It is full of meaning . ' If ' they intend to keep their word , lot us see what chance there is of that .
Whatever else may be in doubt , this much is quite certain , that the conversion of the cotton lords into Free Traders would be the result of pure malice . It would not he that they hated the Charter less , but that they hated Derby more . They \ rould have no more political love for ub than they have now . They would not be more attached to real liberty than they used to be . The old league which won over Peelwhich laid tho power of the aristocracy in the dustwhich elevated the factory higher in the sphere of political power than broad anceitral acres , was the matter of the situation . It could have done almost what it would . But it was only formed for the attainment of a class reform- —for the carrying out of a measure which should create new markets for the
manufacturer which should open up fresh gold mines for the commercialist—and that once effected it was dissolved . It rises again the same in body and in mind . It etill seeks only the aggrandisement of self . It continues to adhere to its old policy . It has not , so to speak , been born again , but has been merely galvanised into a continuation of its by-gone existence . It wants nothing but Free Trade—that is Free Trade in corn ; —and it ii only in the event of the failure of that desire tliat'it is to take wider views , and rouse the people to action . To what end , pray ? To the end that it may frighten the Earl of Derby and his
coadjutors at once out of their wits—out of what remnants of their Protectionist policy may still hang about them—out of office—let in the Whi g * again , possibly with a slight infusion of Manchester blood , and then leave the people to fi ght for their own emancipation , as before . Will the people again be made the cats-paw for Buch a policy as that ? We trow not . They will not trust the League unless tho League trusts them . They will not help commercial speculation , unless in return they are helped to such a substantial share of power ai will enable them , not only to defend Free Trade , but to win something more for themselves .
But we can scarcely bring ourselves to believe that the Premier really means to re- impose Protection . With all his enthusiasm , verging even upon rashness , he has that quick perception , which enables him to read the signs of the times . For the last few years he has shown upon the Corn Law question at all evonts that his views have been undergoing the process of modification . Time after time his
enunciation of the principle has become fainter and fainter . So much so , indeed , that he has been , if ho even is not now , an object of suspicion to the more rabid of his own party . 'His belief in his oldcreed , as an abstraction , may be as firm as ever , but his faith in the practicability of making the n ation rehearse it , has obviously waned . He indeed seems to say , that unless the people demand it , ho will not tax corn . He , too , as well as the Leaguers , has an « i f . ' If he has
a majority at the next election . We think that is hardly within the bounds of probability—a large minority is all he can hope for ; and a minority , however large , cannot support an adverse and retrogressive government , Earl Derby and his friends are as well aware of that as we are . They only say that they will , if they can do , what they know thoy cannot do , and that is onl y saying , in another form , that they will not do it . Even with an absolute majority , we doubt their power , with the opinion of the great mass of the nation against them The
repeal of the Corn Laws was the opening of a new legislative era , and whenever a nation enters upon a course of that kind , the movement , whether for good or evil , will not be burked . It will be carried out , and no Ministry can help it . We do not credit , then ] that if the people love Free Trade , it is in danger ! whoever may hold the reins of office . We do ' not think that even if the League fears it , or supposes that it will be called upon to make good its conditional threat of rousing the people ; and that being our opinion , we turn to other considerations for an answer to the question— ' Who shall govern ?'
To us—who belong neither to the Tories , the Whigs nor the Manchester men—who are social as well as political reformers—who wish to see labour industrially free from the money lord , as well as the labourer legislatively free from the oligarchy of land and money—all parties have their good and bad aspects . There are some views of all in which we flaneur—some desires of * al ) we would most strenuously oppose . We agree , for instance . with those who act with the Free Traders in the great principles of commercial freedom—of fair taxation—of secular education , and religiousliherty . Believinff that commpi - ™
has its mission in the present as well as feudalism had in the past , w 3 would see it unrestrictedl y developing itself over the world . Knowing that ' unequal and heavy taxation does fetter the springs of industry , we would wish it equitably imposed and diminished to its minimum . Viewing the teaching of mere theological creeds as a source of much animosity and a hindrance to the progress of real knowledge , we would ask for education to be open to all sects alike , without violation of conscience . Recognizing the injustice of the many compulsorily supporting the faith of the few
, and the unchristianity of immense revenues bein < y wrested from their legitimate application , we would have the church put upon a ri « ht footing . But there are other points in respect * of which we are far nearer to the Tories and Conservatives . We do not believe in the justice , the rightfulnoss or the necessity of tho cold-blooded political economy of the age . We protest against the doctrine that man is like so much cotton to be the creaturo of the laws of supply and demand . We raise our voices against the blasphemous pretence that machinery , whfch increases the resources of all , should make the reward
of the many less , and their resources fewer . We abhor the Met aloao' policy , which would leave Capital and Labour to fight out their fatal death struggle-which would hate no Ten Hours factory Bills-winch would say the Government should not interfere between the manufacturer and his men nor between him and the women and children whom ho employs-Mvluch would have the Legislature stand b ? and see industry become tho bond slave of tK in nnr , l . vnlli «» . -1 ? i , ? , * " GXl ll "UrSta Out ^ uuwcuiu weiuet
. . g *—as alone the dread nestil ei . ee when it cuts off its thousand * w f our chaos of Labour and 5 S ™ ** *™ artiiau wife their strikeslX 7 ™^ ^™ T ^ and needlewomen in their m * L Z ? * J « n «" moralisation and poHi-iStu { tWCU f . ° ! ?' pouring over society . ° h aad ™*» Y which » do ^ r ^ ti ^ jT ^ ^^ ftlueation , freedom o El , H ? ^ * " **»*« ^ U fer wbfeli t ^ StoXjJJ fi " 11011 * T ** assysssss
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Because then for this session , at least , come what Government there may , political reform is hopeless-, because in this respect that year must be numb ered " with the past , we say do not be made the tools of tha plutocracy , but give tho Tories whose true polio , selfish though it may be , is to help the la bourer rather than tho money lord , a trial so that we may make the most of the present for social reform , and lay tho foundations of a politically free future .
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PALL MALL ELECTORAL MAUTS . When Mr . Bell and his constituents were lately brought to book in the House of Commons , Mr . Hoebuck was , as usual upon such occasions , c onspicuous for his ultra zeal and vehemence in the maintenance of purity of election . He was not satisfied with having a solitary offender to sit in jud gment upon . Mr . CoPPOCKhad said , that he could put his finger on all the Boroughs , from A to Z , and point out fit companions for St . Albans . « The hon . and learned member' had stomach for them all , and announced his determination to have Mr . Coppock at the bar , to give the history of political jobbery , from Abingdon to Yarmouth . His ' withers were
unwrung . ' He had nothing to fear from such an inveatigation . He was the Bayard of legislators , sans peur , sans reproche . True , he was a member of the . Reform Club—but he never went there , and as to Coppock , he knew better than dare to make bis appearance at any of Mr . Eoebuck ' s elections as a friend . God knows what would have been the consequence if he did—something terrible , no doubt . No , the virtuous and unimpeachable censor of the senate hated , not only the system of political corruption but its arch agent , too much , to associate with him in any way , or allow him in the most remote manner ever to be connected with any of his elections .
Ihis is not the first time by many that Mr . Ron-BUCK has assumed this position in matters of a similar character ; and his conduct in such cases was decidedly calculated to impress on the public that one man at least was clear of the demoralising and polluting influences which seem to be inseparabl y involved in the possession of a seat in St . Stephen ' s 'Among the faithless , faithful only he . ' Wrapped up in his incorruptible purity—elevated by his own self-consciousness of superiority to the weak and erring brother senators around him , he could , of right , assume the stern aspect of one in whose sight all such tampering with purity of election was hateful , and dra g forth all offenders into the full glare of day .
But alas ! for the ' hon . and learned member for Sheffield 1 ' It appears that even he is human , and has succumbed to the unwholesome , moral atmosphere by which he is surrounded . His virtuous indignation against bribery was stronger than his discretion or his memory , and seduced him into making statements to which Mr . Coppock has felt himself bound to reply . And what a reply ! Nothing more crushing and conclusive ever made its appearance in print . Mr . Roebuck has at last caught a greater Tartar than himself . Coppock has dethroned him
from his self-elevation . The immaculate , the unique member who never goes to the Reform Club , has been there at least one hundred times within the last twelve months . He who never had anything to do with Mr . Coppock in any of his elections , who said that the great electioneering agent would not dare to make hia appearance as a friend at any of them—is now proved to have been in constant communication vrith Mr . Coppock respecting his election in 1841—to have invited him down to Bath in his own handwritingto have negotiated the arrangements by which he got a Whig for a fellow candidate—and to have received from Mr . Coppock ' s own hands the money by which he was returned ior Bath in that year along with Lord Duncan , the nominee of the
Government . Whan these statements were first made public , peoplo were incredulous . Even among usually wellinformed circles it was argued that it was impossible for any man to have taken such a position as the Member for Sheffield did on tho St . Alban ' s case , if such letters had been written , such transactions taken place , as those referred to by Mr . Coppock . True , they lookod circumstantial enough—day and date fact and figure , were all duly noted down with professional accuracy , but still it was supposed that something would be urged in reply that would materially modify , if not entirel y alter the aspect given to the affair by Mr . Coppock ' s ex favle statement . At last , after the lapse of several days , Mr . Roebuck made his reply . It was a humiliating one . He had
forgotten all about his election in 1841 , and imagined , at any rate , that he was dealing with the Government , not Mr . Coppock , who was merely its agont ; and , in conclusion , he eats humble pie , by assuring Mr . Coppock that he is a very honourable gentleman , notwithstanding the nature of his avocation . It was the system of politioal corruption that the hon . and learned member condemned , not the head of the machinery by which it is carried out ! It is a fact , in his belief , that men can touch pitch without being denied . There is nothing criminal or degrading in beiug employed to demoralise and degrade tens of thousands of your fellow beings . Kot at all . The corrupt , bribed , or drunken voter is a vile , infamous wretch—the men who suppl y the money—the agents who distribute it , are all honourable meu '
We suppose that we shall hear no more of Mr Coppock being called to the bar of the House , to enlighten tho senators on these matters . Mr . Roebuck must be pretty well satisfied by his revelations respecting himself as a commencement . As to other ' hon . members , ' it is not assuming too much to say that they are by no means desirous of reviving the subject . Lot sleeping dogs lie—especially when they bark and bite like ( JoppoCK , But what suits hon . members' ought not to euifc the peoplo . These very revelations , which have knocked Mr . Roebuck off his perch , are onlyindicatiou of tho extent to vrhich tho representation of tho whole couutry is monopolised by a small clique of jobbers in seats , who have their head quarters ; in
London . Anything like spontaneous or independent action ou the part of local constituencies is impossible in the face of such organised combinations as have their centres respectivel y in the Reform Club and the Carlton . They are , in fact , exchanges in which seats are speculated and jobbed in as regularly as stock and shares in Oapel Court . B y means of a common fund , the contributors destroy all chance of success on the part of an independent candidate ; their central agent knows the exact state of each constituency—watches with care all its fluctuationskeeps a host of minor agents at work constantlyand whenever a vacancy occurs , can toll within a " few pounds ho w much it will cost to win , and how the tunds must bo distributed to procure that result
Such a system is equivalent to the disfranchisemeiit of the couutry and the creation of a close monopoly in Pall Mall . Counties , cities , and boroughs might as well be set up to auction , without going through the farce of hustings and polling booths . Bettor : we should thereby prevent a great deal of hypocrisy , a great amount of unnecessary excitcmeut and trouble , and , above all , the drunkenness , and the brutalisiog influences which characterise so msny elections uuder the present mode of conducting them . °
At other auctions in London there is what is . known to tho initiated as ' a knock out . ' At a book or furniture sale , for instance , the regular trade , ' or the brokers , agree to ' stand in , ' that is to buy every article at the very lowest they can get it for . They do not bid against each other , but whoa a stranger , or some one not belonging to the cliaue , makes an offer , they run up the price until hi either relinquishes the contest or buys much above tho real worth . Ihe utifilea fraudulentl y obtained below their real varae ^ are afterwards knocked out' among the confederated speculator at something approaching to their aotual market price , and the profits of tho transaction shared among the band , who thus pocket what should have gone to tha owner
lho members of tho Carlton and the Reform Clubs may , for all we know , uoton the 'knock-out priawple at present . If not , we suggest tho idea to them as a very excellent addition to the machinery by which the constituencies are now jobbed . It will effcottlie twofold object of doing the thing cheaply , and keeping out independent men—people who are not of ' our sot , * and who havo nc > business to be in Parliament at all . It would voaderlully in > pro «* our ri'prfcaeiitative and elect ^ t mnclrintvry , \> j S iting rid of the causes of th . few jerks and ja » whicl » wUl ecwswoallY occur . a t present , in con ^ uettQG of
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4 _^ THE NORTHERN STAR , _____ * March 13 , 1852
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 13, 1852, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1669/page/4/
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