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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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*"" " A MOUNTAIN ' OF FACTS . >¦ A pl * in t * " best > beins P ^^ y t ° ld . " » come one , come all , this rock shall fly Prom iu fins hue , u won a » L " THE FU STIAN JACKETS , BLISTERED giXP S , AND UNSHORN CHINS OF ESGL ± > -D , SCOTLAND , AND WA . LES , AXI > TO IHB ' BAGGEDr BACKED , BARE-FOOTED
IRISHyBTB 5 DS , XT DEAB . FRIENDS , XT . 0 KL 7 - ^ j ^ ds , —Here Iul Iu solitary confinement , in a LL-b cell , in the twelf tfc month of my confinement ; Z ^ roisi in spirit , unchanged in principle ; and though ¦ gtfzi . in constitution , yet unshaken in purpose , ¦ $£ i » m once more assailed by the olden foe . Does _ T present a similar instaiiee of resolution upon & ms Jand , or of treachery upon the other ! The following declaration of Mr . O'Connell places ia & position , ¦ which , to have otherwise assumed , ^ sld b » ve been presumptuous , but which to leave eaotjcsd , Tonld be coward ! j :-
« g » Mder&tood that there was an Association about v ^ furased , it the head of which were Messrs . Lovett , JvjKn . sad Cleave—three ol a * good men a » -were in « T . community—ha-ring for its object Household £ gnM md Shortening the Duration of Parliament , ^ perfectly unconnected -with Feargus and his wild jsocawf- " H o « t » , in commenting" upon this declaration , I * & t , e as little egotistical as possible .
js tee outset , ray friends , let me « ay t > at I fully tzxt -witft-Mr- O'Connell , that the principal object of * j » j " ust move" is to destroy all that has been done , tf&i I diaent from the inference , that " getiittg rid of b ! ~ iiihoog h » primary object ; tronJfi have the effect of Tim : iB 5 the free minds of Englishmen to the snp-. pat of the treasonable project No , no ; for in making TO jBi * peodent of ethers , I hare laboured to make ™ independent of myself alao .
" jfj friends , before I proceed to the detail of eireumitcail && , » ll » w me to cheer your souls by the ijjfd jimottDcement , that although mine enemies Ixn laid a snare for me , and although , assassin like , i ^ hm aimed * d ead ly blow at their victim al one uiia the dark , yet has the God of justice and of fcai , the never-forsaking sentinel of the prisoner and Qs opSiTe , delivered mine enemies into my hands . ya ; my comrades , the wicked have been caught-in jber otb mare , and the blow aimed at me in tbe & £ , t 21 rec oil tipon the beads of the
eensplvT friends , ii it not curious that while thus secluded frm the world , I should hare been made the instruosi d bringing to light one of the deepest laid Kis sa era hitched by man for the destruction of his fcDc-n ? Ifcro tiweriience of a gentleman , ol a genUeca d wealth , of honour , and of station , th&t this " k * move" was concocted at Mr . Hume ' s , by Ur . Hume bj Hi . Francis Place upon their part , and by Borne of 2 s signers of the sew prospectus upon iocs Ml
I £ m it , that" it was to be done whDe I was in prison , k i : wmld aot be effected if I was at large . " I have it , that ia object wa » to' effect a ' fusion' of the middle Bid the working classes for the attainment of Housebald Suffrage . " I hare it , that after the Leeds meeting i * tm eanadered necessary to hold the promulgation ¦ i tis ^«» i £ a abeyance , until a " suitable name ™ xu deaded upon , and until the principles were agreed -jMa .
I nt is poeseoioa of these facts as easy as ? rbcirrlut , hot knowing *•>»¦¦* my communication with it ? world mid be only surreptitiously accomplished , ass fe&ii ; 8 w abtoMte necessity of being upon the spx acd st liberty to meet erery counter statement , I Tu compelled \ o bear all in silence , until t&cta had so stldpli&d ai to narrow my correspondence to a . mere dincnon of jonr minds to those facts which , in my &bss % , mu g mi let me , and from which the people mna drav their own conclusions . For the present ^ tha , 1 rely upea eircunistantial eridence , and upon the ilsne ; pledging ajself , upon the expiration of my inprisjEaient , to submit direct iesUvwn )/ upon the sabjes : o i committee of seren persons , chosen by working maYHO'vrn'B . TC
Xo » , my friends , I proceed calmly to a consideration cf Tiy . hu been the object nearest the heart of ttie EHlis d » ss I » dffl 8 , and some of the London Chartist laics , from the moment that the first unhely alliance *« funned between those parties . I piss oTer , for the pKRBt , Ae Jreatiaent -which 1 hare invariably met with Jsa- ^ at was called the London Working Men ' s Assoo = aa ; I forgrn the ingratitude with which " the peor - > 2 sh == ier UioTirers" were compelled to treat me upon isiieteu ; always perched up in public , between two i lbs committee and neTer allowed to ssy so much as ' Sad y < m , " to the man -who built the house of
* nc £ Jit Walley had merely to open the dooT for saa- I pas orer the many attempts of this body PreTem me froa speaking at their meetings . I pass •^ the resolution entered into by the committee for £ ? xacag the Delegates agitating England on te * f of as Glasgow Cotton Spinners , to the effect ts 1 ¦«¦*! rot to fpeak . I pardon the ingratitude of the t 2 ^ n Spinners ia obeying the instructions of Air . fi&T md Mr . Place , in not coming to see the te Tha tarensd £ 000 nuJes in the depth of winter fc pTi itm eonrags in the dock ; who roused England te ssoUod , and spent , ££ 00 of his own money in ** H > - 1 forgire those men for not coming to see me ,
** 3 Trr . tin an hour ' s jc-nroey of my solitary celL I fepT ; ay M i being invited to any one of the numerous efe aiiimiaits which I myself hare proposed and been ¦ 2 » ji 2 itar of in London . I pardon the London men for ^ wheedled me out of my UniTersal Suffrage Clufe , ^ -5- I forgiTs their non-co-operation to defeat the 7 ^ 2 ^ wn for the erection of monuments to the * - & i&siota , when they , one and all , refused to *^ a ao aasndment declaring far the principles for ^ thos e mirty » died . I f orgiYe their erery act of ° ^ « a distinct body ; and I cow proceed to a f ^ iiiadon of the treatment which I haTe receiTed ^ the « nalg « nated erus&ders .
^« i , they Htartsd to Scotland . Messrs . Attwood , ^ ^ ' ^ laa , and Salt , as representatives of the ~ "~ ciia <*> » d John Collins , as a kind of working ^ ta ^ e . ^ n ti » Tellfcd , fed , and lodged at the ^ * of the Birmingham Union . [ I hare neTer been ^' * pt that tccount settled yet—I must haTe it ] - ^ &- -3 scted , in committee , to my being infited to £ & * . Tbix looked Tery Uke a deTice to gei rid L- ^ ^ 1 S 38 > they heM s sresii meetin S & Ho 1-'• Sta ^ ' Binningham , to which many persons rned to
^ J = . I was not . Whea we went the ^? 1 "Wa » compell ed to listen to a parcel of old ~ « po « fting nonsense ; and I aeted the chairman {^ . . ^^^ hsTe an opportunity of speaking , and I ^ - ^ 1 »« to return thanks to the chair , or to 2 ^* «« oitttion to that effect . I then took the ^ ' . t f bUerlining myself , our London tiisnia haTing ^ i ^ PTOTided for > ^ I regretted being obliged to uCf . a ! eai OT t Mr . Steele said he cams there to j ^* = « Ma great leader , the Libei&tor of Ireland . A v' f * *<« ether that day after the meeting , when *¦ * j « i ~ fcaat Qa / Mtei "J meeting , wnen 1
w /^^ tried a tilt for Das ; and , upon a gentleman £ / *? toie P » Mr , Hunts , the chairman , whose * ii s * " " herlittle 4 umptines 3 , " the Queen , " but ^ J ** ^* y < * oi Birmingham , called the gentlei s ^ J ^* ' "d aid that poUticawere not to be ^ T ? Tbat ^^ n <* suit my book ; s « I rose ^ ' ttsordej , ud it is not for me to say , hut for ao witnessed the tflt between Mr . Steele and jjj * to ay who had the best of it When I e&t ^ i t * * °° " ^ fc y the hand an d -said , " Well , , s . xtxrgos , we tsied U do voiOwvt yo » . bid tt » ^ aakt- sl "
^ ^ ttsa did not seem palatable ; and I got W S ;^^ » tenth place on tire , list * t > starting , ^ ZT * ^ W * - ^ ^^ 9 M » ttoo ins always * » SbT O > Colul o *» ^ ould yon allow this per-* , *« Person , and the other person , totak « pre-^ it J * " ^ m & &&rry ? " Mr , Dillon Brown , " ^ toJT ^ thiB : k l CaL Tllam P « oa ' "were three ^ Jr ^^ ^^^ eed . » ho had not decided ^ J ^ a" they « w the importoce o the \ Jk _ f £ cticms for ^ e ConTentvonwere orer , and
SST" ^ ^^ * PP » ate 4 the crusaders became ^^ Taa mber I 838 ' t ^ o months before ^ torvH ^! tj Fra 2 er > DaLcan i iWhom l heart 5 ] y oa nshseqaent career , ) and Brewiter , mored
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in Scotland . Salt , Douglas , Edmunds , and Collins , ni&Ted at Birmingham . Loyett and his party mored in London ,- and O'Connell moTed hi Dublin , as if by magic ; all » t one and the ante moment . Fraxex and Brewster called upon the people to denounce me ;—Collins and his party called upon the people to separate from me , as I was an Irishman , and had , in Mr . Collins ' s opinion , dose much mischief hy declaring that the Charter should be law by Michaelmas Day , I which opinion I maintain would haTe proTed correct , bad it not been for the treachery , treason , and Tillany of the Birmingham delegates . Nothing could haTe impeded us , but Attwood dreaded it LoTett and bis party denonnesd me in London , und O'Connell said that the moral-force respectable Radicals of Scotland and England had denied all connection with the torch-anddagger men— Stephens , Oastler , and O'Connor . _ C ^ . 11 ^^ . J ff _ » A ^^» ^ p « » _ - _ .
The Birmingham men charged me with acts of omission for not haTing den « unced Stephens ; while an ExecutiTe Council of some sor t or other , at Manchester , summoned me to appear at their bar to angwer for my misconduct in not haying more fully defended Stephen * at Birmingham . Now , observe , an ExecutiTe at Manchester , of which Mr . R . B . B . Cobbett was secretary , summoned me to plead to a charge of not defending Stephens , the fact being , th&t I did defend him . la August of the same year , when I attended the most
ilorious delegate meeting eyer conyened at Glasgow , consisting of sixty-four noble fellows , Mr . Arthur O'Neil was most indignant with me for submitting to the meeting the justice , prudence , and propriety of forming a committee to procure BUbscriptiens and petitions for the release of LoTett , Csllins , M'Douall , and Vincent ; and yet it was done , and some short time afterwards , the treasurer wrote to me to know to whom he should pay £ 100 which had been collected . Thus was I situated , from time to time j wrong if I did not defend , and abused if I did
defend . Well , hi the depth of winter , I went to meet the foe at Edinburgh ; I remained their pleasure , and I conquered . I went to Paisley , and went alone into a ticket meeting of Mr . Brewster ' s friends . I was tossed from head to head over the meeting into a kind of boxed-up cock-pit , where Mr . Brewster and his bottle-holder were ready for a Tictory . We sparred for about half an hour , when Brewster meTed an adjournment from his own friends to the largest church in Paisley . There I went , but there he was afraid to follow ; and there I triumphed oyer his own flock , in his own town . He then challenged me to meet him in Glasgow . 1 accepted it ; we had Beyen thousand hearers ; and he was obliged to fly , like John Gilpin , leaTing his hat and wig to follow after .
I then proceeded alone to Birmingham , and met the enemy there , and broke up the most rotten Association of Whigs ever yet known—the Council of the Birmingham Union . 1 then wer . t to London , although George Henry Waid , M . P . for Sheffield , dared me , and told me tne police would seize me ; however , I went ; and after attending many meetings , and not finding the enemy present , I then went into their own quarters , to a meeting at the Hall of Sdence , where Messrs . Loveti , Hoere , and & long tail of my acensers made their appearance . I wsj placed in the chair , and gaye them all the most perfect fair-play , and insisted upon an attentiTe hearing f « each , which each bad , and then the meeting delivered a unanimous verdict in my faTour , and a unanimous manifestation of reproach against my
accusers . Thus I had triumphed over three of my four foes ; and it being difficult to meet with the old " dodger , " I addressed him pn ¥ lidy through the papers , and challenged him to meet me la Dublin , and in puts of England , ' to substantiate his charges ; but he was too wise . At this time the Chronicle , the Sun , the Horning Advertiser , and the Greenacre Chronicle , and the whole of the English and Scotch press joined tke conspirators against me ; but I beat them all , and did the people's work at the same time . Well , that did not cost my enemies anything ; bat , in faith , it cost me no trifle , and bear in mind that it never costs the enemy one farthing to assail me ,- nay , they make m » ney of it ; while the defence costs me hundreds , as my hand only goes into my own pocket
Jfow I pray your attention to the pre » nt 510 TE of the same parties . Fraser and the True Scotsman and Brewster , renewed the attack and opened another fire on me and the physical-force Radicals , simultaneously with the Fox and Goose Club , and when the twin Metropolitan Association ¦ was in course of formation , but too young to join in the battle . The True Scotsman died with Feargus O'Connor's ghost befors it , upon its death bed . Collins , at Birmingham ; Lovett and Co ., in London ; O'Connell , in Dublin ; the Chronicle , Sun , and all the " establishment ; " in fact , the whole batch of the former censpiratorf , hare opened upon me simultaneously within the last fortnight Why . do I ssy upon me ? because I can prove it , because O'Connell admits it ; because my friends of Mans field , in their personal reply , throw it back upon the idolaters .
But let me go farther ; I call upon Messrs . Hill and Hobson to say , on their word of honour as men , whether or not I informed them of this precise move , and of the precise parties who were to make it , montfcs ago ; and whether or not I put Mr . Hill upon his guard , t > efore Christmas . I know it was before Christmas , because it was before tbe Inspector deprived me of the poor privilege of seeing friends in my yard ; and I mentioned it to Mr . Hill in my yard . I told him that the move at first coold not be for less than the Charter , like the Bussi&n move , in which the conspirators
were " Chartists and something more ; " but that it was to -d-srindle dewa into a Household Suffrage anti-Corn Law move , when it got strength . I told him the men in the three kingdoms npon whom we had to depend ; I ask him , upon his honour , is the name of one of them upon the list appended to the Association , with the single exception of Neescm , and ¦ which I regret to s&e . I ask him if I did not tell him the cames of the prime movers , and the yery plan which would be resorted to ; and that O'Connell would then " fire away at me in Ireland : "—those were my words .
Now , thea , my friends , for a bit of plain reasoning . How did Daniel O'Connell know , iu Dublin , of this raoye for Household Snffrage , which " Lovett , Collins , and Cleave were at the head of , " before it was published in any p » p « r ? and is it not strange that he should have been pat in possession of the facts of which I informed Mr . Hill ? that the document should haTe been published in the Chronicle , with a leading article , and in the Sun ? and th&t George White , my paid reporter at £ 52 a-year , to whom I haTe not written one single line since he went to Birmingham , beyond the following ;—" You will make arrangements to procure the result of the Walsall election for the first edition , if possible ; but if not , and if necessary , express it for the second . "Yours , Jaithfully ,
" F . 0 "C 05 SOB : " is it not , I say , curious that that consummate fool , Mr . Arthur O'Neil , should confess that he had called my excellent friend and impartial reporter , [ a man whom gold could not purchase , } " a spy , " just at the same tine ? It is a curious system of spying , where the employer in his heart a&d soul regrets the course of the employed , but fears to interfere in ignorance of facts ? Tes , I regretted that White published so much of their accursed blasphemy ; but I never once complained . Let White answer on oath , if required .
Now , my friends , let these fact * speak for themselyes , and couple mj warning upon the " isms" which were to take place with the " isms" which hare taken -place , and take all in connection with the manifesto of the new Association , the Birmingham move , the Dublin move , and the Chrxmide and Sun move ; and then doubt , if you can , the existence of as deep a conspiracy as ever was hatched in hell . But , my friends , above all , bear one fact in mind ; when Dan had procured my imprisonment , he waa satisfied and silent ; for eleven months be never
mentioned the dead man ' s name . From January to April , for thirteen weeks , he even bore the Leeds defeat ; neTer hinted at t London , on th Curragb , or in the Corn Exchange , till the new meve was announced , and until I had " drawn the badger . " Think , my comrades , that for nearly four years I have been trying to make him fight , but he would not ; ne , I never could bring him to the scratch . Star after Star has challenged Mm , but all in vain ? until , until , until , ( hear it , ye Chartists , ) the voice of the prisoner in the felon ' s cell , tad gone through the land ; it
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bad passed the channel upon the bretie , ' antf been > lisped by everytongue in Ireland— " the Liberator should % ht or surrender . " O ! it vu fall and wormwood to mention the Star ; but what could he do ? The ' lettera to O'Malley , as the Editor truly said , had found their way to the Irish hovels . The Associations—four Charr tist Associations were in existence , and what was to be done . ' Far eleven months he had the delicacy not to mention my name ; but upon the twelfth he » w that ' 7 * f ? l * 'V *
my triumph would be insured by Mi silence , and then , for the first time , he opens npon me , the Star , and the Chartists , and at the same time prematurely exults in the prospects of aid to he derived from the new Association , of which he was long aware , but would not even then have mentioned , but for the purpose ol infusing hope Into the drowsy spirit of hts creatures , who know that they are only " patriots" npon sufferance and that union among the people ia ruin to than .
But , good heaven ! how does the Liberator meet me ? How does the friend ot trte discussion—the man of the people—propose to putdown Chartism in Ireland ? Why , by the spy system ; by setting the polios to watch teem , by threatening them with hanging , and transportation , and persecution ; and he says they are bat eighteen . Ahl by Jove , they are tailors then ! fo * theugh nine tailors go to make a man , yet are tne tailors the most enli ghtened and best patriots In the kingdom ; and our eighteen tailors make just « ne hundred and sixtytwo Chartists .
But mark the folb , and the sophistry , and the humbug of this Liberator ; he says , " Where is Loughcrea ? can any one inform me where Lougherea is ? there is no such place upon the map . " Bnt next day he finds there issnea a place , just leaving out the C ; and then . he wants to know who Barnard M'Donald is , and because none of the kid-skins know him , forseoth , " Barnard is no one , and Feargus is the lady . " Now we have no secrets , and as to this said letter , it was sent ky a lady to Dr . M'Douall , and , at her request , thinking that its contents ¦ would give me pleasure , it was sent by M'Douall to me , and given by me to Mr . Hobson ^ to hand to Mr . Hill , and Js , I rejoice to find , still in existence ; so Dan , your " delicacy about the lady being in the case" ia wholly overcome—your modesty i 3 quite overpowering .
But how will Dan get over the letters of Francis Mellon and Richard M'Cartney in last week's Slar , detailing the neglect of poor aged Mrs . Mellon , by the compensation to Tenants' Act . Ah ! Dan , I have you there . it u now q uite clear that Chartism in Ireland is to be persecuted . Lsfc it wort The first man that ia brought to the bar « f justice shall have the ablest counsel that the Irish bar affords—three of them . And , if I am at large , though not among the ablest , I will make one .
We hare fear Associations in Ireland ; put them down who can . Dan admits two , —one in Newry , and one in Golden Lane ; but he says , " Ogh I that ' s where the Orangemen meet" What humbug ? What child ' s play : Don't all parties meet at all places to which they can procure access ? and , in faith , it now appears curious under such a reign of despotism that the poor fellows were allowed to meet even there . Bat would one of them drink the glorious , pious , and immortal memory of the man " "wuo SAVED THEM FBOM
POPEET , SLAVEBT , WOODEN SHOBS , AND BBASS money , " ( the Orangemen ' s oath , ) as the Liberator did ? Would they , one of them , sit , though starving , between an Orange Lord Mayor and Barney M'Cleary , the Orange tailor , and pass resolutions to break up their unions , as Dan did ? Would one el them call for a talJy-ho , and three cheers for the Orange Beresford , the Marquis of Waterford , as Dan did ? No , not one of them , to save his life , would do it AHd then another mare ' s nest the fool finds , In " infant Chartism , " and he says , " I pray you mark
that , the infant Chartism . " Well , what of all that ? Bah ! humbug is gone . What next ? Why , we shall have « Lord Burleigh ' s nod from the Liberator ' s head , and the patriots will cry "hear , and loud cheers" ; or , mayhap , the Hon . Gentleman may place his Enger once again upon his sagacious nose , amid astounding applause . Bnt talk now of the dark days of Catholic sufferings , when In barbarous ages the people ' s priests were compelled to preach by stealth : is this not as bad , or worse , when the people in our civilised times are not to be allowed even to meet ?
However , I have been trying in vain for four years to bring Dan out of his hole . He knew that to mention me would be death , so he abstained till be could no longer do so with safety ; but now I have " drawn the badger , " and he must either show fight or give in . If he shows fight , I will back myself singlehanded against him and his bottle-holders , every man ef them , at ten to one ; and if he gives in , then on goes the cause ; so in either case Dan Is done . Now , observe my friends , I don't blame Hume , Roebuck , and Place , at all . They are consistent Tuey say , " we think Honsehold Suffrage would do every thing , and that with a good agitation for that we
could Repeal the Com Laws , which in our estimation , is the greater evil complained of . " What can be more just and fair then , than for those persons to recruit their forces from all ranks ? There is not a shadow of a shade of charge even of inconsistency against them . But what must I say of those who would dare to offer such a list as that now before me , of nearly 90 names , as the persons to form a Provisional Government to direct our movement , upon the ostensible grounds of advocating the Charter , but in reality for the purpose of establishing a working class aristocracy ?! What must
I say of the insolence , audacity , and presumption of the wretches who dared to insult me by sending me one of their invitations on the 30 th ot March , to become one ot an acting body for the next six months , when I was to be seven months and twelve days in solitary confinement ? I venture to say they sent my friend , my dear friend atid countryman , O'Brien , one also . No doubt they did ; but did they send the headsman with it , with hi 3 axe , to say " sign this or take this'" as nothing less could procure his signature to the traitorous document
The Editor of the Star could not do everything ; and he 1 m omitted , iu his multiplicity of work , to analyse the question as it bears upon the principle of equal representation . What then do we find ? Not one man for the hive . No , not a soul for Lancashire , glorious Lancashire—not one . While for Yorkshire we have W . G . Burns , II give them in their order from the list , ) W . G . Burns , Edward Thorp , John Peck , William Martin , of Wakefleld , ( not the Irishman , ) William Barker , Th&mas Wild . Now , 1 asi , do those gentlemen—all honourablemen , no doubt—represent the working classes of Yorkshire ? Then , for Birmingham , John Collins , Arthur O'Neil , and Brown , the authenticity of whose sig-nature is denied by his friends . And then for Glasgow not a single one ; but they got a bit about the edges , and put down two gentlemen from near Glasgow .
But let the working men look the list over , and judge for themselves , and ask whether it was not insolence to us to invite many , nearly ail « f those who have joined , to take the management of our cause into their hands ? Just look at the Russian rump pinned to their tail ! Now , then , I come to the close . For years I have beaten you , one down and the other come on , and sometimes altogether , and no w from my lone and solitary
cell I challenge yon , with your master , O'Cbnnell , at your head , the Treasury at your back , and the "Establishment" at y « ur command : I say , " come on , I » m * eady for you altogether . " I charge you with the design of destroying the people ' s cause . I charge you with having conspired with our enemies to do so . I hurl defiance at you , and ask you to charge me , if you can , -with one single dishonest act , one inconsistent act , one ungentlemanlike act , or one act \ eading to injure
our cause . I have a letter in my possession which came to me while I have been here , telling me that I was to be bought or assassinated . Bought , I may be ; my price is UniTersal Suffrage ; I abate not an hour of my claim in the age or the elector . If I am assassinated—in twentysix hours after , England ,. Scotland , and Wa ! e « would be in rains , and then you would have that social equality for which you profess to contend .
I give you leave to aearch all my letters , and advertise for them , which I have written since September , 1835 ; and I « efy you to find one sentence of secret , one word calculated to create distrust in any man , who was doing his duty j or indeed one line that was not to heal some breach . You may say that you are not charging me ; bnt I say you must charge me with some act tending to injure or dishonour the cause , before you can prevail upon the people , as y « ur master Bays , " to get . rid- of . Fe&rgua . "
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I f hairnV £ he i ruffianV'drtama y ie CTirsls me after his prayers : I have him- < 3 ead beat , though la solitary confinement . ; I " : kg «« What tfae effort rf ^ Ut ^ hidden rocka would be , mjoa . tobet Iwland .. Y <* u do charge me and my whole party with incompetency , by your audacious attempt to ride over usl Now , my friends , "thew are tha times to by men ' s soul « . > Perhaps I hams lost y < rot confidence also ; If bo , speak out like men , and let me retire from drudgery , incessant labour , danger , responsibility , and poveriy , to ease , comfort , security , Irresponsibility , and toder * . ">' fc JTf ** . a- « . . —T ^^^
peudtmc * I require but to be disinherited by the people to be more wealthy than I coold desire .- To me the cause is slavery and expence , but an honour to suffer for it , if I hold your esteem . If not , say so . You have but to command , I will obey . But so Ionf as I am trusted , so long will I defend my infant with all the courage ofi a fond father from the assassin , in whatever shape he presents himself , eren at the hazwd of that life which I would hold as not worth preserving if dishonoured by being a traitor to my principles ;
You have the guarantee that in dismissing me you lose no friend—you make no enemy , because my battle is for principle—not for _ man . I will neither turn Whig or Tory . I will never accept of place , pension , or emolument from any government , or under any laws save those made by the whole people , be your judgment what it may . You have now but one alternative .- you must either throw me and those friend * with whom I have acted , and who will not act with traitors , overboard ; or you must throw the traitors overboard . No mincing : to the thing at once .
The leaders that I allude to are O'Brien , O'Connor , M ' Douall , Moir , Ross , Pittethly , Williams , BJnns , Marsden , Deegan , James Taylor , Leech , Butter worth , Hlggins , Duke , Martin , White , Ball , Boggls , Spurr , Dover , -Vevers , Burnett , Arran , John loech ( the glorious John Leech , ) Skevington , Jack , Thompson , Rosa ( Lambeth ) , Sankey , Cullum ( Glasgow ) , John Duncan , A . Duncan , Rankin , Arthur , Char ] ton , Bowman , Hanson , Robert Wilkinson , Bairstow , Cooper ( of Leicester , a host in himself , editor of the Young Star ) , Seal ,
Markham , Sweet , Ashton and Hoey ( my two noble countrymen ) , Frost , Frost , Frost , Peat , Hey wood , Hobson , Rider , Lennie , Watkitu , Bolwell , Owen , Worsdell , Cameron , Parker ( London ) , Parker ( Leeds ) , Jones , Gardner , Mason , Shorrocks , Dsan Taylor , T . P . Green , Bartlett , Robert Kemp Philp , Neal , Shellard , Edwards , Greaves , Wheeler , CarUedge , Carrier , Bell , Campbell ( not Sir John : he belongs to the other list ) , Morgan , | Simeon , Allen , Page , Flowers , Healey , Hick ( our poet ) , Duke , Benbow , Fenny , and Hill .
Now , I have given you eighty-seven names from the old list , against the eighty-seven in the new ; and to these add the nearly seven hundred , already published , of real working men , from which the Council to OUR Charter Association ia to be chosen , and choose between us . I have given you the first eighty-seven that crossed my mind . I have left out hundreds , thousands , of as good men , but I wanted man for man . Now then , let us have no child ' s play about so dear
a stake as life and liberty . You must , and shall deside . The question is not O'Connor and O'Connell ; that has been of ten decided ; the question for you ia the now or the old list I am in the old , my enemies are in the new ; declare for one or the other . I cannot serve two masters . I must know whose servant I am . I am in prison ; my conditions are , I think , but moderate ; I require a strong , an instant , an mnequivocal verdict for one of the lists ; should it be in favour of the new list , I surrender my office .
The Slar never shall be turned against you . It was established upon the condition that the working men were to subscribe £ 800 , to which I was to put £ i » t . You only raised j £ 670 , to which I put several thousands . I have paid off above £ 270 of the £ S 7 « . I will pay the remainder , and will hand over the Star , lock , stock , and barrel , unencumbered , with the best stocked office out of London , and by far the best property of any provincial paper in the empire , to my successors to advocate your cause , as your chosen leaders , [ the Star is national property : it never shall be made the organ of a faction , or the tool of an individual , ] and I will walk from my cell into my wig and gown , and like Qulntus Clnclnnatus , return to my plough .
My friends , let no man be disheartened ; this attempt to divide is but the beginning of the end . The desertion of such trumpery will strengthen us . Any man who has watched those Maltnuaian Whigs for the last six years , must confess that they haunted my every step by day , like an evil spirit ,. while I can assure you they sat upon my slumbers as a night-mare . They hated me with a deadly hatred , because I was opposed te subscriptions . Nothing troubled them so much as opposition to the Poor Law . I dragged them after me like a dead horse . Thank God , I am now released from the burden . O , what a relief !
Now then , we commence with the beginning of the end . We shall be well tutored when taught temperance by men intoxicated with pride , educated by men who don't know half so much as those thoy profess to teach ; and religion by men who would rather rule in Hell than serve in Heaven . I assure you that these men would not allow us to carry the Charter if they could help it Recollect , I do not speak of all who signed the list ; as many of them have , ere this , repented . I speak of those who concocted the scheme , and . not of those who signed it in ignorance of the facts I have stated , as to the compromise .
They want " to get rid" of me , their leader says ; faith , they have accomplished it nicely , by taking themselves out of my way . ' But let them be assured that whatever they may think , my name ia of seme value to any firm , where principle , honour , aad integrity are to be discounted ; and with all classes , even the enemy , it will go farther than the whole firm of the new jobbers . Some people may think this letter too long ; perhaps it is for them , but not for the occasion .
Let us now have the country ' s voice upon the two lists . I have given you eighty-seven followers of your will and leaders of your cause ; they have given you eighty-seven leaders of your will and followers of their decrees . Cato , it appears , C 3 lls them the New London rat-catchers . I call them the Old London-Damn-Nations , because they would break up that cause upon which depends the happiness of many nations .
I shall be a new man when relieved of the dead weight , and live till Saturday in the hope of seeing a Star full of decisions , one way or the other . My motto ever has been , " Never trust a man a second time , who h as deceived you once ; " and I require to be judged by the strictest lines of my own rule . It is folly to say , " We have not charged you . " © an saya the object is "togetrii" of me ; and the whole manifesto breathes an angry , jealous , sneaking , cowardly , undergrowl snarl at every project I have recommended . Cover their treachery how they , will , they want to get rid of me first , and O'Brien after ; and then they would deal very Summarily with all the others , In succession , down to my fustian jackets , who would be sold all in a heap .
I can be banished , but I never will betray you . These are my conditions—till they are decided upon , one way or other , farewell . I am , your Friend , FEARGUS O'CONNOR .
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TO HER MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY THE QUEEN . Madam , —I am well aware that la this enlightened age of so-called Reform , to consider the man who has broken the laws of his country , er those enactments of a class-legislature which have assumed the name of law , as entitled to the considerations of humanity , and as forming a link in the chain of human beings , will be deemed by the "liberal"and " enlightened" as the height of folly and the daring of presumption . ' Yet , even in the teeth of all that modern philosophy , falsely so called , may say , » nd in epWof the dicta of interested selfishness , I am ready to maintain the claims of all who have bees formed in the image of God , however fallen and defaced that , image may have become , not merely to justice , but also to the kindly and merciful consideration of their fellow-men .
I contend that the principle that until a suspected person is proved to be guilty , he must be presumed to be innocent is one that is equally accordant with natural equity and sound policy ; and that , in accordance with this acknowledged principle of right , no hardship should be inflicted which is not absolute ly required for securing the safe custody of the person accused . In al
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cases , where the well being of society does not imperatively demand tin contrary ; bail should be taken ; and [ the amount « t such bail should be regulated by an act of the Legislature , and duly apporttawd to the nature of the crime and the station and circumstance * of the accused , instead of being' left to the caprice or even deliberate judgment of the prodding magistrate . And , even In those cases where the good of society imperatively demands that a restraint should be put upon the personal liberty of the subject , no system , of prison regulations should for one moment be suffered to inflict a hardship which could be dispensed with , in accordance with such safe custody of the prisoner . — ^ ¦ ^^
That the principle laid down above , Is one fully recognised in theory by all our writers on criminal jurisprudence , no one possessing the slightest acquaintance with constitutional law will venture to deny ; but how stands the practice ? Just the very reverse of this so much boasted principle . We have prisons erected , in which the system of regulations is such as to make tcarcely any distinction between the safe custody of an accused party , and one who is enduring the penalty awarded by the judge aa the just consequence of his offence .
The injustice of this mode of procedure will be the mote apparent if we take into consideration the fact , that it is no uncommon thing fpr the judge to pass a more lenient sentence in consideration of the previous imprisonment which the prisoner had undergone . I am not disposed to find fault with this procedure ; it is in miny cases one of the utmost propriety , but it evinces , in a very striking point of view , the injustice of those regulations which doom the accused to the endurance of that kind ef treatment which the law has appointed as tke proper and legitimate punishment of crime .
If the law say that six months ' imprisonment and hard labour is the due reward of a given class of offences , and the Judge say , that as the criminal has been in confinement two months , he is to be imprison * ment , and kept to hard labour for four additional months , it ia clear that part of the penalty awarded by law is omitted , namely , the hard labour for two months ; and this , as being in compliance with the dictates of mercy and forbearance , is perfectly justifiable , inasmuch as it H » fat better to remit a part / of the punishment due to the offence , than to act with the severity of vindictive justice . But suppose the party accused to be acquitted , what compensation has
he or can he have for the two months of suffering and of privation , of punishment in fact , which he has been unjustly doomed to endure ? During two months he has endured , with the exception of the hard labour ; all that the convicted criminal has endured , privation of liberty , loss of employment , separation from family and friends , the consciousness that to some extent his character must have suffered , and the knowledge in many coses , that those dependant upon him have been subjected : to numerous hardships , which they never ought to have endured . Now what compensation does the law offer to one so circumstanced ? Just
none at all . It may be that none can be offered ; it may be that such were tke circumstances that every mind must feet convinced that the deprivation of his liberty was most essential to the common weal ; but will any body pretend that all , or that any of the regulations which apply to the convicted offender , beyond the bare confinement under lock and key , were either necessary or proper to be inflicted , before a jury had pronounced upon the guilt or innocence of the party suspected of a violation of the law ? and if not , then is it not clear that this portion of our system of criminal jurisprudence is just anything" but what it ought to be ?
Again , let me draw your Majesty ' s attention to the fact , that while the bar requires magistrates in numerous cases , to liberate an accused party , upon security feeing given for his appearance to answer te the charge made against him , this wiee and salutary regulation is often rendered merely a dead letter by the mischievous operation of the discretionary powers vested in the hands of those whose duty it is to administer the Jaws . I am not prepared to say that in ordinary cases this discretionary power is abused or misapplied ; but I do say that recently , in reference to one class of offenders , it has been most shamefully degraded to the furtherance of the purposes of party . We have seen criminals ef a
certain rank , and who had been guilty of crimes of no ordinary turpitude , held to bail in sums , which , to them , were of a merely nominal amount , while persons of a humbler class , whose only offence was thinking justly , and speaking honestly , but which thinking and speaking were high crimes and misdemeanours in the estimation of aristocratic and middle class magistrates , were required to find bail to an amount which it was well known their humblo connections were utterly unable to furnish , and which therefore it was only on insult td require . I know that in the eyes of Uks-j parties a political speaker and thinker is one of the vilest reptiles iu existence , and I also know that the glitter of a noble name is capable , in the world ' s esteem , of gilding the most odious vices ; but I ask , ought these things so to be ? and I am sure that your
Majesty must answer " No . " Suffer me , then , to point out the only remedy for this part of the evil of which I complain . The power ol fixing the amount required in any given cisa must not be allowed to continue where experience has shewn us that it is 80 liable to be abused . Thoae who make the laws ought to apportion the security required to the nature of the offence and the quality of the offender ; especial care being taken , that in no case should it be such as might bo fairly presumed to be beyond the means of proeurance by the accused party . This is clearly what ought to be done in this case ; this must be done if justice is to be secured to the whole people , and this will be done , when there is a oneness of feeling and of sentiment between the nation at large and those entrusted with an authority to enact the laws by which the affairs of the social family are to be governed and . regulated .
I am Madam , Your Majesty's faithful and obedient subject and servant , NUMA . London , April 1 . 3 , 1841 .
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Is this the liberty of conscience ) Is this the carrying out those precepts which their Divine Master laid down , wherein he " 8 ay « * ' Do -unto others as you would others do unto you ? " . Is 'this the' pure spirit , ¦ of , Christian charity ? No ; it is tyranny , and that of the worst sort ; it Is just that sort of'tyranny which Feargta O'Connor , - Esq ., speaks about In his letter of the 3 rd inst , where he speaks of a Christian Chartist Church , whilst , though mild in its name , ( and tolerant and sycophantic in its infancyr would gain presumption a * it gained strength , and ineraaM in tyranny , as it increased in XHJwet ; . it it atme spirit of vindictiveness , which I have seen manifested , and if not eradicated , no good can ever be attained towards the forwarding of our object Then let us , as working men , exert oarselves , and endeavour to mould the broken spirits of the people into one united feeling of love , and persevere onward , towards the attainment of our great and noble Object , the Charter ; fort , as an individual , am determined never to join any other plan till the National Charter Association has completely failed . Then onward" and we conquer , backward and we fail . Yours most respectfully , KlCHAED IOMPSOX . 3 Court , 4 House , , . Hurst-street , Birmingham . f c ^^™^™^™^^™^^^^^^^^^^ " ^""^^^ " ^^^— ' ^^^^ " ^ " *^^ " ^^^^^^^^^^^^^ " ^ " ^^^^^^^*
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TO THE EDITOR OF THB NORTHEHN STAR . Sir , — -As there appears in the Star of last Saturday appended to your threat , that "should the sword bo drawn you will throw away the scabbard , " a paragraph in which it is stated that you bad been informed by Mr . Pitkethly , that Mr . Rogers had declared his signature bad been attached to what you call " the Lovett and and Collins . Document , " without his knowledge or consent ; accompanied iby Mr . Lovett , I waited ox that gentleman this morning , and in my presence Mr . Rogers declared that such statement was untrue , and wtoto and delivered to Mr . Lovett the following letter .
cor * . " 58 , High-street , 19 th April , 1841 . " Mr . W . Lovett , "Sib , —I am sorry to learn by your application that it is supposed that you appended my name to the ) ' Address to the Political and Social Reformers ot the United Kingdom , * without my consent Such is certainly not the fact . I promised you to sign the document , and I fully approve of your having appended my name . "I am , Sir , yours very truly , " George Rogers . "
In another part of the same paper , headed" Mr . Brown , Birmingham , " it is stated by ' Mr . Samuel Davis , " and others , that Mr . E . Brown's signature " mutt have been obtained by party statement , misrepresentation , " 4 c . 4 a I have to state , this also is untrue , as I have in my possession two documents in which he requests his name may be added to the Address , and states bis entire concurrence in the objects proposed . Your insertion of this letter will be but an act of justice , and oblige Yours , Sic . Charles Wbstkbton . 15 , Park-side , Knightsbridge , April 19 th , 1841 . [ In reference to this letter , we can only ssy that we gave our authority for the statement in regard to Mr . Rogers ; that authority was Mr . Pitkethly , who can probably set the whole matter right With regard to-Mr . Brown , we do not think the inferences of the Committee , as to the means by which he was induced to sign , have been at all attempted to be met by the statements in this letter—Ed . ]
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MB . LOVETT AND THE MEMORIALS . TO THE JSDITOtt OF THE NORTHERN STAB . Sir , —Having seen in the Slar of yesterday some expressions of regret that I did not sooner make known my intentions respecting the presentation of Memorials to the Queen for Messrs . Frost , Williams , and Jones , I beg you will d » me the justice to insert the following letter , which , I forwarded in reply to Mr . T . P . Green , of Birmingham , on the 22 d of February , and which ought to have been sent you when it was stated that I had refused to present the Memorials . I am , your obedient servant , April 3 rd , 1841 . WJtf . L 0 T £ XT . To Mr . T . P . Oreen , Cprr $ sponding Secretary to the Birmingham Committee , for i £ etsr $ . Froti , Willi 2 tm , anS Jones . ¦
Dear . Sib , — I received your letter of the 21 st , fa which you wish to know whether I am prepared to act in presenting Memorials to the Queen , according to the plan laid down in the Northern Star . In answer to which , I beg to state that I have never seen the plan , referred to ; but from enquiries I have made , I understand that it is contemplated to present these Memorials in a court dress . If such is the case , I beg to state that I cannot consent to be a party to such farcical proceedings ; for , with every disposition to assist in restoring John Frost and his unfortunate colleagues to their families and friends , I will not wrong their feelings in their absence by memorializing for them in dresses so ridiculous aa bag-wigs , swords ., cocked-hats , and comedians' embroidered coats . My notions on this
subject are not new to you , neither are they now set forth for tho first time as an excuse from presenting the Memorials to the Queen , for if she will consent to receive thein from persona in plain dresses , I will moat willingly assist in their presentation . But considering that a departure from principle is involved in yielding to such a ridiculous ceremony , I cannot do so ; for it is presumed that none hut courtiers can approach her Majesty in dresses so expensive ; therefore I will not assume the garb of a courtier to obtain as a boon , that which every citizen ought to obtain as a right , namely , te approach her Majesty on all reasonable occasions
when grievances are to be told or wrongs redressed . This right , I am satisfied , we shall never obtain by a departure from principle , in complying with a barbarous and foolish custom ; and little is to be expected from memorializing the Queen of England till she has the wisdom to set aside such absurd usages and become more acceptable' to her people . Indeed the Queen of Christian England might , in this particular , learn a profitable lesson from a Turk , when she learns that the Sultan will readily take a petition from the meanest subject he may meet with in his walks . Hoping you will excuse me from a ceremony so repugnant to my feelings , I remain , your fellow citizen , Wm . Lovett . 183 . Tottenham Court Road , Feb . 22 d , 18 * 1 .
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TO DANIEL O'CQNNELL , ESQ ., M . P . Sir , —Having seen , a speech of jours , spouted to a set ef your b , ungT > g&ping , place-hunting crew . In tho Cora Exchange of Dublin , on Monday , April 5 , 1841 , in which speech you charge an English Chartist with corresponding with parties in Dungatvan , with a view to act treacherously towards them ; I therefore take this opportunity of informing you that I am the person to whom you alluded . Now , Dan , I am not an English Chartist , I am an Irish Chartist , and one who is proud of the appellation ; and one too , who has , for a length of time , watched your every move ; and , after viewing your conduct in the most favourable light , I am compelled , for truth ' s sake , to pronounce you a " miscreant of the deepest dye ; " for did you not , for the sake of political power , sell the last
remnant of Irish liberty , the 40 s . franchise , and thereby send adrift on the world 300 , 000 families to famish and starve ? Did you not ; " Demon like , " betray the Dorchester Labourers , by declaring to the world that they were illegally convicted , and then go to the House of Commons and there justify the same conviction ? Did you not , for £ 1080 , sell 35 , 000 factory infants , by voting against them , and thereby , in your own words , committing " cold-blooded murder ? " And did you not sit silently by and see the Canadian patriots butchered by wholesale ? Did you not oppose a mitigation of the sentence of the " Glasgow Cotton Spinners ? " Did you . not also advise Russell and Co . to withdraw the troops from Ireland , to put down libtrty in England , and , at the same time to raise a police force in their stead .
thereby committing an act of two-fold "viliany ?" And have you not set the blood-hounds of the law on the Chartists of England , for doing less than those with whom you now associate , but whom you once ' designated , and truly too , as base , bloody , and brutal ? And have you not boaated | that it was a set of "Irish boys , " with an " Irish Serjeant O'Daley" at their head , who defeated the patriotic Frost , and his unhappy cornpanions , who , bad you been honest , you might have saved ? And have you not represented to the people of Ireland ,, my noble and warm-hearted countryman * Feargus O'Connor , as being a traitor to his ° country ? But would to heaven you were like him ! Had you but one spark of that warm-hearted devotion to your
country ' s ciuse , or one single feeling in unison with his , you -would not be as you now are , despised by all honest men ; whilst he , though locked op in a dungeon , there are millions whose hearts pant to show thair devotion to a man whose name will be lisped with feelings of veneration and honour , when yours sh » U be . justly execrate * as the foul betrayer of a " nation ' s confidence ; " and as te me , to whom you have dared to attribute traitorous intentions , I beg leave to say , that my motives fa writing to i ) ungarvtn was to give your dupes in that town an opportunity of judging forthemaelves as to the feeliug entertained towards them by the English Chartists , and Also that th « jr might notice— : '
" Stern oppression ' s iron gripe , . And inad ambition ' s gory band , .. Sending , VUta blood-hound * , from the « Hp , - , Woe , want , and murder through the lasd . " I will now , ' Sir , take my leave for the present , by assuring you th » t-T- . " Your Tunne shall live ; Amidst the traitors ' not a few , ' Who have sprung from Hibemia ' s land , There are none so base as you . *'
I have the honour to be , ¦ ' Thomas Clark , An Irish Roman Catholic Chartist , And Sub-Secretary to the National Charter Association of Qre&k Britain . ¦ Temperance Yard , Hill Gate , v .-April 19 , 1841 , Steckport .
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CHRISTIAN CHARTIST CHURCH , BIRMINGHAM . TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Sir , —For these last three months I have regularly attended , and , to the utmost of . my power , supported the Christian Chartist Church , Newball-street , Birmingham , hoping that great good would be done in arousing the people of Birmingham from their lethargy , and stimulating them to a united action , for the attainment of that great object , namely , the Charter . During this time I have closely watched the leading men , and am able to form some little idea of their designs and intentions , so far as regards the carrying out the
principles of the Charter . At the formation of the Christian Chartist church , these men were quite aloof from the Charter Association , because , as they said , of its illegality ; and ever since the plan has been remodelled , and made legal , so squeamish were these nobleminded men respecting its legality , that they formed a committee , for the purpose of investigating the plan , and said , should that committee decide in favour of Ha legality , they should have no objection of immediately joining the Charter Association . Upon thesa grounds many of the people have been anxiously waiting to hear the result of tho committee , so as they might join the Association . This committee has been fonned
upwards of six weeks , and baa written to Messrs . Colonel Thompson and Roebuck upon the subject . Colonel Thompson has been in Birmingham since they wrote , and been in conversation with some of the committee . Still the people have not had any definite answer upon the subject , although several inquiries have been made ; nnd hence we have a complete division among the people of Birmingham . Messrs . White and Martin have waited upon them on their weekly meeting night , and endeavoured to impress upon them the great necessity of their joining the National Charter Association , but these men have been received with every other spirit than that of a Christian spirit , which they talk
bo much about . Therefore , it ia quite evident to every man , who ia in possession of the amaUest particle ol common sense , that these men never will , nor never did Intend-to join ihaV Association , for the very reason of the new move , which , in niy opinion , if adopted , will cause a complete ^ division among ' the working classes of this country , and throw the fliarte * completely in the back ' ground ; and it is with these impressions aitfri j uponTny mind , that lam indueed to lift up my voice against them , and , as a working man , I do feel it a duty incumbent on me to make their actions Thurs
and conduct known to the country * On - day evening , the 15 th instant , a lecture waa delivered by Mr . O'Neil , on the science of phrenology , the churchwarden in the chair ; he opened the meeting by saying that no person would be allowed to makerany remarks at the dose of the lecture , for they had come to a determination not to have their meetings disturbed by any man , or any body of men , and as they had placed him in the chair , lie hoped they would stand by him and support him in the performance of his duty . Mr . Editor , this « i > pea » to me to be very like the . proceedings of the Corn Law clique .
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= THE NORTHERN STAR . 7 *
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), April 24, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct376/page/7/
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