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THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY, MAY 1, 1841.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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FREEDOM OF DISCUSSION : CORN LAW LEAGUE LIBERALITY . 10 THE EDITOR OP THE XORTUEHX STAB , SlB ., —To give tlio country some idea of the nature of the anti-Cora Law party , I ¦ wi ll relate to you the proceedings of a meeting held in AddiEgham , on Monday evening last , for that purpose . I sirended aa a speaker at a Chartist public meeting In Siisien on the sam » day , and at the conclusion of Easiness I was invited to go to Addingham , ts assist in arguing the merits of Chartism in opposition to the Com Ltsf humbug , at a meeting of ! the middle class jnen , iu the Odd Fellows' Hall , of that town . Thinking it only right that the inhabitants should hear both ( idea of the question , I accordingly 'Went there , accompanied by a few friends from Reighley and Silsden .
On entering the room , which is capable of holding five or six hmvired , I perceived a few middle men in one comer talking the thing oTer in evident alarm , baying heard that there was a prospect of opposition . Yery soon after my arrival the room was well filled , When a curiouj looking fellow , said to be the constable , walked into the chair without cur-salting the meeting . He then got up and read the cry railing the » e * ting , » nd announced his readiness to hear any person who yna disposed w address the meeting on the subject This invitation was no sooDer made than a person , acting in the double capacity of a Methodist parson and cobbler , got up and said , 1 propose that the petition we Ime go : up be adopted ; and before he had queezeJ the words out of his meuth , another grimloeking felluw in a corner bawled out , I second the motion .
"With this brief introduction—without a word bavin s been aid either pro or con—they were on the point of patting it , when I stepped forward and Baid , " Mr . Chairman , 1 wish to make a few observations before yoaUyths motion . " "You bava no business here , " cried out the parson , " we shall allow no one to speak here but those who will sign the petition , " I said " The Chairman will peibaps allow me to speak . " " Jfo , you are a Char ; ist , " bawled out the person , " and yeu dial ] not speak here , " The bulk of the meeting , con-Bsting of working men , said they wero determined that 1 should be heard ; "for , - said they , " if truth is / obi objact you should hear every one speak . " "We wfal hear no person speak , ' * said the Corn Law men . who is a " Chartist . " Here the confusion was beyond
description . " Come and sign the petition , * shouted the pars « n as he stood upon the table , " and throw the Chartists out of the room . " This was answered by the people calling out , " Sign it thyself , thon cobbling parson ; thou wants to get thy living without working . Thou applied to be a policeman , and the governor of Skipton Bistile , and they would not have tbee . " Another person , whom I took to be either a pinon or a doctor , peeped ofi at a coiner and said , " the Chartists will all go to hell , they are a lo . of ttitves , " and away he ran down the steps as if BeeljKbnb was after him , to take him home . Another fellow , of the same party , got his mouth to my ear , and bawled ont till he almost split his mouth , " you are come here to pick our pockets . Ton are come to
ruin us , you thief , you ; " while another of them got hold of me by the collar , and said , " you will get put in prison if you do not get off out of this room . You hare spoiled the concern , you d—d rascal . You are a paid Ghirtist , to make . mischief . " I continued to speak amidst all this uproar , till I was nearly exhausted , and hid gained the general approbation of the matting with tke exception of the few in the comer . At this stage of the business , the parson again mounted the table , aad said , " the motion was earned unanimously . " > 'ot willing to allow this falsehood to piss , I got up also , and said , " Sir , you are mistaken ; " his answer was , " you are a liar . " " Well , then , " said I , " to-pruve the matter , all you who are in favour of Universal Suffrage , and against
the Corn Law League , hold up your hands , " when the Whole meeting held up their hands with the exception of the old h * M dozen . The parson then got off the table , and seising it by one end ,-threw both table , inkstand , and myself , on to the floor , shouting in a rage , " there , take tliat , you sinner , for your impudence , I wonld do more if I durst , and 1 wish all Chartists Were at the deTil . " As soon as I recovered from the flooring effects of the saint ' s strength of body , I got sp again , and told him I was much obliged to him for so many proofs of his Christian charity , bat tliey shenid not deter me from speaking the truth , and exposing their hypocrisy , and that 1 was willing to discuss the question with any man they c * uld find , either then or at any other time .
" We wi 1 not hear you , you scamp , " said the parson . On asking the meeting who the fellow was , " O , " said they , "he is a cebbler , bat he does not like to work , and will rather preach or do any kind of dirty work like this than stick to his last and bristles . " Through the exceedingly crowded state of the room , and the uproarious conduct of the half dozen , I was by this time nearly suffocated , and by way of finish , I said—AH those who want the Charter , follow me ; and let all who want to hant after a repeal of the Corn Laws , Stay with these blackguards . I then left the room , and got into the street , and in less than five minutes I had the whole meeting at my heels , with , the exception of eight solitary individuals , who were left to mourn on the failure of their scheme . Just at this time , the Adding \ , am band of musicians made their appearaBce , and assisted , by their excellent abUitiea , in Celebrating our glorious
Tictory over the knot left behind in the building . As I wished to explain to them the principles of the Charter , which I hid been in a measure unable to do before , I addressed them to the effect that the object of the Cora Law Leaguers was nut to benefit the working people , and that the middle-class men were their greatest enemies . That if they wanted to benefit themselves , as working people , they should assis : in getting the Charter , and never depend upon what others would do for them , but pbca themselves in a position to work out their redemption ; for whatfthis Government gives to day , they can take away to-morrow . At the conclusion of my address , three cheers were given for O'Connor and tke Charter , and three groans for Baniel O'Connell . After frequent solicitations J promised to pay them another visit . The band then played another march , and the people went to theii homes crying Hurrah for the Charter . Thomas B . Kxowles . Keighley , April 27 , 1841 .
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There is no despotism or tyranny in giving an opinion , or holding out a recommendation ; although some have attributed it to O'Connor , in recommending certain persons as fit to sit ou the Petition Convention . I do not , and therefore beg to recommend to the Executive Council the propriety of getting the articles , or general laws and rules for the government of the National Association printed as soon as possible ; as also to call their attention to the necessity of immediately taking measures for the establishment of a < 2 aiJy evening Star , which two things , especially the pap * r , would produce , in my opinion , greater results in one year , than Mr . Lovett ' a plan in twenty . Longing for that libtrty for which I will eTer contend in union with the millions , I am , Sir , Its feeble Advocate , Richard Spurr . No . 91 , St John ' s-street , Smithfield Bars , London , April 26 th , 1841 .
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TO THE EDITOR OP THE NORTHERS STAB . Sib , —Permit me to present my sincere thanks for the prompt and fearless manner in which you have exposed and denounced the conduct of Messrs . Lovett Collins , and Co ., and in doing which I am persuaded you will receive the support of every really honest Chartist in the kingdom . A t the conduct of Mr . Lovett I am by no means surprised , having long expected some such result ; but that he should have sufficient Influence to hoodwink a man lifcd J » hu Cleave is nutter to me of the greatest astonishment : his name is the last which I should have expected to have seen appended to such a document , as I have alwayB considered him as fine a specimen of a genuine John Bull , and of as sterling a character as any in existence , and most earnestly do I hope that he will yet retrace his steps .
Aa Mr . Lovett can no longer be considered a member of our body , I wish to know how yon intend to proceed in respect to his promised portrait ; if the plate is not kegun , I trust it never will be , as yon will probably not get many thanks , and less money for it : if , however , it be in progress , allow me to suggest some little alterations—cannot you direct the engraver to give it two faces—from the mouth of one proceeding the words "~ So vote , no musket , " and from the other "No education , no vote ; " and as a finishing touch , to be branded across the forehead with the word " renegade . "
While on this subject , allow me to state a fact in illustration , of the nature and prospects of union among the projectors of this new move . A day or two after the address was published I had some conversation with one of the six gents whose names are affixed to it , and on my making some remarks on the political character of one of them , namely , Mr . Rogers , my worthy friend replied , " Oh , I can ' t say much about him , I am too Radical for him . " Here , then , is a valuable admission in the outset , and if snch is the budding of the tree , what may we not expect from the fruits T
In conclusion , allow me to say , that if any thing can work repentance in the mind of any of those men , it is the unqualified manner in which they have been praised by the whole Whig press , and above all by that incubus of political iniquity , Daniel O'Connell , whose commendations , as I have often heard some of those six gentlemen declare , would damn the most righteous cause that was ever brought before the public eye . I am , Sir , Yours , &a , Hbnrt Kitchim . London , April 25 , 1841 . 14 , Charlotte Terrace , White Conduit Fields , Pentonville .
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Death oj the American President . The British Queen , Captain Franklin , reached Liverpool on Wednejday , bringing New York papers to the 12 th , Baltimore , Boston , and Philadelphia to the lltb . The arrival of the British Queen puts us in possession or" the important announcement of the death of General Harrison , the new President of the American Republic , after the short reign of one month in the high office to which he had been elected by the citizens of the United States . The gallant General breathed his last on the morning of the 10 th , aad the Vice-President ( John Tyler ) was installed in ihe Presidemal Chair of his predecessor on the Sth . The prevailing opinion at New York is , that President Tyler will carry out the views of General Harrison ' s foreign policy , but that the question of a . National Bank will not meet his encouragement . — The political and commercial news from the United States is unimportant .
The Northern Star Saturday, May 1, 1841.
THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY , MAY 1 , 1841 .
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THE " NEW MOVE ; " ITS OSTENSIBLE CONCOCTORS ; THE TROWBRIDGE CRITICS ; AND THE " NORTHERN STAR . " Elsewhere we publish , at the request of the subscribing parties , an epistle from certain Chartists , members of the General Council , residing at Trowbridge , first published in the Sun , and addressed " to the Chartists of Great Britain , and more particularly to Mr . Hill , the Editor of the Northern
Siar , and Mr . William Lovett . " We admit the right of all ChartiBts in the Empire to criticise the style and manner of our publio advocacy of the principles of truth , while we insist equally on our own right to choose our own . Btyle , provided alway 3 thas it be jast . We ask only that , in criticising as , our friends shall act on their own principles—that they shall avoid the fault they attribute to us— " intemperate language" and unjust assertion . We deny emphatically their assertion that
" la the Tiorlhei-n Stir ef the 17 th instant , there is an editorial article abounding from first to last , and in every variety of low phraseology , with charges and imputations of fraud , falsehood , and trickery against Messrs . Lovett and Collins . ** Onr observations were directed not against those gentlemen individually , but against the new national project , which they have published , and the mode of its publication . We ask the writers of this letter to read again the article referred to—to read their own letter with it , and to tell us the single "
imputatation" contained in our article that is not borne out and sustained by their letter . In the first article we wrote on this subject , we say distinctly these words : — " Let us not be misunderstood . We make no charge against the tur gentlemen whose names are appended to the document . We know some of them to be men incapable of any thing dishonest or dishonourable ; and tee know nothing to the contrary of any of them ; but tee say that ihe scheme is capable of being thus perverted ; and that , therefore , it is not one which the people ought to take any steps for bringing into operation . "
la this , then , the scurrility , the every variety of lovr phraseology , " the "imputations of fraud , falsehood , and trickery , " of which our Trowbridge friends complaiD ! And yet we defy them to point out anything iu our article of the 17 th , inconsistent with this , or any " imputation" against either Lovett or Collins which ia not equally strongly brought in their own letter . We adopt most fully the very language of our Trowbridge friends , and we use it as the justification of the language we have ourselvts used
throughout the whole of our strictures on this " New Move . " "We concur with that address [ the addresB of the ' New Move' gentlemen ] that we [ that is , the people ] mnst become our own Boeial and political regenerators , or that we shall never eujoy freedom . " And , therefore , we denounce the system of a self-elected board of management , into whose hands the people are modestly a ^ ked by the "New Move" gentry to put the application of £ 255 , 48 J , without having a shadow of controul over its expenditure .
Now , do not let our Trowbridge friends again misunderstand us . We are not speaking of persons , but of a plan . We do not call Messrs . Lovett and Collins " Thieves , liars , and trauor 3 ; "' we never did call them so ; though our Trowbridge friends have so adroitly introduced these pretty epithets into their objurgation , aa to make it seem as though we had . We do not say , that if Messrs . Lovett and Collins were entrusted by the people with all this money , they would not honestly apply it ; but we say , that the " New Move" plan puts no power of controul into the people's hands ; that the plan is thug capable of being made into a flimsy cover for
dishonest purposes ; and that therefore the people ought not to countenance it . We beg our Trowbridge friends to read the published documents of the " New Move " , carefully ; they will find them all in the Slar of the 10 th , and they will then see whether we cast upon it any u imputations " unduly . Again we adopt the language of our Trowbridge friends in reference to this " New Move ' most cordially : — " District halls , circulating libraries , missionaries , tracts , and so forth , all seem to us well calculated to eaccurage and ensure an enlightened public opinion ; to fortify and consolidate the strength of our friends ; and to mitigate the feax 3 of those who oppose us frcm not understanding our object * . But taea—aad here .. we come to the
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point to which we alluded at the outset , and on which we altogether differ from Mr . Lovett and the four other gentlemen acting with him in the addressthey propose to establish « n Association to carry out their plan . In this we see them altogether wrong . We do aot call them—our injustice would be greater than their deficiency of judgment if we were to call them 'thieves , liars , and traitors / but we think that they have committed a great error , and the sooner they acknowledge it the better we shall think of their sincerity and consistency . We have an association—the National Charter Association—chosen in the most fair and publio manner , and all butuniversaJy recognised as
the Representatives of the Chartists of Great Britain . Already has this body met and acted in its representative capacity ; and we may refer to the seal with which one of their laws has been carried out—that of enforcing on every publio meeting the Charter and its principles—as a proof , ' and a strong one , of our faith in Us wisdom . To these our representatives—the National Charter Association—Messrs . Lovett , 4 c , ought in our opinion . /?™ / to have submitted their plan ; it would have been reoeived and discussed with all the respect and consideration it bo well merited ; and , if there adopted , would thuB have been girded wich a moral strength that would have gone far to secure its success . "
Again , then , while we thank our Trowbridge friends for the expressions of good opinion contained in their letter , we would seriously ask them to shew us the just grounds for the censure with which they have seen fit to visit us . Our fault seems , however , in the estimation of our Trowbridge friends , to have extended beyond the range of our own fire . We are censured for not censuring others—for not having taken the whole country to task in reference to tho stroDg resolutions of opinion come to on the subject of this "New Move" by a great many portions of the people . Our
friends talk of " holding up a man in triumph on a Tuesday , and knocking him down on a Wednesday ; " but this is really knocking us down both Tuesday and Wednesday . They complain of having lately observed in our paper what they " cannot but consider a spirit of intolerance towards every opinion but that of its editor ; " they remind ns very properly , that ** the day of dictation is gone by ;" and then they find fault with us for not dictating to the whole people the opinions they shall form , and tho manner in which they shall be expressed
For ourselves , we Bay at once that any such course as our Trowbridge friends seem to point to us for adoption would , as we think , be highly "despotic ;" and much rather would wo incur even justly the censure of our Trowbridge friends for being , now and then , intemperate in our own language , than assume the right of moulding publio opinion to our own will and pleasure , by commenting upon every resolution emanating from meetings of the people , which did not exactly t ^ uars with our own critical notions of policy .
So much , then , for our share of the Trowbridge objurgation . We now turn to tLe reply of Mr . Lovett to this same latter ; and which we also publish in our third page . Mr . Lovett says : — " Our plan for obtaining the People ' s Charter by peaceful and moral means—by the erecting of halls , the establishing of schools , the formation of libraries , and by every means seeking to raise the intellectual and moral character of our brethren , while approved of by
the press in general , as well as by the thinking and reflecting portion of Chartists , instead of being made a legitimate sulject tor discussion , was only wade the subject of contempt and ridicule by the peoplu ' s organ , the Northern Star , the editor of which designated national education as a " national jackass , " and without condescending to review or rebut the arguments we had adduced , hinted that our plan was altogether worthless . "
Now to those who have read what we have written on this plan , it is scarce necessary for us to say a word in reply to this . We believe that no disinterested man , who has read those articles , will say that we have not made the plan a legitimate subject for discussion . If the result of the discussion has been to make it also the " subject of contempt and ridicule , " we are sorry Mr . Lgvktt should have been so unfortunate in the selection of his plan ; but cannot help it . The assertion that the Editor of tho Northern Star called National Educationa "National Jackass , " is false .
Mr . Lovett speaks of his and Collins ' s declarations at the several meetings which they attended , of their intention to form the Association now proposed . We can only say , that this is the first we have heard of these declarations . Mr . Lovett attended no meetings ; and Mr . Collins never mentioned the plan as proposed in the secret circular ; at least we never heard of his doing so . The next question to which Mr . Lovbtt refers , is that of illegality ; and to this we pray attention . Mr . Lovett says : —
" Mr . Collins called the attention of the Editor of the Star to the subject of illegality of tho Cuarter Association , and the necessity of cautioning the working classes on the subject . The persona engaged ou that paper subsequently wrote to Mr . Place of London to ascertain the state of the law on the subject , which that gentleman readily furnished them with , but several weeks were buffered to elapse before any notice was taken or warning given , when Mr . Place ' s article appeared without the least acknowledgment of tho anthor . "
Now , supposing this statement to be correct , what would it prove ? What inference could be fairly drawn from it ! We were long aware of the " Secret Move . " Various parties were very importunate with us on the matter of alleged illegality in the Constitution aud Government of the National Charter Association , which they desired us to lay before the public . We knew well , and at once , that the object was just that which has since appeared , namely , to engender fear of the law , and suspicion of the leaders . The matters objected to by the " New Move" men had not escaped our notice : wu
kuew them all acd we have here Mr . Lovett ' s own confession , that so far from adding fuel to the flame , we tried , by every means in our power , to remove all just caube for fear or suspicion , and to disarm the opponents of the established Association of the people of every weapon ; insomuch , that knowing we could uot be too secure within the law , we even asked Mr . Place to furnish us with such acts , as he feared we should bring our friends into collision with . And what do we then do ! Why , give Mr . Place ' s opinion all the value which would attach to an editorial article . Such
we maintain to be the conclusions legitimately resulting from Mr . Lovett ' s premises , about " Mr . pLACK " and "illegality , " supposing the premises to have been correct ; and we ask , does this prove a disposition to quarrel , or to use all means to conciliate I And did the legal plan recommended by the " oracle" destroy the only pretended obstacle to LovEvr and his party joining our Association ? But the facts are not correctly stated . We are uot aware of having ever held any correspondence with Jlr . Place , We never made any such application to that gentleman as Mr . Lovett speaks of ; nor
did any other person employed at this office by our authority or with our knowledge . We know nothing of the article which Mr . Lovett speaks of as Mr . Place ' s , and as having been inserted without acknowledgement ; but we Buppose it to mean an article on the law of organisation whioh we first inserted in the Star , the week before the sitting of the Delegate Mdtting , by which the National Charter Association was organised . Some months previous to that period , some person sent us anonymously a placard of the Political Union of 1832 ,
or the law of political societies , and though it contained no new information to us , for we had ia our possession the ActB of Parliament to whioh it referred , yet , as it gave a valuable digest of their provisions in briof spaco , we felt obliged to the party , and reserved it for use , if needful—that placard we used as a ready written articleat the time above stated . Wo have since learned that it was sent by Mr . Place , though we didnotknow it then . We suppose that to be the artiele to which Mr . Lovett alludes , and in respect of which he seemd very desirous to ineiziuate , goad charge of
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plagiarism against U 3 . He is quite welcome to all the benefit of that move . Mr . Lovett would hint that the illegality of the Association was his reason for not joining in it , and yet declines to say that he thinks it illegal how . If union was , in truth , the object of the "New Move " gentry , and if supposed illegality was the only preventaiive to that union , " so devoutly to be wished , " why did Messrs . O'Neil and Collins refuse , when asked , to attend a meeting of delegates called for
the express purpose of making the ground sure about us . They were within four hours' journeythey were invited , but they declined , and , having declined , the shout of illegality is still kept up ; Mr . Collins professing that he waits for Mr . Roebuck ' s opinion previous to making up his mind . Now , has he received that opinion ? if yes , why not publish it ! and if no , is it not clear that Mr . Bobbuck has nothing pleasant to say upon the subject , and that , nevertheless , his want of scruple fails to remove Mr . Collins' equeamishness !
Again , Mr . Lovett would fasten upon us an assertion whioh belongs to his own friends . It was not the Editor of the Star who announced , in the first instauce , the fact of Messrs . Hume and Roebuck . being in collusion with the present association , but Messrs . Hums and Roebuck . It waa those gentlemen who prematurely divulged it at Leeds . Then with regard to the secrecy . Mr . Lovett , very artfully , would make the step analogous to the manner ia which the Irish address was got up . How silly ; how very foolish—was the object of the Irish address to form an association ? Were the
signers to constitute themselves into a self-elected provisional committee for the sole management of English political movements t As well might Mr . Lovett say that the total abstinence pledge , which we most cheerfully signed , was analogous , because we were requested not to publish it , till it had received a certain number of signatures of men who had assumed the right of controlling THEMSELVES , and not others , in the use of intoxicating drinks . But Mr . Lovett says that they would admit Peel , Russell , and Wellington , if they chose to join us . Now , we would not , at any price , and for this reason , that their object would be to disunite us , to divide and conquer us .
In conclusion , then , wo ask the Trowbridge Councillors whether they are now satisfied by the reply of Mr . Lovett , that legality or illegality was a mere trick , as Mr . Lovett eays , distinctly , that the legality of its present altered form is a question upon which he does not feel himself called upon to offer an opinion . We ask them to take that as the ultimatum , as the determination , of Lovett and Co . to proceed in that oourse which the Trowbridge Councillors so heartily deprecate , and to avert which they would do so much and make such concession , —aid then let them say whether their bland and soothing phraseology has gone further in convincing obstinate men against their will , than our fiercer denunciation and unsoftened publication of a people ' s just and reasonable sentiments .
Let our course be travelled over , from the commencement of the plan to the present , and we defy the Trowbridge Council to come to any other conclusion than tjiat we have discharged our duty honestly , and with as much mildness as the circumstances would admit . If they imagine that calling high offences by pet names is likely to correct error , they will find their mistake . We defy them , in any one single instance , to point out a case in which the Editor of the Star
has been scurrillous , dogmatical , or vituperative ; but when attacks are made upon the people ' s cause , we care not from what battery the shot comeswhether from Whig , Tory , or sham-Hadioal—we Bh&ll fire metal , the heaviest in our store ; and , inasmuch as we see no reason , upon reflection , to retract , alter , « r qualify what we have said , upon the one hand , nor yet censure what the country has more boldly said upon the other ; we cannot now doubt but we shall have the cooperation of our Trowbridge friends .
In conclusion , we cannot refrain from thinking that tho publication of matter reflecting upon us , in the Sun newspaper , will at once show that the open censure upon us was intended as disguised praise for those with whom it professed to find fault . However we have great pleasure in referring our readers to the subjoined letter , addressed by Mr . John Moore , one of tho Councillors , to Mr . F . O'Connor . " Trowbridge , 34 , Mortimer-street , s April 28 ih , 1841 .
" Honoured Sir , —Most probably you have seen our address iu the d lily Sun newspaper , of the 22 d inst . The reason of our sending out that address in the manner we did , was , we thought that there might be some misunderstanding between parties , and not wishing to see any bad feeling or split in our ranks , we thought that it might be the means of doing some good , by pointing out to Messrs . Lovett and Co ., where we thought they had done wrong . We also made some remarks respecting the warmnessof some words of the Editor of the Star ; but , on eeeiuK your letter in the Star of last Saturday , we are led to believe that it is a Whig scheme . On Monday evening we had a public meeting , when the question was well discussed , coolly and deliberately . After some time the following resolutions wera unanimously agreed to : —
1 . "' We , the Chartists of Trowbridge , in public meeting assembled , do deprecate the new-fangled scheme propounded by Messrs . Lovett and Co ., and do consider that the present plan laid down by our representatives that met in Manchester , in July , 1840 , and February , 1841 , is quite sufficient to cause the People ' s Charter to become the law of the land , and are resolved to join no other league , unless firm reoommeuded by the Executive Council , chosen by the people . " 2 . " 'Aslong as Feargua O'Connor , Esq . remains the unflinching advocate for the rights of the people , we , in return , will romain the faithful supporters to the cause of justice , for which he is now suffering . ' '
" Sir , since the above were passed at our meeting , we have seen Mr . Lovett ' s answer to our address , which is more Whifgish than we expected . " Trusting , Sir , that you are in good health , ¦ I remain , " Yours , in the cause of justice , M John Moore , sub-Treasurer . " Another word is needless .
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O'CONNELL' 3 MEMBER FOR NOTTINGHAM During the fever of a contested election is not just the time to judge either of the relative fitness of the candidates , or of the motives which may induce many honest and consistent electors to vote with apparent inconsistency . The meddling morning and evening drabs of the metropolis , however , judge only in the midst of excitement , knowing that their only chance of catching anything ia to snap it actually out of the fire . The Whigs cannot , indeed they do not , expect anything from sober judgment . The mere
bubbles of excitement themselves , they still live in their native element . But now , perhaps , Easthope , Young , and Co . and the remainder of the conspira tors , will have time for reflection ; if , in truth , they ever do reflect . Perhaps they will now have discovered that Mr . John Walter is not the Chartist , but the O'Connell Member for Nottingham . Waltes is the O'CoNNELLMember for Nottingham ; and , from that fact , let his servants at Downingatreet learn to estimate the full value of his name as a permanent partner in the firm of Melbourne ,
O'Connell , and Co . It does well enough for » booby , with the means , to enter into partnership with a sharper having the ways , now and then . The firm may thrive for a season , but , in the long run , the chap with the ways will swamp the chap with the means , and then the odium must be equally borne by the innocent and the guilty ; though , in truth , in the present instance , neither of the parties appear to have the slightest advantage , beyond that which a superior knowledge of his trade gave to the old juggler .
The misfortune however is , that tho Whigs , as a firm , are ruined , aud for ever ; their promissory note , bond , or I 0 U , uot being worth their weight in paper ; while he with the ways will set up fresh business upon his own account ; the fraud * « hio
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he practised upon his old partners , the Whigs ,-being his principal stock-in-tradei Yes , the man whose unprincipled support of an easy-going faction , who has been the means of returning Sir . Walter , and of arraying all England against the T ' tmej .-serving ministry , will go to the Corn Exchange and make money ofhis own dulinquency . O'Connell returned Walter , because , had the Whigs relied upon good works , instead of upon the corrupt support of the moat profligate , dishonest , unprincipled , cold-blooded , politician that ever lived , they would hot have been so hard pressed of late ; neither would they have been deserted , in the hour of need , by those upon whose backs they rode to office and whose bellies they pinched in return .
Mr . O'Connor has very often , aud very ? truly , told the people that the existence of three political parties in a state is incompatible with the existence of good order aud harmony , aud that we should anihiiate one of them before we could be acknowledged as » distinct party . We have been told that we , the Chartists , are no party ; that we may be quelled with a breath and courted with a feather ; and if the Chartists of Nottingham had so far forgotten their own dignity , as to have strengthened the " base , bloody and brutal ' faction , Easthope , when next making merry with the hospitable Premier , would have said— " you see my Lord , A wife , a Chartist , and a walnut tree , The more you beat them the better they'll be .
We can abuse them for six days in the week and frighten them upon the seventh , . by the magio of ' Oh 1 fie , fie , naughty , naughty children , would you unite with your' natural enemies . ' " We have now shown that we would , and will again , against our 14 unnatural friends . " But the Whig scribes have gone npon the wild assumption , that support of Mr . Walter proves the Chartists to have turned Tories ; as well might they say that support of Larpent would prove -them to have turned Whigs ; aud , lacking all otherfjust cause
for congratulation on the event , being spared tha ignominy and disgrace of being called Whigs of itself suffices . No , but the fact is , either Whigs or Tories must bid for the Chartists £ 10 , £ 9 , £ 8 , £ 7 , £ 6 , £ 5 , £ 3 , £ 2 , £ 1 ; Universal Suffrage ; that ' s their price ; and as to any hope from , or affection for Mr . Walter , the Chartists of Nottingham have none whatever . Indeed , they consider him so thorough a political rip , that they look upon their triumph as being complete in proportion to bis unworthiness .
Whoever supposed that a Chartist would have voted for Walter against a working man ! Not one in Nottingham ; so they have sent poison , deadly poison , " night shade , " if they will it , among our virtuous rulers . Walter is not the representative of the people of Nottingham ; he is O'Connell ' s child , his own legitimate offspring , begotten by Dan , upon the body of Whig folly ; while with the Chartists he is " a choice of evils . "
Coalitions are things most whimsically spoken of , according to the whim and caprice of those affieoted by the act , and out of small causes great results sometimes spring . The result of Walter ' s return for Nottingham will be a Wellington , Past , Melbourne and Rvssell coalition , highly approved of by the Chronicle as a means of getting rid of Dan ; and thus will the Chartists of Nottingham have deserved the principal glory of having destroyed both factions , by making them weak in their strength and jealous iu their union .
Suppose Walter , Easthope , and O'Connor had stood for Nottingham at a general election , with two vacancies , how , in such case , would the poll stand \ Walter 4 > 00 , Easthope 4 , 000 , O'Connor 400 ; not a Chartist would vote against O'Connor , while Whigs and Tories would unit « against him . But to prove the great reaction in the public mind . If the Whigs were asked , some two years ago to what constituency it would be most safe to " commit" a Minister 1 the answer would have been , " Oh ! to Nottingham of course . " Where now will they send Sir John C . Hobhouse ! who we are assured was fairly staggered , by the announcement of Walter ' s return .
There is not a better Chartist town in England than Nottingham ; in proof whereof we merely state that we anticipate a greater number of signatures to the National Petition from Nottingham than from any other town in England , Scotland , or Wales , in proportion to the number of inhabitants , with the exception of Glasgow , Barnsley , and Huddersfield . The Chartists of England have jast reason to be thankful to their Nottingham brothers , for the noble manner in which they have triumphed over Whiggery .
Will Lord John Russell now believe O'Connor ' s petition , that the people would oppose every man who either voted for the Starvation Act , or who did not pledge himself against it ? Will the little fellow now say that a meeting of poor people , met to petition against the damnation law at - Manchester , were unworthy of consideration because they were not respectable , or persons of note , that is notorious persons , we suppose , like his Lordship ! Will they now dissolve ! that's the rub ! If they do , hurrah for the resistance and no surrender ! Then we will show them whether or no we have power .
Oh ! what a glorious minority of about 180 her Majesty will have in the next Parliament of torch and dagger , physical force , fire-eating Destructives —of every-thing-in-the-way-to-the-Treasury Chartists ! We never had the ball fairly up before ; we must now keep it moving . In order to shew the real feeling of the Irish people upon Whig clap-trap , we insert the following , upon the Nottingham election , from the Dublin World , certainly the most Radical , honest , and consistent paper in Ireland : — *
" Thero is warm work at Nottingham , where Mr . Walter of the Times , and a Mr . Larpent , have entered the ring . Which of the two will obtain the seat seems to be just now rather a matter of doubt . The opposition given by Mr . Walter to the infamous Poor-Law Bill has rendered him extremely popular amongst the operative class ; and it is a remarkable sigu of the times that his cause is espoused by Tories and Chartists . The Sun , somewhat of an erratic public guide , which started by praising Mr . Walter , and wishing him success , notwithstanding " that iu twenty-four hours afterwards fiercely abused himaud the Cork Stuthern Reporter — as abominable a
literary hack as can be any where found—have both denounced any Reformer who will vote for Mr . Walter , in consequence of his connection with the Times . It would be much the more honest sad sensible plan to show what sacrifice of principle a Chartist makes in voting . for a moderate Tory , instead of a Ministerial Whig . We have read the addresses of the two candidates , and it strikes us that that of Walter is byf&r the moat democratic , and therefore we cannot blame the Chartists if they
are a little partial to him . Mr . O'Connell pronounced an culogium upon Vincent , the Chartist leader , at a late meeting ; and we observe that he is fighting the battle of Walter at Nottingham . The masses have taken up the view of the Conservative gentleman mentioned in the Times- ^ who refused to subscribe money to swell the Carlton Club Btock purse , upon the score that ' nothing could be gained by turning out Ministers , as their places would be filled by another set of scoundrels equally bad '—and hardly care which side wins . "
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THE SHORT PARLIAMENT . THE CRISIS . It is , in some instances , a great misfortune to be compelled to register weekly opinions upon an unsettled state of Booiety , which , though in part true , and now and then prophetic , are ever and anon liable to be made fly in your face , by the caper of a down , the wheelabout of a Jim Crow , or the turnabout of one having authority .
With all these fears before us , however , we can safely appeal to our registered opinions in proof of the little we have ever expected , or led our friends to expect , either from the strength of their parliamentary friends , or from the weakness of their parliamentary foes . We have endeavoured to turn attention wholly and altogether from the parliament to the people ; and we rejoice to say tfaftt we have not failed iu our undertaking .
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We have " published meagre Taports , and no reports , of the heresies , ignorances insulta , aai follies of" the House ; " and oar readers have jud ged of the sack from the sample , and felt motf pleased at seeing our space altogether unencumbered by parliamentary juggling , traffic , and thimble-ri g . But if we have hitherto been sceptical , we do now as vouched by our heading , see a change , and a vart and mighty change ; and at no great distance . A change which must be for the better for the people , as worse it possibly cannot be . As to what that change shall be , now mainly depends upon the
exertions , unanimity , firmness , and resolution of the " Short Parliament . " We do not mean the chapi who have been sitting , and lying , and crowing , and eating , and drinking since the 26 th of January till nOw and who have merely provided for" physical force" to collect , rents for fund-lords , land-lords , mill-lord * , king-lords , queen-lords , and the Lord knows who No ; we mean the " bakers' dozen "—the thirteen- ! the cheap bread parliament , which meets in London on Monday next , the 3 rd of May . To these men , now look , and we can assure them the country loofa with an anxiety even greater than that which wj felt upon the assembling of the old Convention .
It is for them to prove whether or not all that wu then done was done for good or for evil . It will b « for them to pay whether or no we are to atari from that point where they left off , or to pull all thai has been done to pieces , with a view to the mori masterly arrangement of the parts . In their deliberations they should bear in mindthal the party which they now so creditably represent , has sprung from contemptible notice into universal observation . That at the period when the old Convention met , they were looked upon as the men bubbles of disturbed waters , while those who how represent us will be considered as a part of the vast current of public opinion , before which all mmt sooner or later yield .
It is true that no minute guns will announce tha opening of their deliberations ; no throne willarrejt the attention of gaping fools ; no fool will ait upon it to be gaped at ; no military will line the streets to add to the pageant attendant upon the opening of the annual " raree show ; " no usher , or gold stick , or Sergeant at arms , or Mace , or Purser , or Speaker , will obey their command in summoning th « easy and pliant servants , who grant " us" ways and means , to " our" presence ; but yet , those who pay for all will be there in spirit , while the muscle , sinew bones , and flesh of the whole country will look . with becoming anxiety for the resolve * of their honest , though not numerous Parliament
Although a certain line of conduct may have beea chalked out for them , yet , apart from the routing business , we shall await their opinion upon what has been done , and their advice as to what shall be done , with great anxiety . With them we feel assured that our honour , our country , and' our cause are safe ; but more than that we require . We require as unequivocal expression of their opinion as to the best mode of strengthening the hand of the Executive Council of the National Charter Association . We require their advice as to what is to be tin
next step , in the event of the liberation of the prisoners being refused , provided that the national petition is as numerously signed as we hive ever ] reason to anticipate ; and here let us observe , that upon the working classes themselves will much depend the tone whioh their representative ! will feel themselves justified in taking . If the ministers shall be able to say , " Is this the post few who look upon our treatment of Chartut prisoners as oppressive , after one death , thru
transportations , and nearly 500 brutally treatei victims ? " then indeed will the whele labour ban been lost ; then would it have been much better not to have shown the national indifference to out enemies , and then well may the delegates be warranted in keeping civil tongues within their teeth : but should the petition be numerously signed , then the country will have imposed upon their representatives the imperative duty of giving some council and advice , in case of the rejection by "tie House , " of the people ' s just and reasonable prajer .
We have often known much more good to be done in a fortnight than in a twelvemonth ; and that not a single opportunity of serving tha cause may be thrown away , we throw oat ( he following hints for the consideration of the Executive Council . They should by all means provide a sufficient number of cards of membership J for each delegate to dispose of ; and we think that much good may be done by holding several meet- 1 ings in different parts of the metropolis , for the < purpose of enrolling members and of passing somel spirited resolutions , which should be prepared ; with care by the delegates , in order to preserve v uniformity of action . i
If the thirteen delegates arranged matters so aifj to hold four meetings each night for the twelve nights ^ of their sojourn , at each of which meetings thre ) 1 delegates could attend , they would , in the short tira allotted , hold forty-eight meetings ; and sup / 3 pose one hundred members to be enrolled at eaci ^ meeting , we should have added four thousand eigbl "< hundred to our Association ; perhaps more thanai i equal number would enrol , during the day , at tha bit , ; of the House ; so that admitting 10 , 000 , the Execute ^ by these means would at once be furnished witl j funds to the amount of £ 250 ; and supposing otf * : calculation to be over-rated by one half , there wouH ' be raised a fund of £ 125 to commence bosinea ;
with . Now , we ask , could time be better or more prtfitably disposed of ! Again , we ask of what avs to appoint an Executive , if that body is to be leS breathless , nerveless , and paralysed for want of tb proper means of carrying out the views of the bod ! of the people ! A good push made just now , in London , wouU cause an instantaneous demand from the country it association tickets . An address and recommend )
tion to that effect , would , we hesitate not to sajr , enable the Executive to furnish eve ry county H ; England , Scotland , and Wales , with talented , abfe and trustworthy lecturers , whose duty it wo uld h to arm themselves with all the legality ia thei power , by addressing the several constituencies ts . candidates upon a dissolution of Parliament . Tlui , places them , at once , upon a perfect equality tf regards the right of calling electors and non-electo *« together , with either Whig or Tory ; and , indee ^ even now , we would most strongly recommend * Bj missionaries , but more especially those who atf j either under recognizance for good behaviour , or »; recaiv © judgment when called upon , to hafl instant recourse to this mode of canvassing pubiKf
opinion . We shall publish all that transpires in our o « i j "House ;" aud should any unforeseanaccident happ ^ to our representatives , we shall instantly publish * " extraordinary Star , " to announce the fa « t to tk j country . I . Is Of one thing we feel convinced , that we sni not get an order for a counter march , or for « single step backwards ; while we trust thatrtwj be forcibly impressed upon the country , that t > Chartist party is now the most powerful ptf * J ' the state ; and that , come what wiU , the Charter '
to be the law of the land . " The Charter , to ™ Charter , and not an atom leas than theXaurter . That the delegates will $ 0 their duty , weh * e' dread ; that the eountvy will do theirs , *« * p little cause to fear . However , let no m » "" PP * j that the withholdirig of his name will be atM f ' . fi indifference , aa many such believers would leaa M gad result . It will scarcely be believed , but nev * . theless it is fact , that infernal demons , bewn g * to tho working classes , are actually »* * f ** Ol ? ent the people from signing the Pf' ^ . w jy seconds for eaoh man ox woman i » » " . V ^ M required tomake their will a wmmtt * . ** ' I done , and at once . ' M
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MR . SPURR . TO THE IDITOX O ? THE SOBTHEB . * STAX . Sib , —As one of the delegates who" met at Manchester in Joly last , when the original plan ' fora national organisation was devised , sad feeling , as I do , deeply interested in its ultimate success , by which the united poTren , energies , and resources , moral , philosophical , and intellectual , as well aa pecuniary , of the enslaved Tn ? Tlif . Ti « were to be called into active operation againsi the citadel « f tyranny and corruption , I cannot ii feerma sufficiently strong express my sorrow that anything ahould have occurred to prevent the accomplishment of an object so desirable to every lover of libertj and justice . Sir , I am free to admit , I am willing to acknowledge , asd rea 4 y to confess , that that plan was not altogethei aneh as to arrest the attention , and secure the heartj o-operation uf the legally-fe irful and phyeically-timid professors of oui cwed ; and , therefore , Buch , ¦ anda the fear of court * of justice , gloomy prisons , and clanking irons , had an undoubted right to stand aloof ; and , if they thought proper , to propose a plan of their own , M LoTett and Collins haTe done , in my opinion , ibis right is inherent in every individual in every eountry and in every clime ; but it dots not follow that every rnaa exercising his own individual right , in hij own way , -would be acting a wise and prudent part either to hiaiself or his fellow ^ man : nay , quite the reverse would be the case , for , if every Chartist was to eome forth with his own individual plan , there wonld be as many plans as there are Chartists ; and , therefore , the onion which Messrs . Lovett and Co . profess to desire , would never be found to exist , and consequently onr object never obtained-The great fundameatal principle contained in the Charter is Universal Suffrage . And as the consistent , tttoogh humble advocate of that principle , I feel bound k > rejr ^ t tYery plan and mode of action which has not been submitted to the universal test of the people's opinion , obtained through the medium of the people ' s delegates elected at public meetings . And while ] would abstain from denouncing as ' traitors , thieves , and conspirators the men who prepared , issued , and tigned the document , ( believing , as 1 do , their iuabilitj to justify their proceedings in accordance with theii own professed principles ) I will not fail , tinder an j consideration , in an hono-orable and dignified manner Jo express my belief of the error inio which they h&v * fallen , and to prevent , to the utmost of my ability , th < enlargement of the wound which they have inflicted 01 tbe Chartist body . Saecess ¦ will never attend any undertaking for tin advancement of our cause , where unit / of action , aj well as unity of object , is not found to prevail ; ant ¦ city of action can only exist where the majority an allowed to direct Will ii be said that , by goinj with the majority I do wrong , because the majority an for Fe&rgui O'Connor , and have established a sort o Ban-worship ? Be it so ; but they are mistaken . will never be . one to cry , I am for Paul , Apollos , o Cephas , O'Connor , Lovett , or Collins . No , no , I am fo . Hberty—universal liberty . Who ii O Connor ? -whoi Lovett * or who ii Collins ? Can they get the Charter atther the one or the other , or the three combined t Car taialyaot . Then , Sir , I have an independent right to follow tt » dictate * of my own mind , sad remain « n board thi fooi ahip Charter , which has weathered so long " thi fcattt * and the hreeaV and refuse to risk my nobli win . ui on the new eoastrscted raft , in a boisteromi M , without being guilty of paring a devoted homage err yielding a blind obedience , to O'Connor , or any othei rf the oSeen appointed by the crew . ¦ Away with aX silly nonsense acd flimsy subterfuge * ; the ignoran working classes are throwing aside their Isadinj ¦ taisgs ,- and I hail -with feslings of unalterable plea wre the present aspect of the people's determination ni laager to be dupad by leiders crying " lo here and l < there ; " and it is my firm belief , that if Feargos O Con * or was to attempt to act in an arbitrary meaner ii the position in which the r >» ople have placed him , fron that moaieat he would cease to coaiimnd their rtsper ¦ b 3 esteem , and would be thrown overboard , as otiieri t » ve been befo « , him .
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^ 4 THE NORTHffTtN STAR . _ 1
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Northern Star (1837-1852), May 1, 1841, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct377/page/4/
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