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"" ^ r O-JIALLEF , OF THE DUBLIN CHABT 1 ST ASSOCIATION . ^ i O-MAi-iET , —Aa I proceed with my nar-** trrsth in = reases , my blood boils , and my * rtrell" "" " n 1 * ^? ' indignation , at the Yery ^ * V" the base , bloody , and brutal" manner in ^ Isred country has been - kindled out of her rb w ionwr , and hei liberty , by & set of juggling eg ** * = ° a 6 ifr Boa • bo * "J ™ 06 to . thini ih * my nanJe . > e mixed op ? ita U 7 one of & * many schemes es jfce Irish have been held in mental , moral , b % . w . ci ] degradation . ' * ' ffissi & s historian say , when the new light of
tfcsfl late dispelled the dark cloud which now ff fcst which , thank G » d , prepares to break , ** && ** I ^ ^ the old nurserT tales by 016 tftfhtj children have been affrighted into quiet , *^ j ^ ' iobgobluiBaiii apparitions , will appear fc * - \ o »! pli v » -H-fcen compared with the tricks of Ire-* sliss » keep tfce bsij' **? casing oat { jjeud , she very thought is maddening , and ; .. , Ee frcm the consideration of facts , to vitc-** 1 U the mcns : er who has " thus reared J ^^ g jnicd . " I shall howeTer try to resnme ; w iHesi- the 188611
^ •** _ H . _ 4 > iVn t \« aeDTtt t t aArnnfmM "tirtT * ^* -4 isbJfi ^ * " 011 t £ it P * " compensation to , » j ^ aue is intended ss a coun ter irritant to jf ^ jaaan from smy popularity which the recen t j ^ Irish landlords , upon their agricultural **? . ^ y acquire . I jshall proTe to yon that every * y . ^ jasje which promised 'benefit , and from * Jr ? jjjy coEcIliation coold be expected , bis been ^ an 3 yE : et ' denounced , and frustrated by Mr *^ j j t&n show , to demonstration , that so far isthe Irish
{ pa ijiiBd , that , people , having gained ¦ ¦ tils * -TiBts £ e by concessions wrung from the fears rf £ z&& i ° ^ ( k ? s of wea ^ ness ^ n ^ apprehension , g ^ ^ gy sB ^ eehanffe « o extracted , has , withent an —zs&a , been turned to aristocratic advantage , and -ptSttos ; and I shall proTe that the two great - —^ a of our time , whieh were to hare rendered oil trs « s ! aiS bai " * hing 8 to *** thou S ht of ^ "to KSK , \ xnb ^ o- iPi 5 trytad by Mr . O'Connell ' s dread , .. j ^ g his trade" by his country losing her
EJ £ TBSe& . O' 3 kk 7 > ' ^ ^^^ J " ready to a man much life * 'i 0 undertakes vast and mighty projects wfcidB * bey ^ a the grasp of ordinary minds . If we fadtiiEifcinS ***• t ^ Sh BOt exactly as men of infenar alcaJiuon would hare gone about the work , « i « 3 t 3 &-: xrt > t onr own discretion ; and each doubt j ^ j -j iis character for -wisdom . We say , " he has a - ^ Tiy of his own of doing things , just let him alias . "
W ± $ && feelings , O'il&lley , the Irish people have albvs Mr . O'Connell to p ' . ay pranks and make expenjE&s swa forbearance which no other man would hire tea » Eo * ed . He liTes npon nothing but the saiss < £ fead which he can keep alive between the tTo c 3 trifis « nd the two religions ; and yet , observe , for caiaffinest , the manner in which he has been j 11 ot * A , i 1 different times , to compromise his own and fc 5 jex : ; rj *! feelings , for the mere purpose cf being » bkt : sT , 0 , lam resolved to try every expedient
B aiscm prejudice . "ffflti ay other maa in Ireland be allowed to speak siena ^ y -of the dark days of Catholic oppression , and ret cai tbe health of " The glorious , pious , and fMri -ma-nnry of the great and good "Kin g William , rhc atedlrtliad frc-m PopeTy , slavery , Trooden shoes , md tea mesay , " and to drink it in a bumper of the raien d tha : tstt r ^ Ter npon whose banks the fatal j snlt-the taSle 6 f the Boyne , —was fought ? TTotd ay other man be allowed to speak of all the laircn which . Ireland has endured from the Beresiardi apsriaralsr , and then , at a Repeal meeting , to aS to tree cheers for a Bares ? ord ?
wccZ 22 j o'Jbst man be allo-wed to traekle to Orange KnjKJsaa , Otse ^ b ' Hajon , Orange professors of alJ iTfs , u ibi Liberator has . ' WotH &bj- bawlei for cheap Government , except the Libsaar , be allowed to tell that Parliament from whitiissosrtt for justice to Ireland , and for cheap Gorantett , tkat Ma constituents ordered him to vote for is Terj highest f ^ ure for Prince Albert's aUo-wiaa ; Esdthit bat for Tory opposition , this German pace Toeld have received fr * m the House which GSJtd lbs people £ 21 , 000 a-yeai more fh . fn he now cjji :
• at . ( yilsDty , iroald any man , except one who * s iH : * ed to have bis own peculiar fray of bringing fes ilus , be toisrated for one moment in such ttsiir-agpiig > *™ , CryttBuY , I think that a mere reference to dva-raaa&iiji the fact of the " compensation" move *^ ? » mere antidote to the agricultural poison . O " U 3 il ha been driven to every species , sort , and * &it shift . trick , and device whiei art cocJd suggest * & 2 & 2 zi \ j ijck into palatable shape and * '
practial'issa . He has been trying all schemes for catching B" *> caa ; becaase npon the length of his tail k ?^ ths kagth of his parse ; and ye ; , curious to 6 serer oiiee broached this all-important Btiieme , ' ^ t is his had so long in his eye , until cantion * ti * 5 Bi , - Eh ; D jjj ^ bT ( j ^ yotl mast j ^ j . sharp or «» b aaardi will get hold of the votes . " If , then , "" aSnxfc had never proposed -what they intended *»» jasSs to themselves and their tenants , Dan ^ asr « r have turned the cock of his eye—no 1 ST :: *
^ « . ( tt UHey , it vas » god-send in two ways z * Z it msj -widen the breach between landlord and ^ * 2 ucfc is ceniin profit for the Liberator ; and * i Krtlj bs a jasdfiable cause for delaving the ^^ q amion until the " frieza coats "' and honest ~*^ « iJTe had an opportunity of subscribing and - * * Prepsrii ! ? for action . 31
O'V ^ / ^ " " ^ psasutioa" humbng ; and now , ^^ . to POTe that every change Tsnattd froia ^ ts ^ aakaesa , has but tended to increase aristo-^ Tov-r &nd to dhnisiah the liberty of Jrishaen . ^^^ I will go fcTen farther , and assert that ererj Uite ^ 'ier Proposed by the Court of St . James ' s , m tf ^ V' ^ ej of Irish representatives whether fTgr . 7 *~ Tnited Parliaineiit , or ¦ whe ther wrung fe s ^ . ^ ° ' ^^ &jart ) ta 5 ' ^ eTel T case - Sone t 0 «^ o ! the irji oligarchy and to the lo&s of the ^ "VkjIs .
eo ^ J ^^^ y . we pass over the dark ages , und os ^ t ^^ ^ isn li berty first began to dawn in tis ^ l ^ That may ** fairiy dated from bailTf . ^ SUsh tta into the sea , by the ^ - ¦ jetu niiitt , in conformity with one of their reso-I 7 . v ^ EK-eo aranption , " and -which happened in ^^^ rnwMch p ^^ 176 g ] Ireland was ^ " ^ a ^ it of ^ kraer Georgy , ether than as a fci | , . ¦ ' reacs tributary savages -were sent to fight
Wfc , ^ 'SS American aSiirs began to wax h rjj . " 03 £ L 3 r ^ Town shend , the most cunning man « Sjs ^ ' ^* t as Lord Lieutenant to Ireland , with OTja ^^^ ^ ir tofSu James , to say , that if the ti&a * , ^ " Si property and their nominees in parfife j ^ 0 Djy h «> ld their bother about America , U *^ iTV hOnld ^ creasad by making the fol-104 4 J *^ " . rp t 0 1 T 63 ^ boroughmeDgers ^ VHf- 31 " * 6 * 3 ^ 1116 ¦ Lr ish p ariiament held their £ 3 * . " 1 ^ ia the price of a Beat was only ^ Ca * * m 0 Esra ! ' however , coyszxiXD to aiscv , ^ Mi to to oc tennial holding ; and thereb y * ° iCLj * ° ^"'^ property from £ 50 0 for life , _ •»*» ^ t yean . the
ItT W 1 *^ ^ j ^ thia wp qnite satisfied Irish **** lmJ-7 ' ^^ tiie ^^ nerican wai began to * CS ? "p * • **** ^^ HoMe G « i ^* " * S » B to look for emancipation of the *^ e &l 1 lrere ' ^ * > ntisfled with a very " ^ . ^^ ** tia * commodity called " religions ** *<**? " ^ ^^ aed for and acquired the *^ WlZ !!! " ^ to do w ' Purchase land , or ^^ SS tod hold tode < i Property , which ftss ^^ M no greu sood to the people , and was IeW ai JO ! *• tteE Minister as a sure means of fiVvv Catholic 8 * o »» the remaining dis-P ^ u . ^ P ^ eaed upon thoaa who could
S ?^^"" ^ = " ^ thi s Act , O Malley , ^ C ~ r ^ ° a of a catholic aristocracy in Ireland , ** LT ** ^^ ^ to the court party , and ^ or P ?*** to prQTe ' has ' ^ ^ ery act of tNi . S ? " * tyiMDy " atrocity . » hetber t * i ^^ magistrau s , owLrs of lay S * ££ ^' 6 ba& "> faj > fai oiivtopped " •^^ T uraagesan in oppression , cruelty
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brutality ,, acd ruffianism of- every kind , and in tho exercise of -which they fancied themselves protected by a kind of prescriptive right to bnllv as tbeyvwere bullied . They were , one and all , the most consummate rascals that ever disgraced human nature . Ask any Roman Catholic clergyman who ia the greatest tyrant in his parish ? and if he ia cursed with a Catholic Protestant church tithe owner , a Catholic middleman , a Catholie magistrate , or even a Catholic :-chief of police , he will say , that is the rn « m .
Well , O"ilalley , so much tor 1778 . In the following year came "free trade , " which laid thefoundation for jobbing in-Ireland , and which was not worth a twopenny ticket to the nation . And now , as the influence of American Independence began to find its way to France , and as French intercourse with Ireland began to spring up , I ¦ will take all in a lump from 1779 to 180 # . With this short review of twenty-one years then , 1 commence with tLe volunteers of 1782 , who , in addition to the ^ roubles arising from the American war and French discontent , had England hampered by a great naval alliance formed against ker by the combined fleets of JFrance , Spain , and Holland ; they made the most of
the emergency , and got what they asked for— Parliamentary Emancipation from Poining's Act , whieh made borough property almost Vilnelesa , as the Privy Council , that is , the English prime minister , had a veto in all Irish affjiira . Emancipation from Poicicg ' s Act , however , made them , ths borooghmongers , a more formidable rival House to the English Minister ; aud , as if by majic , the value of a seat rose from £ 800 to , £ 2 , 5-00 ; or more , according to emergency . But when ths Catholic people asked for their share of the spoil , they were toid by Lord Charletnont , the Colonel of the volunteers , that " he would go for Reform , but upon
condition that Protestant ascendancy should be the basis of Parliamentary Reform ; the Catholics the while looking for Refcrm merely to gain complete re'igious freedom , preparatory to asserting their civil rights This answer of the hero of 1782 , which is matter of history , staggered the men of the volunteers , and they cut all connection with the Protestant aristocracy ; and from that" fact , and from that period , may be dated the close alliance which grew up between the French people- being Catholics , and the Irish people being Catholic * , an 3 headed by wealthy and influential Protestant and Dissenting leaders ; but not ono of them of the Chariemont party ; no , not one single one .
The truckling adherence of the Catholic aristocracy to the Court , occasioned by their emancipation in 1778 , deprived them of all popular confidence ; and the insolence of Chariemont and the officers of the Volunteers , deprived that party of all popular confidence . Then came the assertion of American Independence , and the French Revolurion ; and ¦ wi th these embarrassments , the Irish Parliament ( the most hellish and corrupt that ever disgraced a nation ) was once more obliged to hang a bit of popularity on their mast ; so they demanded a * ' full , fair , and adequate representation of all the people in the Commons' Hyose of Parliament . "
Now , O'Malley , those were the very identical words of the first demand fcr Parliamentary Reform ; and , as the Republicans of France were at that period carrying all before them , the borongh-mongers of both countries affected to « te the justice of the demand with an unjaundiced eye ; and many committees were formed to draw up heads of a Bill to carry the principle into full effect , until thai eternal villain , Damourier , sold the cause of liberty , when the commit tats were all dissolved , and instead of Parliamentary Rsfonn , the country was prsenled with the celebrated " Convention Bill . " From that period , to 1791 , hell was let loose in Ireland ; an Irish secretary was appointed ; a national bank , the funding system , and place-men , pensioners , and
sinecnrists were establianed . In fact , Dublin became part and parcel of St . James ' s , as far as the Court was concerned : Out of all these many God-sends , what , in the interval from 1780 to lSOt , did the people gain , eithtr as regards civ il or re ligious freedom ? In 1780 they had money in the Treasury ; in 1 S 00 , they owed over forty millions ; besides what it east the English people to bribe them ; and what did the Catholic people gain ? Why , in 17 S 2 what was called Independence , which was based npan Protestant Ascendancy , and which made rich men of paupers , and noblemen of knaves ; in 1793 Catholic barristers were allowed to practice at the bar , while , from 1793 to 17 SG , all the - worst- statutes on the book are U » Ve found as Ireland ' s share of emancipation and reform .
Tcfn , O'iialley , finding that all was lost , about ninety Prolestast gentlemen of large fortuno , and many Disaeiiters , and four , just four , honest Cnholics joined to break down oppression by force ; and , with that view , ATthur O Connor and Lord Edward Fitzgerald were fctnt By the United Irishmen to sign terms with the French "Directory , for the co-operation of the French in establishing a republic in Ireland . The history of this is long . The result , however , was , that General Hocbe
sailed with a larg * fleet , a large Dumber of men , and a lar ^ e quantity of arms for the Irish , and just as he was about to enter Bantry Bay a storm sprung : up and scattered the fleet , —and thank God for it . ' because however justified the Irish Directory may have been in their delightful anticipations from French protection and suppor t , subsequent events prove that Ireland escaped that tyranny which marked the steps of the hero of the French revolution whoiever lie made his
oppearaiice ; and Providence , I trust , has preserved her to be an independent nation , instead ef an appendage to any step-dime . ~ S ol iuore than about eight hundred of the French troops landed at Killala . Such , then , were the advantages which Ireland acquired by watching the necessities of Britain from 1763 ta 1797 , a period of more than thirty years : —a corrupt House of Commons , & national debt of about forty millions—which means ,
as a ' . l national debts do mean , an appropriation of the poor and unrepresented man ' s property by the rich represented gentlemen : a Catholic aristocracy ; a national bank ; a branch of the funding plant to her own cheek for her own paupers ; a rise of borough property from £ 5 & 0 for life to £ 7 , 000 for eight years ; and a mimic Court . O'ilallty , these things led to the crowning boon of all—a rebellion in 17 &S and a TJnion in 1560 .
The acts of the oligarchy , aft « r Dumouner's treachery , were so cruel , brutal , despotic , and arbitrary , that , not to have resisted them by force , and 3 t the hazirJ ef life , - would have been the worst description of slavery ; and England , finding htr . ^ elf powerful in the new zeal of her volunteers and militia-men , committed those aets with no other view than to promote a rebellion , in order that so frightful a citastrophe might lead to the unregretted death of her legislature . In fact , when England asked for Ireland's hand , she was reeking with tceblkhi of her children . Allow me to repeat a sentence from a speech of mine upen the Union : —
" " When the withering blast , call&dUnion , was wafted from the sister kingdom to our hallowed shores upon the tainted gale of faction , Irelmd was yet in mourning for her slaughtered sons ; htr green nelds were yet crimsoned with the bloott of her innocent children , sacrificed at" the shrine of English pricie , or Irish perfidy . Good Go' 1 ! was it at such a time that such a change should have been forced npon a coerced and undefended people , while the guardians of their glory were either prematurely consigned to the cold grave , or banished to some foreign land , to sigh in solitude oyei the departed liberty ot their green loved land . ' "
O'M * liey , the rebellion was to be ; and fur this reason "When the Irish Parliament was made " independent " of the British Minister in 1782 , and being previously and subsequently wholly independent of any portion whatever ef the Irish people , the British Minister found that all the mepey in the united Exchequer would not feed " tBe hungry bounds , who just then began to establish a miniature of every afcuse that existed in England . In ten years the independent Parliament of Ireland spent more fh » " thirty millions upon itself , and what it could grab into tke bargain ; and now , f » rsooth , we hear of nothing but English—th 3 t is , the English people's treachery toward Ireland .
O'Malley , I have the only history extant , the only « ne rrer written of those days , in my possession . It is in one sroall volume . Only three copies , I believe , got ont ef the printer ' s hands , he having received the Attorney-General ' s compliments , and orders to desist . I have one of them ; Sir Francis Burdett has another ; and I believe , but I am not certain , that Lord Grey has the third . Now , I mean , when I get loose , to publish every word of it at two or three colamns at a time , in the Star ; and then say , who can , that Ireland has not always been bullied by her own Church and her own aristocracy , whether Catholic or Protestant , and , above all , by her own Parliament , after its independence . I will publish for you the list of Union and rebellion Peers , wiUi , Jhe
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genealogy of each , from the date of the first landing of hi * progenitors among us , down to his elevation ; and I will shew you that the Irish Peerage , with a very few exceptions , consists of Union lords , who preferred a peerage and patronage to £ 15 , 000 , which was the " Union" price of an Irish borough , or a patent place for life . O'Malley , I shall now pass over the twenty-nine years allowed for the blossojuing of the Union tree , and ihall say one word about iU . first fruits— " Catholic
Emancipation . " What was the price paid for that ? The disfranchisement and scattering to the world of the only parties for whose benefit the measure could reasonably or patriotically be contended for ! the civil and social destruction of 380 , 000 heads of families , previously provided for ; though humbly and scantily I admit , yet provided for ; and these now , with tbeir families , compose the three millions © f contented Irishmen who say " amen , " when Mr . O'Connell saya " Glory be to God ; emancipation has a bloodless triumph . " *
O'Malley , I call it a bloody , a dear bought victory , and defy you , or any man living , to point out to me any one single advantage which the Irish people have derived from the measure , beyond the excitable delight of being told that it is " a great means to an unknown end ; " the admiision to the Imperial Parliament of the most corrupt set of members that ever entered a Senate House , and the promotion to places , pensions , sinecures , and honours , of those in whom the people had confidence , end who have sold them for the highest price that they would fetch in the market .
Then camo Reform . What have you , what has Ireland got by that ? Coercion to begin with ; which , on my soul , O'Connell brought about and insured , lest the fulfilment of one half the promises made to Ireland , during the discussion upon the Reform Bill , should have been realised to the destruction « f his " trade . " Now , O'Malley , if ever the expediency of giving a fair trial could be justly pleaded , it was npon the commencement of so novel an era as the reform of one hundred and sixty-four years of abuse . On my sonl , I believe many of the Whigs were sincere in their professions of liberality ; but now observe , the man who has cried out for a fair trial for an administration , upon a mere exchange of one member for another , so hobbled
the first Reform Parliament as to bring the two countries into collision ; and he kept that up till he showed the Whigs that they should not do witheut him , and they , therefore , bought him ; and he has now sold them . Now , I ask you , whether or not a time when the whole country beat high with anticipation from the great promise from Reform , was just the period that a " practical" statesman would have sought to cause dissention ? and , O'Malley , with those very feelings I was resolved to test his sincerity upon the question of Repeal , at once : but I found that it was intended as a
thing of which the English might for ought O'Connel cared , think as they pleased , and the worse the getter , provided a plentiful scattering of oppression produced an abundant harvest He slipped through my fingers till 1834 , when the breach was made which he designed . In 1835 , when he got rid of me , he sold Ireland ; and from that period to the present , the man whose pot-valiancy would not allow a moment ' s breathing time to the infant Reform , has since been most cautious in not giving rise to a single complaint , or allowing a particle of agitation , which could by possibility have the effect of embarrassing our charming ministers .
O'Malley , I hope to conclude in one more letter , and then my assertions must be refuted , or they must stand as facts , irrefutable fact a . In my next , I will tell you why we seek Universal Suffrage , how we have sought it , the base manner in which we have been belied , and tha noble and gallant manner in which the very poorest of the poor have virtuously withstood all attempts to divide and conquer them . Till then , I am , your Friend , FEARGUS O'CONNOR .
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" WE MUST GET RID OF FEARGUS . " TO THE ED 1 T 8 R OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Sir , —Daniel O'Connell , the notorious mendicant , — the arch-traitor , —the consummate hypocrite and foe of the human race , reflecting upon his present fallen position , and seeing every avenue leading to his restoration to popularity closed against him , cries out in the agony of despair , " We must get rid of Feargas . " As well might he have said , " We must pluck the sun fro » i its orbit ; " the latter being comparatively as practicable as the former . But men , when plunged into hicxtric ible difficulties , will assay to buoy up their troubled spirits by strange ideas , wli . ch generally vanish , " Like the baseless fabric of a vision , Aud leave not a wreck behind . "
I dare say , however , that Dan already laments having had the dream of " getting rid ef Feargus , " since he has now discovered , by experiment , that there is a great deal of truth in the- a < iage , " Drtams are interpreted by contraries ; " and he also finds himself sunk still deeper in the mire and clay , where he must stick , die , rot , and be forgotten , save when his name be raked up to show the < xtent of human degeneracy . Now , Sir , why is Dan so anxious to " get rid of Feargus ? " Why , First , —Because , Feargus has won an increasing and Wfcll-meritt'i pcpuJarity ; while Dan is fast and irrecoverably falling into merited disgrace . Therefore he cannot brook the idea of seeing the man , whom he has endeavoured to bring into disrepute by scnrrUity and falsehood , enshrined in the hearts of that peonle whose cause he has espoused and zealously maintained .
Secondly , —Because , the progress of Feargus hna been marked by disinterestedness , while that of D . in has been ever characterised by the bas « and sordid love of filthy lucre . This contrast is , to Dan , galling and unbearable . Thirdly , —Because , principle has been the inseparable concomitant of Feargus ( luring the whole course of his political compaign ; while vacillation , tergiversation , deceit and treachery have ever attended Dan in his wandering career . This is to Dan an eye-sore , who ia not so ignorant as to suppose that the people will long be gulled when such a contrast presents itself as that btt-ween the two O'b .
Fourthly , —Dan is the tool , the needy , greedy , willing tw > l of the Whig faction ; while Fergus is the sworn , uncompromising , and unpurch&wble foe of faction ; the rights of the people , the whole people , being the one great object he labours to achieve . Fifthly , —In a word , Dan wants the " ritd , " this ia the Alpha and Ointga of his political creed ; while Fearfcus wants the extirpation of tyranny , anil tue establishment of such a eystem of Government as will give and secure the greatest possible happiness to all . We read that the devil envied the felicity of the federal head of our race , and as all hope of happiness was lost to fallen Lucifer , his only scheme was to bring happy man to the lapsed condition of himself . Now , Sir , Dan , the personification of the devil , is cast outhe is fallen—hope smiles not upon him ; therefore , in the true spirit of the devil , he seeks the overthrow of Feargas , the ruan of the people .
Well , how is Din to compass his plan ? He finds that Feargus is not alone ; and if he was . Dan is not able to copo with him ; he , therefore , calls together his " fallen angels , " and attempts the disorganisation of the Chartist troops . At his call the truckling , idle , spouting fragments which have been broken off from the Chartist cause , marshalled on his side and commenced the attack a la Quixote : they certainly inscribed " the Charter" on their shields , but the people were too " lynx-eyed" to be deceived , and , imtantcr , the straw-armed pigmies were obliged to fall back , confounded and horror-struck at their sudden and unexpected defeat .
Well , Sir , Feargug is not " got rid of , " but on the contrary , he is more beloved by the people ; even the hitherto sceptical now ses that he is immovable in principle and invulnerable to every attack , whether emanating from , avowed foes or pretended friends , while tbo big beggarman 3 s once more exhibited to the world in all his innate depravity , and the old and new joints ef his tail defeated , crest-fallen , and despised . " Get rid of Feargus ! " Good God , do the villains suppose that we , the fustian jackets , are such ingrates as to turn our backs upon the man who has unceasingly fought our battles at his orvs cost , yes , at his OWN COST , mark that Dan ; mark that ye political profitmongers , and blush , if shame be a component part of your nature . We turn not our backs upon our friends ,
and we will abandon the name of Britons when we forsake our best friend , particularly at the time when he is entombed for us and our cause . Did the blistered hands forsake Collins , Lovett , and Co . when in "durance vile ? " No . Were they not received with open arras ? with all the honours that could be bestowed upon them , as though they had achieved eur political redemption , and how have they returned the compliment ? Why by forming an alliance with Dan , whe , as their mouthpiece , bawls out , " Wemust get rid of Feargus . ' Aye , aye , ye leeches and locusts , " getting rid of Feargus " is " the consummation devoutly to be wished" by both you and your masters . Feargua and the Star are insurmountable obstacles in your path . Ye desire not the establishment of the Charter , but to humbug the people and make a trade of politics .
Yes , Mr . Editor , they v . ant " fat livings "—they want churches and schools erecting with our money , because we are bo very ignorant , immoral , and intemperate- I wonder they did not discover this wtwu getting well
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paid in Bolt-court . But a new light has broken forth up . m them , and they now seo we are very ignorant , very vicious , and very intemperate , and , perhaps , above all , they Bee that they are so wise , so goed , and so eelfdenyrng , aa to be the only men qualified to give m instruction in both religion , polities , and morals . We have seen self-dubbed ¦• puatora" already ; and , no doubt , they have an hankering afte * a more fruitful pasture . I don't wish they may get it I see that the Master of the Ceremonies baa been delivering one of his stereotyped speeches in the Corn and he
Exchange ; sings the oW Cvyoarite tune" Money Wanted . " " Give me , " saya he , " but four millions of names , OR two hundred thousa > d p ounds . " Not four millions of names and two hundred thousand pounds , but four millions of names or two hundred thousand pounda . About the former he would not be very particular ; but about the latter he would be very exact . The former may go to the devil ( I beg pardon for using tne name of his satanio majesty —its valgar ; but let it go , as I am one of the ignorant and immoral ); bat the " one thing needful" mast not be forgotten .
Friends Collins , lovett , and Co . have a plan with a thumping lump of money tagged to the end . Dan is talking of doing mighty things with " two hundred thousand pounds . " How sweetly things harmonise . In some quarters , now-a days ! Well , now , the bantling is just giving up the ghost , what is to be done with its nurses ? Must we not go out to meet them on their return , and present them with medals , scaifs . gloves , to . &o . and bedaub them a foot thick with fulsome adulation ? No ; they repudiate such childish displays , therefore we must not wound their tender consciences . There is a better way of doing the thing . They must get about a dozen tools , or foola , here and there to slightly censure the move , yet , at the same time to flatter them as much as possible ; and to do the thing well , the tools , ox fools , must give a few heavy blows at the Star and its conductor , as u set off for the patriotic gentlemen who have erred , but will , no doubt , return to their old friends jwho will be ever willing to receive them ) and to the cause for which they have so nobly'sufidrod .
It appears that the Sun ia the organ of the " ratcatchers . " People get into strange company at times , don't they 1 But what does it look like , Mr . Editor , eh ? I guess j don't you ? . Don't the lads , eh 1 Yours truly , W ill Watch'em . Leeds , April 2 Gth , 1841 .
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THE BACKWARD MOVE . TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAB . " Oh . ' Ptiers of England , shameful is this league ! " "Cancelling your fame ; Biottin * your names from books of memory ; Razing the character of your renown ; Undoing all as all had never been . " Shakspeare . Sir , —Through the medium of the Star , I beg to thank Lovett , Hetherington , Cleave , and Co ., for the honour they did me ia not sending me a copy of their anti-Chartist declaration for my signature . They must have thought better ef me than of themselves . Their move was a secret to me until the Stir turned its unwelcome light upon it , and brought it from that darkness in which Lovett would have loved it a little longer to dwell . This premature exposure was very uncourteous in the Slar .
When Lovett was released from prison , the people were much disappointed in not having ad opportunity to pay their respects to him , and to show their gratitude . He pleaded ill health , and waa excused and commiserated . While in prison , where , I believe , he was supported by the people—not by bis new friendsbe wrote a book on Chartism , which was published on his liberation . The . Government organ highly praised this book—a circumstance which looked suspicious , for praise from that source must be deemed cenBure by every right-minded Chartist Lovett , however , appears to have been pleased with this praise , aud to have sought more of it While his colleague , Collins , was gathering laurels in Scotland , and deserving them too , if we may judge him by his speeches , Lovett was aitting at home hatching his cockatrice scheme , or weaving his spider ' s web .
The meeting at Leeds was a middle-class trap set to catch Chartists—an artificial fly thrown out for gudgeons ; but none were hooked , though there were a few who looked at it , and some who nibbled . This open attempt having failed , a secret one must be tried . Lovett draws up an address so very like Chartism , that It might be taken by the simple and unsuspecting for Chartism itself : just as a pitfall in covered with earth to look like firm ground . Lovett , Iletherington , Cleave —all names of good men and true , at least , of men who
were thought so—head the list which is sent secretly with these decoy-ducks to entra . » Chartists . Dan O'Connell , Hume , Roebuck , and Co ., t \ ie fowlers and birdcatcheis , keep out of sight , lest their appearauce should scare away the prey , and the sweet singers aforesaid tune their notes tu entice the unwary , some of whom light upon the ca ^ e and are limed ; but as soon as they see the monster-men approach to seize them and put them in , they struggle hard'and escape ; others submit to lose their liberty , and join the " unclean birds" within . There are others that ,
" Struggling to be free are more encaged , " because they seek to justify themselves , and cannot . The leaders of this leaguo knew that there was a National Association in existence ; but they are of that kind of men who will not follow what other men propose . Th * y wish to set up theiDsolvts head over all : and they will beset up—but as warnings and examples to shuu , and not to imitate . " Infamy will brand their memories . " Dnied by the middle class , they woul-. l fain have deceived and betrayed the people . They could not resist the honour ot' being courted by
menibers of Parliament , ami L'jvett the cabinet-maker , bos been set to make a cabinet of Chartists—Collins , the tool-maker , to make tools for thenv—while we were to have been cloven and divided by Cleave . Old D . in , like FalaUff , rinding that his " dato was out , " wished to know where a commodity of " good names " could be bought , and lie found these . Tho trust reposed by a confiui&g people in Lovett and Co ., was to be turned against them to please the middle , classes . Could a man make or allow to ho made a more shameful use of his good name . '" But they have overrated their influence with the people .
What ia the pretence of this backward move ?—the people are not sufficiently educated , forsooth ! The men who want to briiile Iho people and check tbein by an educational bit , are booksellers who , of course , would charitably sell tracts , & . H ., to the starving millions . Do they think the people can be fed on paper ? They remind us of the cotkney who rapped the live eels iu the pan on their cockscombs , and cried " down , wantons , down . ' " In Mr . Lovett ' s opinion , the men who misrule tho
nation are well educated . The people who feel the wrong done them , and who wuulU right it , must not ; because they are noteducatidl Mr . Lovett is eith-. r a very dishonest or a very timid man . Doea he wish to sophisticate the unsophisticated people ? But tho greatest grievance is Mr . O'Connor , the " people ' s idol . " He must be got rid of , because his popularity is envied . Mr . O'Connor earned it , and earned it dearly ; and did not Mr . Loveti possess his share—his full . share ? was not the Star the uerdld of hfs fame ? Mr , Lovett resembles the Turk that cannot bear a brother near
him . Perhaps our " trading politicians" fancied Mr . O'Cunuor had monopoly , ami they wished to break it It is well known that , j in a pecuniary Sense , tbo Star has done more benefit to others than to Mr . O Connor . He is out of pocket by it . Had he chosan to serve himself ami not the people , ht » might have been a lorf ) . He is in a prison for bi * patriotism , and set upon by cuis that durst not bark if he were out—spaniels that fawn upon their own persecutors . O'Connor ' s value to the people is indicated by this mean attempt to shelf him—an attempt mado by imn who ovre their power of making it to his favour , and who have eat of his bread . To injure O'Connor into injure the people ; he is identified with thtsi )) . H » d tbt > people's enemies succeeded in turning the people against their friend , the people would have lilt it fir&t , and must have bated themselves . It would have bttn enough to make all true patriots turn to Tmiuiis . Ingratitude is a sin which neither % oda nor mtn can bear .
But the traitors hnve not succeeded , and cannot This is their last attempt . It is well when men shew themselves in their true colours and separate themselves . The goats will be known from the sheop . I do not think it yHI be worth white waging war with them , but , if we do , we will wage it warmly . " When Greek meets Greek , then comes the tug of vrar . " I am most sorry to see Vincent ' s name in the list . I consider Vincent the chief Chartist writer of the day . He has fuught with us and suftVed with us . Does he blench now ? Can he have btcoiue enamoured of those whose stripes he boars ? Turn again , Vincent , and be a true man . ' No doubt some of thu London leaguers finding that they cannot mislead the people , will retract and come over to us again . There is one of them of whom we may say— " The devil a Chartist , or anything else is he , constantly , but a time-server . "
What good could they expect by diverting the people from the old path ? Did they intend two nulitml associations to be set up ? We canaot worship God and Mammon—we must hold to the one nnd neglect the other . The people ' s attention would have been divided and distracted . They could not pay attention to both . A house divided against itself cannot stand . We cannot play a double game . We are not jugglers to keep two balls up at once . Young Chartigm like a " graceless son , " would have tripped up hia sire . We must do away with one or tfce other . As for me , I will stick to the old path—I will not meddle with the changelings . Onward , and we conquer—backward , and we are conquered . A little longer uiy friends , and tUo victory is ouib . Hold out—we must wot be BEAT ! London , April 26 , 1841 . JOHN WATK 1 NS .
Effects of Fanny Ellsleb ' s Dancing . —Fanny s dancing has s » turned a poor functionary ' s head , that he danced from morning till night all over his boarding-house , till his landlady had to take him before the wrtiw . —New YorkiHerold .
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TO THE EDITOB OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Sis , —A short time ego , I was much pained on perusing a paragraph inserted in the Star , calculated to injure an old , tried , and disinterested Chartist , both in character and circumstances , and knowing your love of justice , I feel confident you will not refuse administer ing the antidote . In the paragraph to which I allude it was stated , in no very respectful terms , that George Ellis , of Biadford , no longer gave one half of his profits on the Star to the Victim Fund , and broadly hinting that he was no longer worthy of support
Now , Sir , aa George Ellis voluntarily subscribed one half his profits to that fund for four months subsequent to the expiration of the time he acted as agent under a certain association , called " The Co-operative Association , " whose number is very small , I should think him more worthy ef praise than censure , particularly as very few ageoti have evinced a disposition to make similar sacrifices . Tho parties who have made the attack ought , in justice , to have stated the amount of money thus paid into the fund by George Ellis , and also shewn that the money has been appropriated to the purpose specified . This they have not done , but must , ere they are free from suspicion . Let them justify themselves by the publication of their balance sheet , and then , but not till then , they may be allowed to hurl their missiles at others .
Having made a little inquiry into this matter , I give you my friend ' s version of the matter , feeling confident that your readers will exonerate him from the odium attempted to be cast npon him . He says : " In the first place I was appointed agent for the sale of the Star by the Association for one quarter , ( observe , I was selling on my own account before this . ) which agency I fulfilled ; at the expiration of that time I was not re-elected , bnt continued to give onehalf of the profits for four months longer ; at thnt time , through bad debts , &c , of which I have many , I was reluctantly ( to make good my payments )
compelled to relinquish giving one halfpenny , without the Association would stand and make good those deficiencies . In some instances , I have had a number of papers left on hand , which , if I bad to m ? ke goed on my account , I should have little or nothing left for all my trouble . I had postage of letters , as also postoffice orders to pay when remitting money , &c . &c ., which , when taken into account , made my profits very small . Up to the time of giving up half the profits , I bad paid into the hands of the Secretary from £ 3 10 a . to £ i , and have not seen any account , with the exception of once , and that noticed in the Slar . "
He further adds" A number of the members here ( Bradford ) investigated the affair , and passed a vote of censure on the parties who sent the paragraph in question to the Star , but it was not inserted ; thus , it appears , that a man is to be ruined with impunity—an attack ia allowed to be made , but publicity rafused to the person attacked . " With respect to the last sentence , I must say , that the " vote of censure " must not have reached your office , or should it have come into your hands , it must have been mislaid , as it ia well known that your columns are as cheerfully thrown open to the accused as to the accuser . Yours truly , April 27 th , 1841 . Faib Play .
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TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Sir , —By giving the following address a place in the columns of your truly invaluable paper , you would much oblige , Sir , Youra respectfully , P . M . Bitopny . Dublin , April 26 th , 1841 .
TO THE CHARTISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND . " Cursed bs the wretch that's bought and sold , Who barters liberty for gold . " Friends , Brethren , and Fellow-Countrymen , —A fierce , determined , and unwarrantable attack having been made on the Chartists of Dublin by Mr . O'Connell , I beg to call your attention to a few plain facts . Mr . O'Connell hss thought proper to state to the world that Chartism in Ireland Js a transportable offence , but he has not pointed out the manner in which a Chartist Association in Ireland would be illegal . This he has done in order to deter the gulled and starving people of Ireland from joining us , lest they should acquire a knowledge of their real state ,
and the means of redressing it . Before he published our Association in the venal press of Ireland , he should have been certain that the rules of our Association were such as to warrant the assertion . Mr . O'Connell dreads Chartism ( although one of its propounders ) , because he knows that if its sacred principles were onco known by the people , he would lose his popularity . He has called us " a despicable set , " and says that he knows us all ! Now in what are we despicable ? because we are honest and that we have truth on our side ? He knows us all ! what does he know of us ? He knows we are poor working men , and that we will not pin our opinions to his sleeve , but that we will think and act for our own and country ' s good . Let Ireland be enlightened in the principles Gf the Charter , and the bleod-gucking miniona have an end to their traffic in human misery and in human blood . Ireland has been disunited
by factious demagogues ; hGr people have been taught to hate England and the English ; England has been taught to hate the Irish ; and thus a sysUni of rapine , murder , treachery , and wrong has been perpetuated , in order that the traders in human blood might be able to glut themselves to satiety . The preseut effort to suppress Ciiartism in Ireland is another of the many hell-born machinations devised for still making appropriate the motto , " Divide and conquer . " Shall we be uividtd ? shall we longer regard each other as aliens iu name and in blood ? shall we hate and persecute each other on account of our political and -religious opinions ? shall Protestant stand in opposition to Catholic , or Catholic to Protestant ? when the common interest of the people of this country , nay , of the vast emputi , demands a unity of the producing and unrepresented millions , to resist by legal and moral means tha progressive science of tyranny .
Men of England and Scotland ! - yon have done much for the people of Ireland , by your agitation and dissemination of sound political and useful knowledge ; you have sent that luminary of truth and reason , the Northern Skir ; that Star has been a comet to Ireland ; it has spread hs light through the dark horizon , and dispelled the gloomy fears that honest patriots have had for Ireland ' s regeneration ; from Its hallowed columns has flown more real truth than from the whole of the " Liberal" press . The schoolmaster is now abroad in Ireland ; the bird bas flown , and all the powers of earth and hell cannot impede its progress .
Men of England and Scotland , yon have the best wishes of tha Chartists of Ireland ; go on in the holy cause prospering and to prosper . Irishmen , let your solicitude for your country direct your energies to the all-important principle of Universal Suffrage ; recollect that on your exertions depend tke fate of Ireland ; her destiny i 3 in the hands of powerful demagogues , which the spread of Chartism aloue can make null . Remember your friend and countryman , Feargus O'Connor , ( the disinterested and uncompromising patriot . ) has been reviled by these demagogues , because of the purity of his intentions in furthering the moral and physical condition of the working classes . May he live to see the death of tyranny and despotism . Let union be your motto , the Charter your banner , truth and justice your guide ,, and you will soon see a speedy downfall of the enemies of Ireland and Britain . Hurra for the Charter , and No Surrender .
Peter M . Brophy , Secretary to tho Charter Association of Dublin
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UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE IN THE UNITED STATES . After pll that we have rewl of late concerning the Amvricau citi ™ ami peoplo , ( says a reviewer of Combe s Notes on the United Slates , in Tail ' s Mayazine , j there ia little now left for > lr . Combe to tell of niero externals . His attention vrus given to objects not lying on the surface . He reached Philadelphia about the time that the riots at Hairisburg ^—the town in which the ti ; ate Assembly of Pennsylvania meets—were going forward ; those disturbances which to us at homo pres , igtd a dissolution of the Union . Even in America , he states that the excitement was very great , and all over the Union the proceedings attracted much attention . _
" Tho Senate adjourned in confusion , and the mob organized ' a committee of safoty , " which directed their proceedings . Disorder reigned for several daya , during which neithtr branch of the Legislature could hold a regular Session ; the Executive Chamber and State Department , ' says Governor Ritner , ' were closed , and confusion and alarm pervaded the Beat of Government' The militia were called out ; and obeyed the summons . e • * * " In any European country , a tumultuous assault on the Legislature , if Buccessful , would probably have been the fo . eran er of a rtvolidion ; bnt heie it 1 b of far INFEXHB i » vortaNCE . In the United States a revolution can scarcely mean anything but an abandonment of freedom . The suffrage is already all
but universal ; and the people elect , either directly or / r ? rfr * ectly , not only the Legislature but every officer of State The wUdeat imagination , therefore , cannot oevise a more democratic form of government ; and as there is no aristocratic- class , having separate interests and distinct feelings from the people , who could usurp power , a revolution could lead only to a despotism . The States , however , are very far removed from that conditien in which a despotism becomes possible . There are no poverty-stricken , suffering , and ignorant multitude , whom an aspiring tyrant can beguile to lend him choir physical force to overthrow the liberties of their country . A large proportion of the electors are owners of their own farms , while even the humblest claBS possesses property and some degree of intelligence . All ore reared in the love , not only oi freedom , but of power . * # * *
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" j ' ... ^ a " A democracy is a rough instrument of rule , in the present state of education and manners in the United Stats , and I have not yet met with a British Radical who has had the benefit of five years ' experience of it , who has not renounced his creed , and ceased to admire Universal Suffrage . . But the coarseness of the machine and its efficacy , are different questions . It is coarss , because the mass of the people , although intelligent , compared with the . European masses , are still very imperfectly instructed ,. when their attainments in knowledge and refinement are contrasted with the powers which they wield , It is efficacious , however , be cause it is sonnd in its structure and its mainsprings are strong . " But how admirably are those drawbacks counterbalanced by the manifold advantages 1 In tho following sentences , we "have the rationale of democratic institutions : —
"In the United States , the p « ople have the power to tyrannise , if they please , over the wealthy , the educated , and the refiued ; in Britain , the aristocracy and middle classes have the power to trample , if they choose , on the masses , who have no control over tbd legislators . So far as my observations extend , the people in the United States have not perpetrated onetwentieth part of the acts of injustice , by their legislation against the rich , which the aristocracy in Britain has done by tbeir ^ legislation against the poor . , " I freely confess , that while I lived under the British institutions , and enjoyed the advantages which they confer on the upper and middle classes , I , like many
others , had a less lively perception of their one-sided character . Even now , after contemplating the greatly superior condition of the masses in the United States , I am bound to state my ' coaviction , that this democracy , in its present condition of imperfect instruction , 1 b a rough instrument of Government , and that , were I to > consult my personal comfort merely , I should prefer to live in England . But viewing the results of both , as » citizen of the world , and as a man bound to love his neighbour as himself , and perceiving that the one ter . ds naturally to the elevation of the few , and the degradation of the many , whilo the other tends to the improvement of ajl , it is impossible not to wish success to the American Republic . "
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^ TO THE CHARTISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN . Stroud , April 26 th , 1841 . Brothers . —Having seen my name , among others , in a vote of censure passed at Derby upon persons who approve of tha plan of organisation proposed by my " friend , William Lavett , 1 deem it necessary to say a few words to you on the suhject I must say that I feel surprised , after the many proofs I have given of tha intensity of my devotion to the people and their cause , that any individual could for a moment suppose that I had so far fallen from the path of duty as to take part in any movement other than the movement of the people for the attainment of their political and social rights . „ The whole of my political life is before the country * When an apprentice , ten years ago , I opposed tha Reform Bill , on the ground taken up by Henry Hunt , namely , that no suffrage short of Universal Suffrage would ever satisfy the people .
Long before tho Chartist agitation commenced I contended for Universal Suffrage . I moved amendments alike at Whig and Tory meetings in various parts of London , in favour-of that measure . I overthrew Whig vestry meetings in : Mnrylebone and St . Pancras upwards of threeyearaago , to the nosmallmortification of the Whiglings in that neighbourhood . I was one ef the first to take part in the Charter agitation . I was one of the six working men appointed to draw up that document . I went through Yorkshire , a' part of Lancashire , a great part of the West and
Wales , almost entirely at my own expence . I expended , in two years , Two Hundred Pounds of mt own Money , besides loss of time , relations , and friends I formed numerous associations in places where " liberty" had never been heard of . I denounced alike the tyranny of Government and the fawning sycophancy of the people . I exposed the base conduct of the Whigs , and the still more monstrous conduct of tha knavo O'Connell . I established lh $ Findicator in the West , and I appeal to those who know me there to bear witness to my exertions .
I became a member of- the Convention , and was soon arrested . I was sent to Momnouth prison for twelve months . I have never complained of my imprisonment , though I was treated like a dog . ' Attempts were mad in prison /• get ma to compromise matters . I was told " if 1 would but do so , I might be let out , and further imprisonment be avoided . " I spurned the recommendation . I told Mr . Vttughan , a magistrate of the county of Monmouth , ( a Catholic , ) " that I would sink or swim with thy Chartist p'lrty ; and that I would see the enemy d— -d before I would do ought but despise and oppose them . " . "" .. I vras served with-a copy of a SECOND INDICTMENT . I then refused all compromise . Copies of ihkee more INDICTMENTS FR ( fol WILTS AND GLOUCESTER WERE then served with the view of alarming me . I laughed them to scorn !
After a confinement of eight months—a portion of which was pa . ssed . iu the condemned cell—I was brought to trial a second tune—and sentenced te a tether imprisonment of TWELVE MONTHS . * Since I left prison—though under bail—and with " indictments " hanging over me—1 have again taken part with the people for the Charteb . I hare lectured in Banbury , Northampton , Kettering Leicester , Longhborougb , Nottingham , Arnold , Suttonin-Ashfield , Derby , Cheltenham , and Gloucester ; and I am now in Stroud ^ the pocket borough of Lord John Russell . To each of these places I can point with pride . In each I have denounced all compromhe of out glorious principles—in each have I exposed the knave O'Coiinell—in each ; l have denounced the Whigs—and in Nottingham I recommended the Chartists to vote for Walter rather than return LaRI"ent the nominee of O'Connell and the base Whigs . I SL'fiiillT THAT IN THE ABOVE I HAVE GIVEW
SOME PROOF OF MY SINCERITY To THE PEOPLE . I now come to 4 he one point on which I am censured , and which , ' in the eyes of my Derby friends , has rendered me a " fallen" Chartist ; and fordoing which , in the opinion of some , ( witlwut even waiting till they hear me , ) I am to he denounced as a " traitor , " thief , imp , pimp , Whig , " 'Toiy , O'Connellite , and the Devii knows what ; Now , how stands the case ? When in Leicester , I received a circular from Mr . Lsvett , " addressed to the Political and Social Reformers of Gceat Britain . " I found on reading it . that it was based on tlie admirable pamphlet , written by Lovett and CoU ' mb , when in Warwick gaol . I found that it proposed the establishment of an Association to erect Halls , and to establish libraries for the use of the working classes ; and , feeling it to be a part of my duty to countenance anything which would have a tendency to place the working classes in an improved position , morally aud intellectually , as well as politically —and having perfect confidence in the integrity of my
friend Lovett—I signed my name to it , at the same time good humoure . dly telling him , " that I did not think the plan could be carried out in consequence ef the general poverty and slavery of the people ; but that if niy humble name could be useful in the slightest degree towards the erection of but one Hall in which the people might meet ) free from the influence of persecution , he was welcome to it . " I declare most solemnly that I bad no other object when I signed that document My whole soul was then , and is now , in the Charter—and" if auy man had dared to request me to advocate anything short of Chartism , I should have publicly denounced him as aknaw . Why , in Lonilon , / heard Loveti tell Hume that he never would join in an agitation for anything less than the Charter—and I told Hume to his tetth " that he and his party had ruined themselves ; that I was glad of it ; and that they never could dupe the working classes again ; that we would g ° on with the Charter until it triumphed . " ¦;
I knew of no " conspiracy "—I know of none . I am a member of the " National Charter Association , " and have been since it was Ttiiiodelied . I ever have been with the people—I am now—and I ever shall be . I am paineil to have to write this letter—but justice to i » y own character ( 5 etr . ap . ds it . I ajptal to ail who know me—to those 'who have heard me sinco I left prison in public or in private—I appeal to one and all , to say whether I have ever swerved from the one great object of my life , that of obtaining political power for the working millions . I shall write no more . We can only be judged of by our actions , and eur professions . I point to both fearlessly ; regarding neither the frowns nor the praises of my friends , but as incentives to further activity in our glorious cause .
With my heart in my pen , I am ,. Brother Chartists , Yourunalterably devoted friend , ; Henry "Vjkcent
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Alleged Death from Starvation . —An inquest was held on Friday , the 23 rd , on the body of an aged female , named Coleman , who lived at Newstreet , St . Nicholas , Bermondscy , and who was supposed to have died from want . 1 % appeared the deceased was addicted to drinking , and that she die I fro » natural causes . Her intemperate habits reduced her to extreme poverty , and the parish officer of'Deptford , said the Guardians had forbidden him to give her out door relief . The jury returned a verdict , ' That the deceased died from natural causes ; at the same time they could not separate without deprecating in the strongest m * n nerthe sjstem of the New Poor Law . " One of the jury , who contended that a verdict of died from starvation should be returned ; refused to si /? n the inquisition .
The Armstrong Liver Pitts are recommended as an Anti-bilious mediciDe , to every sufferer from bilious complaints and indigestion , or from an Inaotive liver , and are procurable at all Druggists , and ai the Northern Star office . It is only necessary to see that the stamp has " Dr . John Armstrong ' s Liver Pills" engraved on it in white letters , and to let no one put you off with any other pills . N . B . The Pills in the hexes enclosed , in marbled paper , and niarked B ., are a very mild aperient , and are particularly and uiiivetsally praised . They are admirably adapted for sportsmen , agriculturists , men of business , naval and military men ; as they contain no mercury or calomel , and require neither confinement to the house , nor restraiat in diet .
Original €Om££On5*Uce. _ __ ^=
Original € om ££ on 5 * uce . _ __ ^ =
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L — THE NORTHERN STAR . . : 7
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), May 1, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct377/page/7/
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