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Northern Star (1837-1852), 6th February 1841, Edition 2 of 4, Page 7, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      ^ FUSTIAN JACKETS , BLISTERED ' g ^ yps , A > T > UNSHORN CHINS , ON A UNION Of THOSE WHO LITE BY LABOUR WITH THOSB WHO LITE ON THE PROFIT OF THE j ^ BOUB OF OTHERS . „ jj well may & ** lami ) " wiQl tlie t 3 * nnito . ^ BOaae -Hith the eat , or the lark -with the kite . " jjt eea » Fries ds , —You , orer Those every intergi j tsTe -watched frith a fond , a parental care , while oa have been hard at work , or , in broken ^ lumbers , j ^ hinj your weary limbs for another round in the

      ^ jitaal mfll , to yw I address my thoughts . you wai do me *** i 1 " ** 06 to ay * & **» flTe y 6 * " * s ° > -jedthe motto ¦ which I now place at the head or this £ , 3 to pro * toe impossibility of any beneficial ¦ on being fanned between those who lire by their labour , and those who liTe upon the profit * of ^ j ^ ooi . Let me make this as plain to every man ^ 8 noseBJ * his neighbour's face . ww ii the " castu beiii , " the point in dispute * Is at Sisal tbe labourers , upon their own part , look for better remuneration for their labour ; -while , upon the

      -n of fiieii employers , they look for a greater profit ant reij labour ? Nothing can be more clear than aj , » nd nothing , therefore , can be more clear than fca nape alone can efiect the double o £ > ject ^ j a natter of political necessity , the masters tell -a that your condition alone is the great and governtei object of their new enterprise . Let me test this . n * T ay the repeal of the Corn Iaws will accomplish g * " desired end ; whfle I have proved , orer and otct —in , that it would but multiply ruin . But , if their ( tjert was solely one of consideration for you , how

      lappaa it that they never try any scheme , for your lelkf , » re and except snch plans as those in the -eces of which they tbemselvei haTe the greatest inj ^ est . Substantial comfort of your order forma bo jar * ot their plaa , and for this reason—they hare so comply turned nature " topjy tnrvy ** that they , living m irtificial life themselrea , propose that you also shall aabr&ce the mat . It appears , however , that the ¦ rtiiiaal market is already oTerstocked and will not

      acmii attach as addition as the proposed union and epos the proposed principles . This is quite clear ; rciail society presses too hardly upon lean's natural resources , annBemeats ( pardon me for mentioning the toiJ amusement in connection with slavery ; and diapaaoa . Is this state of things , I say , let the portion d waeij who wish to live more in accordance with hsue ' j lavs , checked by man ' s artificial and proper jessxicts , return to the bosom of nature and thereby Rorre , for a time , the press on artificial society .

      5 nt to one million heads of families , for a full rent , fc mass of supporting seven millions of the " nrplss ptpvsiur in comfort , peace , affluence and content-BSi , a&d thus harmonise , and something equalise , the ke 5 s » 1 pardon of society relieved by so large an eEfBSontoportXatara . By this means you insure a acprotitj of interest and dependency , and without an ejal dependency you can have neither justice nor even msxr . Until the matter is as much dependant upon : Twiioan , for an augmentation of his capital , as I tfcs can is upon the master for employment in the : -psssi , no union can be formed upon anything like

      Einaj $ xa proved that the masters will not join in , a era countenance , any measure which has your [ good odf foi iss object , let me now shew you the com-I pfct sad ntter hopelessness of ever accomplishing what a oSsd a union between masters and men , upon teesj of eqcality , or even upon terms which can have « cj other effect than a further prostration of the laboCETL Iiis sodety a& at present constituted , and I will at cm prove to you that aa union cannot exist Let us tab , u an example , the middle-class society in any EEnfactorinr town in England . This society is

      subdued into sections and classes , having either identical [ or antagonistic interests . The manufacturers , metiasxiM , bankers , ah opkeepers , lawyers , and tradesmen d tie higher order , may be said to represent the rddffle-elass interest ; whfl * overseers , shopmen , clerks , bed at ] subordinates and dependants , compose the Tcricm ? staff , as a political body . " Well , then , mark —tad mark well—the impediments to any union with bet of these classes . feppoee tbe manufacturing portion to consist ot oce , two , or three hundred of masters . They are firstly

      dhiisdinto Whig and Tory ; and secondly , the social ficiacaoB , claimed by the ruling , the governing , and fefcEsf nembers of poth parties , are much more dear k Them than your political rights . The large capitallia ire perfectly satisfied with things as they are , or b 2 s they prefer them to the riak of change , and they cJe Si inferiors of their own class . The tail of each daprefa their social distinction iwhieb they think * aj best nnserve by being at the wrong end of the *^» Ma » t ») to even the risk of contending lot t maaion of political rights , at tiw expence of the ob of the countenance of the leaders of their own

      Me the thopkeeping class . As yet they are only in ** PW&m in which you were when yon were led 1 tWAeV-mongers and wafted by every political w& Three-fifths , at least , are satisfied with things ¦ 2 * 7 « re ; sad they , from superior property , hold P » wl of social exclusion over ail who shall politi-¦» £ ? « aadon the old faith . All these classes have W *** 0 kbnyed , as you have been , ' in the mortar of f ^ i before a perfect union can be hoped for . Pkj masi , aj the apothecaries have it , be pounded ¦ ejfss , attmimme trik , before the bolus is ready

      ¦ afepaaatJ . 1 &n aaaad that necessity has been your drill ser-^ sk ^ , 24 jjjjj im 51 a majority of the labouring r ** bwoe paopers , you and your trades' unions C ^* * 1 ycrat orte » » iyouraiaoeiaUons , each B ~ aTBsri 11 « , TOder existing circumstaaoee , to pull a B ^ od for their own trder , at the expence of all ¦ T * 1 sm > •* knga , that fellow-feeling , whieh ^^ = ffia Tcaidrous kind , drove you irresistibly into

      ~ 7 * *• Poor oppreMed . In 18 S 8 I divided ¦ ^ iato two erases , " the rich oppressor and the ^^ = Kmssed ,- and as such I have ever since dealt " KfiSal ioQety . 1 ^ . * feir < 3 werter « very much weakened ffj" ***** ^ Mki of the people ; a good erotehet-¦ ^* tt * k with Mm a whole aeetdoa to the enemy j K jj . * » bat u the alonghing off of the proud ** *• "w e , leaving it cleaner and more easy

      r tb ° * ^ ilQSa « es ^ kick *« new alliee propose Urk ° * 0 ! ^^ vui 7 ? " ^^ 7 fte Ter 7 fel " ¦*¦ le ^ L " ^ * ° % g * ' * ° ld ^^ People ' s U *! # fkci ****¦ tt 6 nt € ral meaning of the term t ^ ^ ttiddie classes , is , you working men , ^ » Vast , cant you , and give yourselves up t * whica a few trafficking politicians shall i ¦ £ ** to ° » ke of you for our sola use , behoof b ds ^ f ** tte Htifcter ' t 116 middle-daas gentle eiBii ** oa * they intend for you , when , like good "™* > ti » y -rfli come in at the heel of the hunt

      , J ^^ tbe game from the exhausted pack . Of > S ?" ^^^ lome desertiona . ^ # * through life has been to make yon indei «» ch casualties , and I have so far succeeded 5 « ZeTeB ay * ^ bao ^ ament of th » caiue a at !« IJe * momenV to T . " » hile it would eont ^ l * eaal iaf »« 7 » nd dkpaw . " 5 ^!^ h 01 r * ° koow * * P irho " P » P « a * ^^ fc as we say of the runaway tenants in a tiJ * l 8 * » - » ho is in a state of probation ** i 2 z poUtical M ^ ta alw * » kDown hi * aet

      ^^ enieaTour to ealiat aronnd -own j ^^* of diaerplesnpoa some new Mth , * 8 » 1 W OW * * * * ' from the Cbxrter ' ^^ «« teBtea differ ona from th » other about b ^^ rf ^ ttooaahfa ^ These ibrfple * constitute Uijj ^^ ^* ^* ghis his course by picking holes Ba ^^*^ ^ &his oM associates . He becomes ISo * L ' i 0 ient ' * ° dl ** kBgtk > *¦ bes ! ni to ^ J ** reason ; hettenrubs hisskirU "wixBott inflaaitial of hit akout-tc-be

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      adopted friends . He then watches all and every opportunity of associating with them , and at last attends their meetings , and , while he Bells you , he would persuade you that he has surrounded the whole tone of the enemy , and takes them all prisoners . Such men irresistibly remind me in their newly-inflamed , excited , aad cock-tailed state , of a " garron" of a horse at a fair figged dp for the occasion , and , like the ignorant bumpkin , who , not knowing the real cause of uneasiness of the burning beast , takes his writhing for high spirits , and very often gives twen ^ pounds for the horse flesh

      and thirty for the ginger ; and when he finds that the animal loses his ginger valiancy , and drops his tail , he begins to think he has " paid too dear for his whistle , " just as the purchasers of one of » ur cocked-tails , who , instead of finding that a whole . section of the Chartists constitutes a part of the term * of the bargain andsale , discover , to their mortification , that they have purchased a " garron . " with a piece of ginger under his taiL I think we cannot do better , then , than to christen all deserters " cocked-tail gingers ; " and thus , as we have always sailed with our colours at the matt head , let even the enemy know what they purchase .

      I asked you , in July , which of the middle classes yon were to join ; for you have two at daggers drawn—Whigs and Tories—and neither united among themselves . Have the Tory middle classes , either as magistrates , prosecutors , or jurors , been more hostile to Chartists than the Whigs ? Have they made worse Guardians , or cm-qficiQ Guardians , of the poor ? Have they made worse Visiting Magistrates of prisons ? Have they , in

      short , in aughk oppressed you more t >>* " the very vagabonds , who quote Scripture , while they defile every clean thing , and then ask you to join them- You may join them ; but I'll be d d if ever I do , or if ever the Star shsJL I began the battle with yon ; I'll fight it out with you ; and well die , or conquer , together ; but fr « m our colours we move not an hair ' s breadth ; from our principles we budge net a pin ' s point—though thousands rot in prisons , die on the scaffold , or work in the colonies .

      We will this time prove , in fact , what has been a mockery for ages , that the people are "the legitimate source of all p ^ wer , " and that Great Britain and Ireland shall be the envy and admiration of surrounding nations . If the object of the enemy be to desert us , we well know how to receive them and will place them under a strong guard , lest they come as spies to our camp . In our own union we art invincible and omnipotent , while a union with them wonld make us the laughingstock . of the whole world . I tell you that the union only means the power of keeping the iron hoof of Toryism from our necks in order that the iron hoof of Whiggery may have an undisputed possession of the restingplace .

      Have you not had enough of middle-class union in 1831-2 , or do you want to be sold again ? The very hacks , to whose leadership you are designed to be transferred , sre the men who have allowed the Government to . commit wholesale plunder aad injustice , in order that they may be allowed the profit upon retail abuse . If I had a choice , I would a thousand , aye , ten thousand times , rather be governed by Melbourne , Normanby and Russell , than by O'Connell , Wakley and Co . - ¦ ' ¦

      Now , just attend , for one moment , to a voice which comes from a most infernal place—a felon ' s solitary stone cell , and listen to reason , or , at least , reason the matter with yourselves . Firstly , then—Do those demagogues ever court an alliance with you when they are strong enough to hold their ground without you t No ; they trample upon you ! Secondly—What has ruined the Whig cause ; which , by observance of honourable conduct , might have been

      made the rallying point for all Burope ? Yes , had the Whigs played the Reform game fairly , they were masters of the world , and England was the nation of nations—Ireland the gem of Isles , and Scotland the land of freedom , science , and the arts . By Heaven ! we could have , beaten the world ; because Reform principles would have given us friends in every foe ' s camp . Well , what has dashed them , or rather rolled them by degrees , from this proud eminence ? Why compromise ; union with the Tories , the very weakness of which they now ask you to be guilty .

      Thirdly—If [ you are disunited , deceived , and scattered once more , who again will rally you , and when again will you be in a position to make your party the terror of all evil-doers ? Hear , then , my last words for to-night Let us stick together like men—like the bundle of sticks , and I promise you that we will beat all before us . " United we stand , divided we falL " Let us once get the old malefactors into a glorious constitutional minority , and then we'll make the galled jades put their sore necks to the collar , and pull the Chartist waggon up Constitution Hill ; but we 11 work them in wrinkles lest they start , and jib , and stop at the Treasury .

      Let our motto then be—No Union with the enemy ; no surrender , ' Onward , and we conquer , backward , and we fall Hurrah . ' Hurrah i Hurrah ! tor ovr side ; and three groans for the ruffians who Imprisoned the officers that they may seduce the soldiers from their duty . Bnt , thank God , not a deserter—not one " cocked-tail ginger , " and woe be with the first unfortunate " garron , " he will pay too dear tor his fig . Again , hurrah for the dungeon , the people , and the Charter . Down with the temple of corruptien , and up with the imperishable monument of freedom—the freedom of th » ught , and freedom of action , where it trenches not upon the covenant , natural rights of others . I am , Tour friend , Feargus O'Coskor .

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      i-Li . 1 _ - i r 0- |_ l ^ i ^^^ il i i ¦ i . - _ - .. -m-. TO HER MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY THE ' . QUEEN . Madam , —We have seen thai constitutional defects , and the misarrangements of society , are the parents of much of that mass of cruse and dereliction from right principles , which so loudly call for corrective and remedial measures . The third source ot the frightful evils which overspread oui land , is the imperfect , and , in many instances , the corse than useless , education of our people .

      It has been observed by an eminent writer , that" a little learning is a dangerous thing ; " and it is a lamentable fact , that of . this " dangerous thing , " we have much more than enough in this misgoverned land . Indeed , it is a question -whether , in practical education , we are not far behind the most uncivilised nations of Europe-I know that we have schools of every kind and character , except that of usefulness . 1 am sensible , that if the boasted- systems of Dr . Bell or Mr . Lancaster , the so-called national schools , and those of the British and

      Foreign School Society , did what they profess to do , we should have some right to call ourselves an educated people ; and if the Universities were ~ really seminaries of sound learning and religious education , the upper and middle classes might , with some shew of reason , put forth a similar claim . But , as I can prove that neither the one nor the other do , nor are anything like what they profess to do and be , I am compelled to maintain that we are , in practice , an uneducated people .

      I do not call fwninng a boy or girl upon dogmas of theology—mis-stated , perverted , or falsely reasoned ; upon scraps of history ( aad we have scarcely any history whieh deserves a better character)—the means of discussing the disputed cavils of chronology—the acquisition of andfinl and modern language *—an txtenrive acquaintance with arts , science , and literature—a knowledge of tile . most approved methods of trade and commerce , combined with mssic , dancing , and other polite and fashionable accomplishments—education ;

      and yet thin la considered - education of a most liberal character . As well ' might we call a mass of stone , - timber , and other building materials , a stately palace , or a magnificent d&hednL No , Madam , real and genuine education . consists in the knowledge of the means of practically applying all these materials to the purposes of use . It is no uncommon iv ^ g to find it stated by the press , ( the e » nductors of which , for the most part , are among the most ignorant of the multitude of uneducated beings over whom yon

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      reign , ) that among such and such a number of persona convicted of crime , so many could not read , and bo " many could read , but could not write ; and so many could only read and write very imperfectly ; » nd thus is the false notion engendered and propagated , that the greatest number of criminals are to be found among those who hare not these acquirements ; and by inference , that to teach children to read and write , is the best and most certain preventative of crime . If this statement were correct , then those who have been favoured with all the other matters which I have enumerated , and which are totally out of the reach of all but the opulent elatses , ought to be the very ne plus ultras of moral excellence . We shall see , as we pass along , that this is as far as possible from being the case .

      I contend that nothing is worth the name of education that fails to impress upon the mind of the student the necessity of his so acting as to secure his own interest , not as an isolated being , living only for himself , but in accordance with the welfare , the prosperity , and the happiness of that community of which he forms a part Anything contrary to this , or anything short of this , is not education ; but only a develcpement of , animal cunning combined with perverted rational powers , which , under the domination of internal selfishness , is striving to secure its own ends by practising upon the weakness or ignorance

      of mankind . This pretended education , I grieve to say , is at this moment most fearfully prevalent among all classes of your Majesty's subjects ; and contributes , to an unknown extent , to increase the black catalogue of crime , which presents so hideous a picture to the contemplative mind . I have said that all practical education consists in the knowledge of how to apply the various acquirements we may possess to the purposes of use . By this I mean , that what we acquire as knowledge in the understanding , will be of no Bervice to us—nay , will be a positive evil—unless it be conjoined with an earnest desire so to apply it to the purposes of life , aa to make it conducive to , and productive ot , a spirit of justice and kindness , both in ourselves , and , as far as possible , in all over whom we

      have any influence . It is for want of this governing and ruling principle , that we so often apply the instruction we have received to the basest , the most sordid , and the most unprincipled ends . And hence is it that the most flagrant crimes are frequently perpetrated by those who have had what is generally , though most erroneously , considered , a liberal education . Suffer me , however , to remark , that the crimes which are the result of imperfect education , must , in « rder to a proper understanding of our subject , be divided into two classes ; that class which Is deemed disreputable , and for which the delinquents are held amenable to human laws , and that class which is not called crime , bnt by a variety of specious names , too long here to enumerate , and which is considered honourable and

      respectable . I will mention a few of each , in order that your Majesty may perfectly comprehend my meaning ; and , as you are head of the Church , you cannot object to my citing the commandments of the decalogue as the laws which are the most binding authority upon a Christian people . Now , if I prove that while we pretend to honour the law * of God , we punish a small breach of these laws with severity , and count a Jarge breach of them as honourable and praiseworthy , I shall show , , o a demonstration , the imperfect state

      of education amongst those who claim to have it in the highest perfection—the legislature , and the tipper classes—and the inference will be inevitable , that , while so lamentably uninformed , or uninstrusted themselves , all their public measures will be remote from the requirements of truth and justice , and 60 ill calculated to remove the evils , and to promote the well-being of society , that a vast amount of criminal acts must be the necessary result of eren their most laboured attempts at improvement and reform . To the following evidenoe , then , I respectfully solicit your Majesty ' s most Berious and candid attention : —

      First , as to breaches of the first commandment . If a man , disgusted with the unlovely and frightful character with which state priests and ignorant hirelings invest the Deity , turns to nature , and there beholding him portrayed in the robes of unsullied loveliness , and beaming forth upon all the works of his hands , with a countenance of benignity and soft compassion , resolves to worship him by the incense of a grateful heart , and the sincere homage of a benevolent life—instead of joining with the great congregation , ( of the hypocrisy and heartlessness of a majority of whom he has perhaps daily

      experience , ; in the ntes of integral worship , in the temples made by bands , he is styled an infidel , held up to the abhorrence and detestation of society , and if he be poor , and shall dare to make his sentiments known , and to question the truth of a religion , that , so far at he can perceive , ia productive of so much evil , he will , at the ie&st , stand & chance of losing his employment , and it will be well if he be not made to undergo the penalties of the laws against irreligion and blasphemy , and sent to prison to learn a more orthodox creed , from some drunken , gaming , time-serving chaplain . This man is held to be a flagrant and great criminal , and to be sore he must be punished .

      Look at the contrast Yonder is a rich landholder , oi mill-owner . He has acquired thousands by rapine and extortion . Money is his God ; no matter how he gets it , have it he wilL Hehasground the faces of the poor ; his workmen have toiled themselves into a premature grave , to in crease his gold ; and the blood of helpless babes cries against him ; yet he still cries " Give , give . " He is so covetous , that he would not give a shilling to save a fellowcreature from starvation , and yet , wholesale robber as

      he is , no law can touch him . He may fill the chair m the magistrate , or his veice may be heard in the deliberations of the senate - he is a most honourable member of the best society ; and if , as is the case with one gentleman whose image is now before me , be can take the chair at religious meetings , and may give liberally from his ill-gotten gains to what is most impiously called the cause of charity , er the cause of Gtd , he is held up as a paragon of excellence , and all men are expected to speak well of him .

      I hare one of these saints now in my recollection—a flaming religionist , and late a member of the senate , who robs the public annually to the tune of £ 150 , 000 , and to an unknown extent , in the less of comfort respectabilty , and temporal and eternal happiness , by the sale of intoxicating drinks , and returns them £ 6 , 000 in what the world calls charity . Robbery and idolatry are in this man no crime . I am , Madam , Your Majesty's faithful and obedient subject and servant , London , January 25 th , 1840 . NUMA .

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      ANALYSIS OF THE HAND-LOOM WEAVERS' REPORT .

      LETTEB X . I now come to the question of all questions , the subject of all subjects , the most important for the consideration of the people of this vast " workshop of the world . " The exportation of machinery , though placed last in the list of allegations by the Hand-loom Weavers' Committee of Manchester , is by no means last to be considered , inasmuch as it is the last blow aimed at the very existence of the manufacturing operatives ) of this country . We have been familiarised with the cry of the " Church in danger . '" I now proclaim , and with greater truth , that the " trade is in danger J" And this , my anal letter , upon this subject , shall be devoted to warn my countrymen of their threatened annihilation .

      Machinery and wealth are co-existent , and if there be one greater ill than another , it is in this accursed union of machinery and wealth ; their connection is productive of great mischief to the labourers of this country , and wherever such an alliance exists , the workers , or manual labourers , will be the greatest-sufferers , in fact , the only sufferers . Machinery it the natural enemy of manual labour , and the rich , who have ever shown themselves to be hattile to the labourers , possess the means of employing machinery to an advantage , and do so regardless . of the evil consequences to the labouring class . As ten . men manufactnra as much

      machinery as will displace one hundred m » fm «> labour * era , so in the same proportion will ten of the labouring class be employed in machioe making , for the superseding of manual labourers throughout the codntry . Time was wheo we could boast of ovr ' excess ot exports over our imports ; but the time for boasting is drawing to a close : our own merchants and manufacturers have for some time back been traitorously encouraging , and our Whig Government facilitating by Orders in Council , the exportation of machinery to foreign countries , contrary to law , justice , asd reason : contrary to law , because many Acts of Parliament have been passed , and are now In force , to prevent the exportation oi

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      machinery , and prohibiting the emigration of artisans ; contrary to justice , because the inventions drawn from our experience * - and the result of native talent , ought sot , in fairness to our mechanics and operatives , to be given to other countries who in matters of trade are endeavouring to rival ns , and thereby destroy our very existence as a commercial nation ; contrary to reason , because , it being the dnty of our Government to afford protection to the people , more especially to the labourers whose bread depends upon the labour of their hands , it is , therefore , irrational in the extreme for the Government to allow machinery to be exported , or , in plainer English , to take the bread oat of the mouths of hundreds of thousands who now depend upon machinery . ,

      The hand-loom weavers justly complain qt the exportation of machinery , notwithstanding the application of machinery to their business has been injurious to them : they complain of the exportation of carding engines , roving and spinning machinery—well knowing that every ounce weight of machinery leaving this country for the Continent or the United States , materially assists foreigners in perfecting their manufacturing establishments . I will refer you to an extract from a Parliamentary paper , No . 578 , 1828 , containing a report of a committee of manufacturers , merchants , and agriculturists of the United States , who met at Haroaburgb ., 1827 , to consider the commercial state of England and America . After speaking of our cotton manufactures ,

      they say , " This is a difference of 10 per cent , in favour of American cotton yarn ) With this plain exhibit , it may be certainly expected , that we shall export annually , millions on millions of pounds of cotton yam , and rival the British in that business , as we do in goods made out of it , as soon as the capacity of our manufacturers shall pass beyond the demand for cotton cloths , of which last there is a scarcity , because of the export , though not much advanced in price . The home demand is extending , and the foreign one increasing fatter than more perfect machinery ( and more of it ) can supply . But the domestic competition will soon regulate this . We have water power , Iron and coal , ingenious artisans and industrious people , and the days of British monopoly in the manufacture of our own raw material are numbered !"

      What do the Americans want more but the newest inventions from England ? improved machinery from this country ; then , like France , as Boon as the tariff expires , such arrangements will be made as to almost exclude oar manufactures from their States , and perhaps pass a law to prevent certain descriptions of cotton wool ( of course the best ) from being exported , thus forcing England to manufacture from Inferior raw material , which will lower the quality of their goods in the markets , where America will compete with us . What has been the effect of American rivalry occasioned by the wicked policy of our rulers , in driving , by oppressive laws and their corrupt administration , our best artisans to that country , and exporting our best machinery under the sanction of Orders in Council ? Why , a considerable decrease in our exports to that flourishing country . Witness the following statement of exports from England to the United State * : —

      1815 . * 1 S 28 . Decrease . Yards . Yards . Yards . White or plain calicoes at 154 per yard ... 19 , 207 , 028 10 , 359 , 707 8 , 848 , 221 Printed calicoes at 18 d . per yard 32 , 542 , 408 25 , 840 , 720 6 , 708 , 688 White or plain muslins at 20 d per yard ... 13 , 763 , 082 688 , 368 13 , 004 , 714 Fustians jeans , velvets , See . at 2 s 6 dperyard 1 , 629 , 116 185 , 630 i . 443 , 655 Mark ! this gradual decrease took place at a time when the laws regarding the exportation of machinery were rigidly enforced by the Tories , under Lord Liverpool ' s , Canning ' s , and Goderich's Administrations .

      Since that time , there were machinery and mill-work exported to America—Year . v £ . In 1828 4 , 917 1829 7 , 715 1830 10 , 913 1831 8 , 637 1832 6 , 883 1833 8 , 82 * 1834 28 , 699 1835 46 , 708 1836 24 , 081 and we are still going on exporting machinery in the aame ratio of increase ; and our export trade in cotton manufactures still progressively decreasing . [ See the "Black Book , " 1841 , page 60 , for similar statements respecting Russia , Prussia , Germany , Holland , Belgium , and France . ]

      Well may the hand-loom weavers complain now , for this system of exporting machinery has been a source of complaint for the last twenty years , and we have a report of a Committee of the House of Commons , in 1824 , inquiring into this subject , which shows how the prohibition laws have been evaded and machinery exported to the Continent ; also the plans taken by foreigners to induce our best artisans to emigrate , for the purpose of teaching foreign workmen how to manufacture machinery and imitate English goods . Evidence is also given , showing the impolicy of prohibiting the exportation of machinery , bnt it is of an interested nature , and unworthy of notice . Last Session , Mr . Emerson Tennent moved for returns of the machinery and raillwork exported from Great Britain during the last ten years , which was as follows : — 1—Steam engines and parts of Steam Engines . First five yean , declared value , £ 265 , 947 ; second five years , £ 773 , 512 .

      2—Millwork , of all sorts , allowed by law to be exported . First five years , do ., £ 106 , 054 ; second five years , £ 257 , 625 . 3—Machinery of all other kinds allowed by law to be exported . First fire year * , do ., £ 821 , 790 ; second five years , £ 1 , 307 , 624 .

      4—Machinery exported under license from the Treasury or Privy Council . First five years , do ., £ 34 , 877 ; second five years , £ 17 o , 464 . 5—Machinery and millwork , of all sorts , ( aggregate . ) First five years , do ., £ 746 , 019 ; second five years , £ 2 , 414 . 226 . Total in the ten years ending 1840 , £ 3 , 150 , 245 . What think you is the avowed object of this return ]—To put a stop to this selling of our trade and pauperising our labourers ? O , no ; Mr . Tennent ( the Historian of Modern Greece ) is the representative of the machine makers and millownera of Belfast , ( the Irish Manchester . ) Mr . Mark Phillips and R . H . Greg are the representatives of the machine makers and

      millowners of the celebrated English Manchester , and the Manchester Guardian ( the cousin German of the " Great Liar of the North" ; is the accredited oracle of the Whigs of White Hall . This triumvirate of patriots , under the guidance of the Gumrdian , which means the Ministry , are concocting a Bill to bring before the Talkers , to repeal all the laws affecting or restricting the exportation of machinery ; or , to use the slang , to have free trade in machinery . Mark Phillips gave notice last session that be would move for leave , early next session , to bring in such a bill . This is the same Maxk Phillips , who declared that " he would resist all legislation in favour of the hand loom weavers ; " and , if Parliament insisted in

      interfering betwixt the employer and the weaver , he ( Mr . P . ) was connected with a large manufacturing establishment , and he should fee ] it hia duty tc advise his partner to break up their establishment , and employ their capital abroad , where it would net be interfered with . " His colleague , Mr . Greg , I believe , has been , or is connected with , an establishment at Geneva in Switzerland . So , as soen as these worthies get "Free trade in machinery , " they will sell up their establishments in this over-taxed country , employ their capital abroad , and leave the starving , disaffected people , and the landed aristocracy to settle the interest of the National Debt , and the " ways and means , " among themselves . Glorious prospect I

      If the machinery exported was of a perfect kind , the evil would have been bad enough , but the great bulk of what has hitherto been exported consisted of lathes , planing machines , drilling machines , cutting engines , and other tools used in the manufacture of machinery : working models , and expensive or difficult pieces of machinery ; thus furnished with the most necessary means for the manufacturing of machinery , they are enabled to manufacture for themselves as well as for others . R . J . Richardson . February 1 st , 1841 .

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      *^^^ t ^^^ t ^»^*^^^^^^^^ B ^ S ^ S ^ S ^ B" ^^^^ t ^^^^^ N ^^^^^^^^^^ 0 TO THI EDITOR OF THB KORTHRHW 8 TiR . Sir , —I have been much gratified recently In looking over the " Fleet Papers , " and should not envy much the feelings of the man who could read the statements of tbe good oM " King , " with

      •• Eyes unmoisiened by a tear . " I sincerely hope that , both for tbe sake of the venerable writer , and for that of genuine liberty , these papers may obtain an extensive circulation throughout the three kingdoms . My reason for troubling you with this note is , that I have beard of some persons who think they bare not snfficieat matter for their money j and ( hat If it is not increased , they shall discontinue taking tbe work . I think they will jea , on a second perusal of each letter , that they do . really g « t their two-pennyworth for their twopence .. Still , X admit that if four pages more could be' given . ia each somber , it would' be . desirable ; and I write to propose apian by whichifemightHbe done . ¦ . . . .... . - .-. ¦ . ¦ ¦ ¦ .. . . . ; .-., ¦ ¦ - ¦ -.. ;

      I see the "Papers" arestitehed in a wrapper , and I suggest that aU tbe Meads or this « hampkm ot the rights of thepoar should unite their energies to make tbe work a good advertising median / If a sufficient number of advertisements could be obtained to cover the expence of printing and paper of four additional pages , it may be fairly expected that an Increase of tbe circulation wonld be obtained . Another suggestion I would make is , tbatJc every town a nomber of persons , say twelve , should unite to take tone additional copies

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      weekly ; sending one to tbe parson , another to tbe chief magistrate , and the third to the public library . It would be easy to put a Chartist tract new and then in the inside of each . This plan would serve the cause of the people , and would also promote the comfort of him who , theugh ostensibly in the Fleet for debt , is in truth in the Fleet for advocating the cause of those who have few or none to help them . I am , Yours , faithfully , A . B . Leeds , February 1 st , 1841 .

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      THE PARLIAMENT OF GREAT BRITAIN . IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY . MR . Editor , — -As some sapient persons are so fond of endeavouring to throw ridicule on the patt Convention of the nation , or on the future Parliament , as it maybe , when tbe people are fully represented , it perhaps will not be without interest or amusement to give some slight account of tbe British Senate , as it is at present constituted . On January 26 tn , 1841 , the day of the opening of Parliament , having obtained a Members * order for the gallery of the House of Commons , I found myself in that assembly , after having been nearly squeezed to death by a crewd of fools , who flocked to see the young Lady , Queen Victoria .

      Well , Sir , I was in the gallery , and as before the Members arrived , I attentively viewed the building itself , I may as well give you an account of it , before 1 proceed to its inmates . The present place , where the " Imperial Parliament" meet , until the new House on the banks of tbe Thames is built , strikes the spectator neither with awe nor admiration ; it is , in truth , as shabby a dwelling , as any shabby tenants could desire . It is of an oblong form , and divided into the body and theoottery of the House . The floor is covered with matting and with benches , which latter possess green leather cushions and high backs . At one end ( the western )

      is tbe Speaker ' s chair , or throne , over which is a species of canopy , and before which ia a large table , containing the mace , so essential to a debate , and a few old books . The walls are of white painted wood , and look very bare and desolate . The gallery has benches of rather a less comfortable appearance than those in the body , and one part of it iff given up to the Members , who may find it too crowded , or too hot , or too busy below ; another part is assigned to the Speaker ' s orders , a third to the Members ditto , and a fourth to the Reporters . From the roof bang four lamps , two very insignificant , and two very incomprehensible .

      By degrees the Members , tbe Honourable and Learned Members , flocked in . The Ministerial benches ( which are to the right of the Speaker ) boasted of about six occupants , who talked and laughed with great noise and glee , as if pleased and surprised to find themselves still in bo happy a situation . At length the benches on both sides of the House were filled , particularly the Conservative side , which , mustered very strong . Among the Ministerial party might be seen the big and burly " Dan O'Connell , " with his broad brimmed hat , and long frock coat He assumed o jovial look , but seemed to be writhing under his recent defeat in the Fox and Goose Club . " As usual , whenever be opens his mouth , he was called to order by the Speaker , and laughed at by the Members .

      Here was little Lord John , like a bantam-cock , swelling out biB throat , and standing on tiptoe , in order to be beard and seen . Facing him was Sir Robert P « el , looking great things , but doing little . Around these , Sir , were unfledged boys , fit for school ; old men , fit for bad ; and the like . As for the debate , the opener spoke so low no one could bear him ; the seconder read his speech ; others shouted or whispered ; the Members not speaking to the Speaker spoke among themselves so !* udly as to drown almost every sound . In the course of two hours after the debate had begun , some dozen of the Representatives of Great Britain might be seen fast asleep , and stretched at full length , on the benches in the gallery , in positions neither elegant nor becoming . I left the place , Sir , with a resolution not to ever enter it again in its-present state . Believe me , YeufB , faithfully , An Observer of Men and Manners

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      THE EFFECTS OF CLASS LEGISLATION AS SEEN IN THE STREETS AND HOUSES OF THE WORKING CLASSE 8 .

      TO THB EDITOR OF THB NORTHERN 8 TAR . Dear Si r , —The statistical accounts of the large towns of England and Scotland furnish us with many sad pictures of human wretchedness , and some few are even worse than Leeds . But as I am in possession of a greater number of facts , and , above all , a greater personal acquaintance with this town than any other , as well aa the varied details of the late survey , I shall confine my remarks entirely to it , while endeavouring to sketch in undeniable characters the horrid effects of class legislation , as seen in and around the abodes of working men . And , first , let us examine the condition of streets , and for this purpose I shall take , as a specimen , the East Ward , as compared with the Mill Hill Ward . There is , however , little difference between the state of the Eastward and those of the North East , South , and parts of the North and West Wards . The following table will show the comparative state of the streets in the two Wards : to which I solicit the careful examination of working men . m to Condtn of Surface . » , ; 2 S | i ' . ~~ 2 S » "" n So * O * 3 " — Wllififd I | h ___ JL Eastward . 14 , 271 13 , 361 122 35 17 28 42 7 Mill Hill . 5 , 167 1 . 366 48 35 5 4 4 19

      From this will be seen the great advantage of being a gentleman shopkeeper , or , « se of the enfranchised upper , middle , or bny-cheap-and-sell-dear classes . The comforts arising from local as well as state legislation ought to be apportioned according to the number of inhabitants ; and if this were tbe case , the East Ward would have 24 streets paved by the town instead of 7 ; and , on the other hand , Mill Hill Ward would have 15 very bad instead of only four ; but were it so , what a row there would be—what a stir in the rookery for reform 1 reform ! I reform 1 ! I ' of streets . But now , since an alteration would confer little personal benefit upon these gentry , it is scarcely ever mentioned . Let us next consider the difference in the meaning of the words employed to describe the condition of streets , as they refer to each Ward ; for having myself superintended this statistical survey , I may at least be supposed to possess some knowledge of thole meaning .

      MILL HILL WARD . Term * . Meaning . good . Beautifully paved ; dean , swept , and dry , middling . Paved , but net very well ; dry . bad . Partly paved and partly not very bad . Not paved or BWept ; dirty only in some places .

      east ward . Terrm . Meaning . « OOD . Wholly or partly paved ; M'Adamised , or possessing a bard level cinder surface , and tolerably clean and dry . middling . As above with portions bad . bad . Not over shoe fcopa in mad , but wet and dirty . . vert bad . Pretty well strewn with the contents of nightstoois , or poisde ehambre ; ankle deep in mud , cut up , and in some instances impassable , at times , to carts ; elevated two feet above the levelof the ground-floor of the houses by the accumulation of ashes and other filth . ,

      Such is the difference in the meaning of those terms , which it was necessary to apply alike to all , when tbe survey was made ; but which , as will now be seen , differs materially when compared with the separate localities . Without further comment here , I shall pass on to furnish another table , exhibiting the state of sewerage , affording additional reasons why tbe abodes of the working classes are se surrounded with filth : —

      | Condtn . of Sewerage Amount of o ¦ "»; . £ ¦¦ ' 8 v % . 5 Poor Rate Wards . 5 £ f ? SJtfs 1 * f tob ^ " gjigWflMSSSgS ., Eastward . S 13 69 37 3 , 4 < H ¦ ' £ 1 , 504 17 8 Mill HilL ... 18 2 / ; « . 23 984 3 . 890-12 «

      From this table , the- wet condition of the streets and cellars in tbe East Ward may . be accounted for . Now , it we are not tojfee allowed an equal distribution of the comftrU , alluded to before , according to the number of inhabitants , surely we ought to claim for the waking classes an eqaiTalenfr for the money paid by theain support © jt W »« whole . ; ; It will be observed , above , I hav » given the amount of poor rate paid by each . Mill Hm ' only contributes twoand a half times as much at Eut Ward ; and yat , it hat more than six- time *¦ ii many public sewers . The Bart Ward 1 »» V on « third of toe has only one-twelfth . Ho * to tbiir'lfcUbecauw out of J . 187 inhabitant * MUl Hffl , b ^ bi ^ ii W 566 of toe working classes , while out of I 4 > 2 * 1 It | the Eart Ward , 13 , 361 are the enslaved , wealthwaUng , ^ Pf 68611 ^ bat fadustekms classes . W if not pntfhrUien , that dsisJeristatton . in its banefid effect * , extends far

      beyondfote corruption and public plwttMt rit reacne . W and poiso 4 s > tlie reijf » ir which , ^ titag men district , whkh * xten « to ovw- » ooie « W 5 fl P *™ crETtown , be «* mtaed anrf . Vi ** fc * * SM leaner and better situated ; and toe tenth of what 1

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      have asserted will easily be seen . In the North district , births are as one to twenty-two and a half ; deaths one te twenty-three and a half . West district , births are as one to twenty-eight ; deaths one to thirty-sbt inhabitants . There may be other causes , such as want of food and clothing , to produce this difference in the bills of mortality ; yet , it will not be denied that ths unwholesome exhalations from toe streets , &c con * tribute their share . —[ We must here break off ou * friend ' s discussion , and give toe remainder ef the Iettet next week . —Eds . ]

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      ? ——TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Sir , —Having been honoured by the general meeting ef delegates with a& appointment as one ot the eight Chartists to speak at Marshall's will , on the evening of toe 21 at , and , as the meeting was concluded -without my sanction , perhaps you will permit me to occupy a corner of your valuable paper , to give a sketch of what I intended to say on that occasion . I intended to expose the conduct of the vaccillating and traitorous Whig faction , and particularly that portion of it evinced during the Reform mania . While that deceptive bill was in progress , they courted the support of tbe people ; but no sooner had it become law , than they immediately turned round upon the people , and assailed them with toe most opprobion * epithets ; such as " dirty ragged rascals , without a shilling ef their own , " and , in the teeth of their oftrepeated pledges , refused to aid toe people in the acquisition of their inalienable rights .

      The people are well aware of the cajolery practised at tbat time , and it is evident that the new scheme of agitation , now mooted , ia the counterpart of the former imposition . The middle tflass desire to obtain a tenfold influence over the working classes . They do not wish them to vote for their won bricks and mortar , bnt that toe Imdlord may have an unjust power vested in him , and may command toe tenant to vote for bit favourite , or quit . We contend for the franchise being vested in animate , not in inanimate matter . The Household Suffrageitet would have us support their plan , yet they leave their plan undefined . Mr . Hume would say that if ten families enter by one door to their several compartmenta , only one shall vote . Mr . Roebuck , Shaman Crawford ,

      and Mr . Williams , would let every one of them vote ; and Mr . Marshall would define a house under each m height , breadth , and length , to be only a cot , a hut , oz a shed , and toe people must be able to read and write ; be of religious habits , and Be united to some society , to come up to the standard of intelligence , and must also have resided in the house three years , aud have paid all the poor rates and taxes of every description , or have no vote . And as to that hnportantact whichw&slately passed , namely thelaw of D&stiJes . coarserfood . and starvation , commonly called the New Po » r Law Amendment Acts the men who are the leaders in this new movement were mainly instrumental in passing tbat infernal centralisation Maltonsian scheme , which gives nine votes in toe election of guardians to one man ; and gives tbe

      power of voting to men not elected at all , but who are appointed by the existing Government , who can at pleasure swamp the so-called elected guardians and squander toe poor-rates . . Those very men were instrumental in passing a law to place toe funds for toe relief of toe halt , toe lame , the blind , toe aged , and the impotent , in the hands of a trio of pensioned , unfeeling , ignorant upstarts ; they have given toe three monsters Bower to starve our best mechanics and artisans , with their wives and children separated from them , in has * tiles . Yes ; and those who gave nine vetes to some voters in toe election for guardians , may give nineteen to some householders , and one to another ; oravota for every room or every window in the house , and for every rood of land attached thereto . And toil

      " liberal" reformers would call an extension of the Suffrage i Let me enquire who the Household Suffrage advocates have called before us to convince the men of Leeds and the country of the blessings of their schemes f Why , they have called Mr . Sharman Crawford from toe north of Ireland , one / of the most generous and humane of men , and consequently , a Chartist ; they have called Mr . Oully , one of the same stamp , who is also a Chartist , and subscribed to the national rent and signed the national petition ; they have called Sir Gteo . Strickland , who would extend toe Suffrage according to his standard of intelligence ; ( were Sir ( Jeorge ' s besom properly exercised in the two houses of our law makers , they would be clean indeed ;) they have called Mr . Gisburne , a Maltousiakof toe first water , a

      grinding millowner ; they have called Mr . Williams , an out-and-out Radical ; they have called Mr . Roebuck , who has done many good things , but who , when he began to advocate the New Poor Law in his periodical , gave it its death blow , and who was soon after kicked out Of Bath for toe same reason , and it ia to be hoped win be kept out of every place while he holds auoh helliBh doctrines ; they have called Mr . Hume , a pure Malthusian , who desires that not one blade of grass should spring from toe face of the country ; in fact , that tbe whole surface should be covered with aa incrustation of lava , through which nothing whatever which could sustain or support life might spring : they have called Daniel O'Connell too , who betrayed and disfranchised the 40 s . freeholders of Ireland—who

      aided in passing a Coercion . Bill for Ireland—who opposed substantial poor laws for Ireland , and supported a poor law for his country which is only so in name , and , in reality , a curse—who urged toe trades' unions to combination and exclusive dealing , and afterwards turned round , and told them they were liable to transportation for acting upon hia advice—• who recommended a run upon the banks , and soon after became a banker himself—who made an effort to obtain for Mr . B . Rnthven a place at £ l , 0 « 0 a year , when he said bis conduct had been so bad , as to render hint unfit to sit In the company of common labourers—( any thing to get rid of a joint that won't work npthe " rmt , " )—who coaxed Mr . Feargus O'Connor , after h » found him paramount in the great county of Cork ( toe

      Yorkshire of Ireland i until he founi him possessed of too much honour , too h ^ gh principle , too much integrity , and too great a love of country , to make a joint of his tail , - and then attempted to kick him over-board—who christened toe Whigs , " " bate , bloody , and brutal , " and afterwards shielded them with his tail—who , with hi * influence , not only saved toeni from being kicked out , but enabled and aided them to pass the horrible new bastile and rural police laws , and will assist them , ia all probably , to pass a passport law by which we shall be prevented from leaving home' / without our description in our pocket , unless with the certainty of being popped into a dungeon by the ' . blue police—who pledged himself never to cease agitation until the factory slaves were emancipated , and very soon sold them for , £ l , 00 t

      —who was one of the first to sign the People ' s Charter , and very soon denounced Chartists and Chartism , and proclaimed that he would ; bring over 500 , 0 <» of his Irish legions to cut' them down—who gloried that his Irish boys had murdered toe men at Newport . Yea , these are the men—this is the mani whom to * advocates of Household Suffrage delight ' to honour . Yes , these are toe men- ^ thisU the man—whom toey dierish , and would recommend toe people of , England , Scotland , and Wales , to set up a * their leader . This is the viper they would desire them to take / to their boewn 1 They have calculated , however , without"thei * host ., Thej had better fall back upon Balnes , and . Instead of attempting to "extend" toe franchise , Join toe Tories , WhigaTsna Lord Finality , and leave the . Chartar and ¦¦ ¦ ¦

      Chartists to carry out their own principles .: ,. I think , too ; I can discern . an omen j ? toelasenttoa of toe Reform Assdclatton la ; their arrangement . "Why all this parade of police in livery 1 I think I hear tb deathi WdlWlfterty tevetborattog upea my earjand , in fact , ef err trick , scheme , and movement of the ** psemdo-reformers is indicative of toe speedy exit ef factions jugglery from the political stage . In conclusion , allow me to observe that the defeat which the embryo faction experienced at toe hands of tbe Chartists on toe 21 st , baa not only placed an imperishable crown of honour on the brow of the men of Yorkshire , toe working men , I mean : but it has given an Impetus to the cause which the efforts of confederated faction * cannot retard . X . Pitxbthlt . Huddersfleld , Jam . 18 , 1841 .

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      _ _ THE NORTHERN STAR , . J

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      SUBSTITUTE FOR PETITIONS . TO THK SDITOR OF THB KORTHKRN IUL " Petitioning for ' pity is most weak , The sovereign people ought to demand justice . " Sir , —This letter is to explain toe principle of tbe plan which I propose , " as a substitute for petitioning , which appeared in the Star of last week . My plan * then , was to register the whole Ch » rt £ s < r names , trades , and places of abode , once a year ; to publish toe aame , with toe Charter , and a short ac count of toe movement ; to call it toe Chartist Register , under tbe superintendence of the National Executrw Committee for England and Scotland .

      My explanation now is , —toe leading Chartists ta every city , town , village , and hamlet , from " Johno * Groat's to the Land ' s End , " should , call a public meeting of the inhabitants , and these should choose fit and proper person * to regiBter the names of all who really want toe Charter . . Each place to report the number registered , in each trade or occupation , to the Executive , with an account of the proceedings , signed by the Registration Committeee . . Every association to report its name , and number of members , signed by its committee . The Executive to publish toe whole reports , * signed by the respective committees , together with the Charter , and the state of Chartism , aa ch « ap as possible , so as to bring it within the reach of toe poorest hi the land . ¦

      With regard to ulterior measures , let toe registrations be proceeded with r till there is a dear majority of the people on the list , and , then elect delegates to carry the original copies before the Commons , toe Lords , and the Queen , and there in a "' peaceful , legal , and constitutional" mode to demand the Charter . This , Sir , is the plan which I propose as a substitute for petitioning . I think it " is most weak" to petition for toe Charter , so long as toe Chartists have no party in the House which is called toe Commons ; ff there was , I would petition ; as it is , I would register , form unions , and act as circumstances might determine * Jas . B . Crawford . Old Camnock . Jan . 30 ) 1841 .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 6, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct365/page/7/