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DE10CBATI0 MOVEMENTS.... f\
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Knowledge , and a desire to protect them . If , then , these taxes are to be repealed , if we are to have a really free press , the people must express their determination that it shall be so . Only a thoroughly national movement can ensure the total abolition of the infamous Taxes on Knowledge .
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EMIGRATION AND SOCIALISM . ARTICLE II . If we look at the numerous and terrible evils that oppress working men in the face , it becomes obvious to every man of plain common understanding ,. that the only cures for them are emigration or a new social system . Ib is no use trying to shirk the question , by the dodges and shifts of political economy , which must ever break down in its abortive attempts to tinker and cobble up a system essentially rotten like our ' s . Emigration and-socialism are the only radical cures . But the
former term has a very vide meaning . We can conceive an emigration to the deserted moors of Ireland , to Dartmoor , Exmoor , and the uncultivated districts of England . We can conceive government appropriating the present vast monopolies of land in England to associations of working men . We are of opinion that an emigration nearer at home would be less expensive and more useful than one to . the Antipodes . But wherever it is carried , we are convinced that it would be doubly attractive and productive , if united with a sound system
of association . To this end we propose to develop the most scientific system of association . Fourier ' s Societary Theory , of which these articles treat , received publicity after that of Saint Simon , though its invention was of an earlier date . It offers a sharp and marked distraction from all other schemes of social and industrial reform , especially in what relates to property , government , and polemics against Christian dogmas . Like the Goddess of Wisdom , this theory issued at once , and fully accoutred from the brain of its inventor .
Lefc the reader bear in mind this distinct separation between Fourier ' s societary system , and the rest of the socialist theories , and let him impartially weigh it on its own merits , as he would any other scientific or mechanical invention , presented for his inspection . This invention remained buried for twenty years in several thickivolumes , but at length it succeeded in claiming the attention and support of a number of persons and writers , who have devoted themselves to its propagation .
Charles Fourier , the inventor , was born at Besancon , in 1776 ; and his theory was first published in 1807 . He gradually developed it in several large and valuable treatises , from 1822 to 1828 , and since the latter date it began generally to be known , and has been propagated with redoubled energy since 1832 . Charles Fourier found a firm supporter and a zealous and faithful disciple in M . Just Miuvon , of Besancon in 1814 . This gentleman has published the most clear , sensible , and practical exposition of one part of the views of Fourier on the organization of industry , in a work entitled " Sketch of industrial processes .
The first expenses necessary for the printing and publishing of his works , were met by the exertions of M . Just Muivon ° assisted by several other persons , and particularly by a lady as modest as she is courageous and benevolent , Madame Clarisse Vigoureux , the author of a book entitled : Word of Providence . . You might give an exact valuation of this theory by saying , that it errs and fails through the exaggeration of liberty and individualism , in the same way that St . Simonism and 6 wenism have failed by running into an opposite extreme .
Thus , in some respects , it appears that Fourier ' s societary system is more foreign and hostile to the most popular Communistic theories than the existing relations and institutions of society . Viewed in relation to Association , the theory of Fourier is the antipode of St . Simonism and Owenism . This fact , may perhaps account for that instinctive sense of selfpreservation , which caused the St . Simonians and Owenites in the hey-day of their popularity to turn a deaf , ear to him when he solicited their attention in favour of his discovery . These Socialists were quite as indifferent , possibl y more adverse to him than the other thinkers , philosophers , and economists of histime .
: Fourier never pretended to be more or less than a simple inventor , the author" it is true of the most important discovery that man could make , but never requiring more than one experiment on a small scale , in the same way that Columbus requested a vessel to go and seek , not a new world , but the western limit of the world then known . We know the result of the experiment of Columbus , who was fortunate enough to
obtain a ship , during his life time ; he found more and better things than he looked for , a new hemisphere , and thanks to his perseverance , beyond that hemisphere another ocean was found , several great continents in that ocean , and beyond that ocean the limits of the old world . The same thing would have happened with Fourier , if he had enjoyed the opportunity of testing his theory . . . . . x- . r . . j &
However , this might have been , no ship was given , no material was afforded to Fourier for constructing his machine . He died , and took with him many solutions to problems scattered through his writings , such as the distribution of the produce and profits of the Association . Hence , if imperfections and obscurities occur sometimes in his Wings , let the blame be cast at the right door . iWer appears to have shared largely in the virtues and defects of the Irench mind . His system is essentially mathematical ; and to this quality it ou-es its excellence and faults . He is probably too measured in every thing , but we have good reason to suspect that had he employed less precision in his method , he would have been classed with superficial dreamers J ^ lfi ^ ?! -i C » - ™* ™^ clythat a morbid
anxieh-_ respecting this result , led him into the opposite extreme of exaggerating the importance of mathematical accuracy I cannot avoid , in this place , commenting upon the irreeular manner in which many of the attacks upon Fourier have been directed . In the first place , he has been accused as a Communist ol destroying the individuality of man , by buryino- him en masse in a vast association . In the next place he is accused of basing all on Egoism , and the most extravagant self-love of making interest too powerful an engine in his social machinery and oi making the acquisition of riches , too prominent an e&ject in his system , first , hg is gpcuseg of being XJtopiaiv of
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requiring perfect men to deal with , who shall sacrifice their personal interest to the good of the community . Secondly , he is accused of making the love of money and of self , the root of his theory . If one of these charges is true , it is evident that both cannot be . Now we . have sufficiently disproved the first accusation , let us attend to the second . If a man is ridiculed as puerile , because he advocates perfect equality and disintestedness , in a word , because he is a Communist , surely it is somewhat inconsistent to find fault with another , because he works with the legitimate springs canonized by economists and
all practical men . The very argument used by these gentlemen , to prove the Utopian nature of Communistic principles , tend to fix Fourier ' s theory the firmer in the conviction of men . On the one hand it is said , you must have angels to work with , to make men peaceable in equality , on the other how low and sordid is that theory that makes self interest the main spring , and luxury or wealth the goal of man . Here then you have a game of pitch and toss , between Communism and Fourier . Choose , my masters , for it is impossible consistently to object to both .
It has been the favourite theme of philosophy for some years past , to extol the value of the individual , and of individual exertion , in short to centre all truth in a sublime Egoism the me of metaphysics , I have nothing to say to this , only let men be consistent . Now they are quite consistent in objecting to-. the impersonal disinterested tendency of Communism , but it is difficult to see how they can consistently find , fault with a theory that seeks to give a free and full development to the individuality of the individual , by giving fair play fco all the faculties of the human ME , which is certainly not effected in our state of society . A Pioneer .
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HOW THE FIRST FRENCH EMPIRE WAS MANUFACTURED . It may not be inopportune , in presence of the changes which are evidently approaching their consummation in France , to retrace the proceedings which raised Napoleon BoMipane to the 'diuniiy of French Emperor about half a century ago , for the whole course of history can scarcely adduce a more striking : parallel produced by different means . The Revolution of ihe ! 8 th Brumaire w ; is
followed by the immediate proclamation . . of .-the-Consular-Government on the 7 th of February , 1800 , and , in spite of the ascendancy which Napoleon immediately acquired in . it from his genius and his military successes , the form of that , government was still constitutional and republican . Rather more than two years elapsed , and , and oh the 10 th of May , 1802 , the French nation was consulted , on the question— " Shall Napoleon Bonaparte . be . Consul for life ? The answer in the affirmative vvas carried by 3 , 658 , 885
votes , and a senatm-consultum appeared on the 2 nd of August , 1802 , which decreed that •* the French people named , and the Senate proclaimed , Napoleon Boiaparte Consul for life , and that a statue of Peace , holding in . one hand the laurel of victory , and in the other this decree ef the Senate , should attest to posterity the gratitude of the nation . " Two more years elapsed , which were marked by the greatest achievements and the darkest crime of the Consular period . Early in 1804 the Civil Code was completed , and the Duke d'Ensrhien was murdered in the fosse of Vinnennes .
A few days later addresses were presented from the electoral bodies and from the principal towns , urging the First Consul to perpetuate in his own family thepower he had received from the nation . Fouche had set at work the mechanism of the police and the influence of the Government in the Legislature , impelled by his own ingenuity and ambition ; and all that remained was . to induce the Senate , as the hi ghest body in the Slate , to make the proposal for the restoration of . ' , the monarchy . Cambaceres , as president of that body and the associate of Napoleon in the Consulate , was sent for
and consulted . His advice was adverse to the measure . He observed , that no title could add anything to the actual power of the First Consul , and that it raiglit . be difficult to obtain the recognition of the new Empire from the other courts of Europe , while he saw in this step another ¦ proof of a perilous and insatiable ambition . As he , drove back that night to Paris with Lebrun , Cambaceres said" The thing is done—the monarchy is once more established ; b . ut I have a presentiment that this edifice will not be durable , and that France will at last be exhausted by ' these extravagant enterprises . "
1 'he Senate , instigated by Fouche , took the first opportunity of making the proposal , but in an unofficial form and not-b y a message . Napoleon meanwhile affected to deliberate , exacted secrecy , and turned his attention to the effect likely to be produced by this revolution on the army and on the foreign powers with which he was at peace . With reference to the Jarmy , he received from Soult and his principal generals , as well as from . all the great cities of France , the strongest declarations in favour of the restoration of hereditary monarchy . With reference to the other continental powers , he took time to address to them a
communication and to ' receive their answer on the subject . The king of . Prussia eagerly tendered his assent to the proposition . The court-of Vienna stipulated ihsit France should recognise the imperial dignity in the house of Austria , if by any future election the sovereign- ; of-. that house . ceased to be emperor of . Germany . To England and to . liussia no communication was made , because Bonaparte was at war with this . country , while his relations with Russia were scarcely restored , and the Emperor Alexander had just testified his extreme indignation at the seizure and death of the Duke d'Enghien . .
These nogotiations occupied the greater part of the-month of April , 1804 , -but on the 25 th of tU month Napoleon answered the address of the Senate , which had been presented on the 27 lh March ; and it was arranged that the first public and open avowal for the restoration of monarchical power should be - made by M Curee , in the Legislative Chamber . A debate took place on the question , and , although a large majority of speakers eagerl y anticipated the institution of the empire , it was on that occasion that Carnot , in a speech of great dignity and moderation , protested for the last time the
against extinction of the liberties of his country £ 1 acknowledge , " saulhe , " the eminent si-tvices of the First ConsuM . is triumph over our enemies , arid his codification of our laws ; but be those semces what they may , is there no recompense to offer him but the sacrifice of the treedom of France ? Are we never to enjoy that freedom , which I am persuaded is not only possible , but easy and whlch is a . more ^ foundallon of /_ vernment than either arb . trary or oli garchical power ? " On thV 3 d of May the Tribunate passed a formal resolution in favour of the Empire , which was at . once carried up to the Sen-itP A ™ h >
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of the three Consuls , to discuss the forms of th ^ ^ T ^^ constitution ; and on the 18 th of May the sennu ^ '" ^ N which decreed these new dignities , was issued ' iii " * i f ( % "V " ¦ Napoleon , by tta grace . of God ami the constitnti IV lirtle o public , Emperor of the French , Sec . " () n rhs fo ^ ° ' ¦ ¦ u !{ . ' is , after this title had been assumed , and the iie . i ^ - ^ ' Him tution promulgated , the whole people of France ' iven ^ f C ( % tl - to vote , as before , their assent to " the hereditary sUC ! ?! ¦ U P % direct , natural , legitimate , and adopted descendan ts 'Tv" ° till Bonaparte in the imperial dignity , and . likewise of tho i ^ on
tural , and legitimate issue of Joseph Bonaparte \ of j . '• na . parte . " This vote was carried by 3 , 521 , 675 suflUo !"'* t 3 oiVl 1 " presume that , in the annals of the Bonaparte dyu ^ f '• * '* e constituting in itself a claim to the crown . It wj « not f ' Sti " till several months after the accessiod , viz ., on i . ho 6 ih of N * ° - ' er ' 1804 , that this p lebisoUum was finally declared . ' ° vomb >
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Sat ^^ xssszea mavmcaisszs ^ a ^ THE . OLDHAM WORKHOUSE , A Pius ox TO TUB EDITOR OP TIIH STAR OP FREEDOM Sir , —Knowing that your paper- is devoted to the advocacy of rM exposure of wrong—especially if tho wrong is inflicted upon tho , )« ' . ' MHltotlie I beg the favour of giving publicity to ihe following lir . es thmu «\\ V iVnil . * - your columns . About three years since , a female named Louisa ' j .. "" 'Of ceived into the Oldham woricliouse , not being able to take care of h - if " WilS K * quence of mental derangement . For some time she has been eonsM . C ° " Instead of being a lunatic . it has been her duty to look after and ^^ Well > Iier less fortunate sisters in the lunatic asylum . litmus received ' a , Cnrft ot tion , and being very expert with the needle , besides possessing otliov ^ i ? ' T ^' eompllshmen ' . s , sho has been very useful in the workhouse , cai-mV far ° "
Avnnkl Biiffiini fnv hpr nun mnintflnnnpft . A nf n / ieliinn . •« ... i > " . 01 Gf . tian would suffice for her own maintenance . Not wishing to end her < h . an tile , she has lately been trying to get discharged , but without effect * o ^ nesday October 14 th , Mr . Stephen Slater , an old man wiili grey hairs J ''" known her during the last ten years , applied to the Governor , ' Mr ' {^ . ^ ^ nnd to the Board of Guardians , to got her discharged , promising t ! wt \ ^ > take care of her , and see that she was properly done to ; but Instead ofh ''''' treated with that respect Avhiclrage has a right to look for , he was -isk T "' most insulting and i . nproper questions ; and told that Louim Jirown mnL ^ he discharged—that they could not . tjjarc /!«>• , &c , &c . : nelicviii" - tli-1 r " Brown was unjustly detained in the workhouse , I went with Mr . Slati-y t 'T Governor , on Thursday , and demanded that she might be discharged * lmu ! insolent official declared that we had nothing to do with Louisa Brown ' th * T
was a lunatics and not fit to be discliarced . We told him Unit , ( lie nnifiL « , i fendant had that morning declared her fit to be dischargvd , but hu wouM iiotb " lieve us . After much talking , lie promised that if we could uet a certificate ' of her fitness to be released , he would not detain her thre « hours . We "ot tlie ftl lowing certificate from Dr . Murray : —•' Oct . 14 th , I 8 o 2 . I conMd « p Jmii * . " Brown fit to be discharged . J . Murray . " The above corticate was taken to tin Governor , but to our astonishment , he still refused lo discharge Ids prisoner The following extract , copied from the Poor Law Act , will prove that Louisa Brown is unjustly detained in the Oldham workhouse ^ Article 115 says : — " \ v pauper may quit the workhouse upon giving to the master or ( during his abseiiM or inability to act , ) to the matron , a reasonable notieo of his vdsl \ to < io so , " ' ]>
act goes on to say that three hours is a reasonable notice ; sometimes it mav bu less and sometimes more , but in no case shall it , extend overall indefinite period . It seems sir , that law and reason have nothing to do with the government of the OlcUiam workhouse ; Louisa Brown is a prisoner , and compelled to be a pauper against her will . The poor law is bad enough , but altis it is made ten times worse by those to whom the rate-payers have to pay large salaries , to enforce it , Yours fraternally , Oct . 19 th , 1852 . * J . P , HonsPALL , Bookseller , Royton , [ Mr . Horsfall should write to the Poor Luw Commissioners . —Ewtob . 1
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THE-ROUMANIAN . PEOPLE . AND THEIR MANIFESTO . ( Extracted from the Italia e Popolo , ) The patriots of Italy have undoubtedl y felt as much pleasure as ourselves at the perusal of the Manifesto of tho people of Roumania , published in No . 145 of our paper . We revert lo it in order to imprint-still more forcibly on the mind of our readers the paramount importance of this document . This Manifesto is to us not a merely
Roumanian one ; it contains all the elements of the constitutional compact secretly agreed upon by the nations who , in 1848 , fouglilfor their liberty and independence . It is , as it , were , a European net , and marks a date in the annals of the Holy Alliance of peoples . As for us , Italians , we feel particularly interested in this Roumaniaii Manifesto , the Roumanians being of ' the same flesh and blood with us , the _ descendants of Roman legionists , of Italian colonists seltlud in Dacia , and forming the present population of Valachw , Moldavia ,
the greater part of Bessarabia , Bucovina , Transylvania , the Banal , and a vast extent of eastern Hungary . All these fertile territories , in fact , extending from the Black Sea to the country of the gallant Magyars . Amounting to ten millions , they bear , all of them , the name , of Roumanians , speak all the same language , which is onoot the idioms of our own , preserve the same traditions , and have with us in common the first pages of their history—Rome being a cradle to them as well as to us .. .
If we consider that , for eighteen centuries , the Roumanians have been deprived of all communication with their mother country , o all intercourse with' Western Europe—that their country has beer the high-road of all those Asiatic tribes which from the beginning 0 . the middle ages have invaded Europe—that they have couslaimj lived amidst peoples of various origin and degree in civilisation , bn altogether differing with their own-that since many a ^ es they hav < been s ubjected to the treble despotism of Russia , Turkey , and Aus tria—itseems hardly credible to contemplate how pure the Roumamai
element has been preserved among them , as pure , indeed , as certain parts of their mother country , Italy . Perhaps the yer dangers to which they were unceasingly exposed has been one of tin principal causes of invigorating this spirit of nationality which main fests among them now-a-days to the world . Left to themselves attacked from all sides by powerful enemies , they , as well , ani more , perhaps , than ourselves , felt the necessity of clinging to eacl other , of closin g their ranks , and of holding fast with all the encrg . of their souls , the only safety left to them , the traditions ol the greo nation from which they descended .
1 es , brothers , Roumanians , we know it-how with the Hungarian and Poles you have been the bulwark of Christianity and civiliza tion—our representatives in the vanguard of eastern Europeyour academies it was that the youth of Greece conceived an prepared , in 1821 , the resurrection of their country . J Tis you wik since the first outbreak of the revolution of 1848 , hoisted then * of democracy , sliduiing "Justice ! Fraternity ! " and yet youi o » reward has been the oppression of your tyrant and the mail eien ofV the western nations , because a dame cloud has prevents * peoples from mutual intercourse and fraternisation .
Your faith , nevertheless , overcame all obstacles , and beyoiidt ^ unveiled to you the future . Your Roumaniaii instinct aw deceive you . Nothing of what you have done will be lost to b um ' £ A never-erring guide i an everywhere-present witness , God , w your way and watched over your steps . , « oU Behold , brothers ! whilst Europe seemed to have W jeft name and when your executioners believed their victim to oe . ^ porpse , Oien . upon the granci gpejie of tjie denjopratjp world yw *¦
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Oct. 23, 1852, page 10, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1701/page/10/
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