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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Doxiiux bkimo asked bjrawag , "How many poo&ds of smoke night be obtained from & hundred weight of weed I" cabniy replied , « Weigh the ashes , « nd whit is wanting is smoke . " Master— Sam , there ' s ihe hoe V Sam— " Wid the harrow , maasa . " Master— " Well , Where ' s the harrow 1 " Sam— " Wid the hoe . " Master— Well , then , where ' s the hoe and harrow both T Sam—¦** Vy , both together , massa . What < io yon want to bodder poor Sam dat way for f Master— " Go to the . " Sun— " Arter yoa , massa . " Thb People . —The greatest scholars , poets , orators , philosophers , warriors , statesmen , inventors and improrers ef the . arts , arose from the lowest of the people . If we had waited till courtiers had invented the art of printing , clock-making , navigation , and a thousand others , we should probably hare continued in darkness to this hour .
Sib Richard Steels , the celebrated anthor of The Toiler , who represented Boronghbridge , in 1714 , carried his election against a powerful opposition by the laughable expedient of sticking two apples full of guineas , and declaring to the electors , before whoa he held them up , that the largest should be the orixs of that man whose wife should be the first to bring forth a boy after that day nine montha , and that the other should belong to him ¦ who should become the father of a girl within the same period . This finesse procured him the interest of the women , who are said to commemorate Sir Richard ' s bosnty to this day . They once made a very strenuous effort to procure a resolution that no man should ever be received as a candidate who did not offer himself to their consideration upon the same terms .
The MnrtSTOt akd his Mas .- " Well , John , " said the minister , on being called npon by his beadle one of the late sjormy evenings , " where hare yoa been this windy nigh . ! " "Oh , Sir ! " * replied the lacquey , I was awa , seein ' gif I could catch a stipend . " "Catch a stipend ^ . " rejoined h ' " s reverence in surprise ; " what do you mean , John ?" « Oh , Sir \ " was the answer , * ye ken our nonintrusion ministers tell as they throw their stipends to the wind , and I was just out to see gif the wind * rad blaw aae my way . " "Ah ! John , " waa the * driee of the minister—Moderate , we opine— "don ' t -believe the half you hear in these . times ; you would osner catch a butterfly in December , than a stipend in the wind . "—Dundee Advertiser .
Japxjtesk Uses of the Fas . —Neither men nor women wear bats , except as a protection against rain : the fan is deemed a sufficient guard from the son ; and perhaps nothing will more strike the nowly-arrived European than this fan , which he ¦ will behold in the hand or the girdle of every human being . Soldiers and priests are no more to be seen * vithoui their fans than fine ladies , who make of theirs the nse to which fans are put in other countries . Amongst the men of Japan it Berves a treat variety of purposes ; visitors receive their dainties
offered them np » n their fans ; t . ne beggar , imploring eharity , hold 3 opt his fan for the abns his prayere may have obtained . The fan serves the dandy in lieu of a wholesome switch ; the pedagogue , instead of-a ferule for the offending schoolboy ' s knuckles ; and , not to dwell too long upon the subject , a fan , E resented upon a peculiar kind of salver to the highorn criminal , is said to be ' -ihe form of announcing Iub death-doom ; his head is struck off at the same moment as he stretches it towards the fan . —Siebolds 'Manners and Customs of the Japanese .
Popclatioh of the United States . —The New York Sun remarks that the total population of the United States , according to the late census , will Etand about as follows : —Whites , 14 , 250 , 000 ; free coloured , 400 . 000 ; slaves , . 2 , 354 , 000 . Total ,
17 , 000 , 000 . Cardinals . —There has been a cardinal of every nation , except an Irish one ; perhaps lest he should encroach upon the authority of the Pope in making bolls . —Sicin&ttrn ' s Courts of Europe . We should not care to live if the Court scribe were to die ; oar sides wonl 4 have a sinecure , for he is the most mirth-provoking rogue that ever took pen in hand . Let our readers but read the following paragraph from his effusions of Wednesday , and each and every one will " crow like chanticlee- " : — "Her Royal Highness the Princess Royal was taken an airing , yesterday afternoon , in a carriage and four , with outriders ! I I" —Satirist .
Kejkble ' s Blocks , ok , the Horse axd the Ladt . —A ludicrous circumstance occurred one morning daring Kemble ' s management at Covent Garden . A gentleman was shown into the greenroom , whose object was to treat about an engagement for his daughter ; but aa about this hour a horse dealer had been appointed to call . the manager , whose head ran very much upon his stud , mistook one for the other , and began by asking the father of Melpomene , " How old is she ! " * ' Sixteen last May , Sir . " ** Oh , she ' s aged , then , and won ' t do for the hard work ; pray is she quiet f " Perfectly , I never knew a gentler creature . " " Has she been long in town ! " ** I only brought her up with me a week ago from East Griustead . " " Has she been
properly handled V u Mr . . Thelwall has given her ome lessons . " " Has she been ever between the pillars V " Sir , I don ' t understand you . " "Well , well , no matter ; if your terms are moderate , I dare say we shall not differ . " u Sir , that 1 leave entirely to yourself ; she is below , shall I bring her up to you ] " "Bring her up ! oh no ( smiling grimly ) , give her to my groom ; hell pnt her into a stall till I come down to look at her . " " Into a stall , Sir ?" * Yes , Sir , into a Btall to be sure ; and as you say ¦ she is Quite gentle , and , I presume * perfect ]*/ sound , I am determined to try her myself . My friend Morton , is writing a melodrama , in which I am to
perform ; and I am determined , should we close the bargain , to make my entree upon her back ' . " "Upon her back—upon my daughter's back , Sir ! Sir , do you mean to affront me \ " " Sir , I beg ten thousand pardons , but don ' t you come from the Camberland-mews f * •* No , I come from East Grinste&d . " " With a mare ! " " No with my daughter . " " Got by Skyscraper out of Andrttnache ? " u No , she is the first-born of my own and my ever-lamented wife , Mary Muggins ' s loins . " " Bless my soul , Sir , I have been betrayed into a ereat mistake ; but I am glad we happened to be tione—( solemnly taking a pinch of snuff )—such meetings thould be private . "
A Ci . fi nePost-bkareb , —A very interesting scene may be witnessed any day on the road to Derby . It appears that the Derby mail is met every morning , at tea , by a dog from an extensive iron-work at Worksop , waiting to be the bearer of the letterbag for his master , which is regularly dropped by the guard , without waiting . If , however , the canine messenger i 3 not somewhere about at the hour of ten , the horn is sounded , and the dog is immediately observed in the distance coming along the road with all speed to meet the mail at-the lane-end ; but this is very seldom the ease , as the dog usually seats itself upon the wall 3 adjoining the works ,
listening to the approach of the mail . When the bag is thrown down , the faithful creature , without delay , invariably takes the nearest way home , through the hedge and ' over the fields . Later on in the day , the empty bag is brought by the dog , to tteet the same mail to Derby ; but , in consequence of the guard not getting off his seat , it is necessary to send a person with the bag , who can throw it npon the mail while it is going . The dog , feeling its inability to supply this deficiency , denotes his anxiety by barking and howling . With this exception , the animal performs all the duties of a lettercarrier for hi 3 master with " punctuality and despatch . " —Manchester Guardian .
Dr .. Fbaxkxis os Duelling . —In a letter from the American philosopher to Dr . Thomas Percival , of this town , dated P ^ ssy , nea " r Paris , July 17 , 1784 , occurs the following passage : — " It is astonishing that the murderous practice of duelling , which you so justly condemn , should -continue so loDg in vogue . Formerly , when duels weTe used to determine law-suits , from au opinion that Providence would in every instance favour truth and right with victory , they were more excusable . At present they decide nothing . A man says something , which another tells him is a lie . They fight ; bnt , whichever is killed , the point in dispute remains unsettled . To this purpose they have * pleasant story here : —A gentleman in a coffee-house desired another to sit
farther from him . 'Why so !'— ' Because , Sir , you smell offensively . '— ' That is an affront y aud ' jou must fight me . '— 'I will fight you , if you iasiit upon it ; but I do not see how that will mend the matter ; for if you kill me , I shall smell too ; and if 1 kill yon , you will smell , if possible , worse than you do at present . ' How can such miserable sinners as we entertain so much pride , as to conceive that every offenee against oar imagined honour merits death ! These petty princes , in their own opinion , woald call that sovereign a tyrant , who should pat one of them to death for a little uncivil language , though pointed at his sacred person ; yet every one of them makes himself judge in his own cause , condemns the offender without a jury , and undertakes himself to be the executioner . "
Pbince Albert ' s hunting stud , beagles , and greyboands , cost the country somewhere about four thousands per annum 1 His Royal Highness has been out during the season about fire times , which , ¦ calculating jwo hours each time , gives , on a rough calculation , four hundred pound * for each day ' s sport , and something under four pounds ptr minute . The four thousands per year is equal to the pay of one hundred poor curates , and the support of two hundred poor families ! Cat-o ' jhxe-tails Caedigan , when he ordered corporal punishment to be inflicted on the soldier on the Sabbath day , adduced , in defence of the act , the old maxim of "the better day the better deed ; " but the strongest reason of all was , that bis own soul had received such a lashing that morning from the pulpit , it woul-J , he thought , operate in effect as a companion picture to order the lath to be applied to the back of ihe poor'devil singled out fortorture of toe most degrading kind .
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THE FACTORY QUESTION . 1 / humane and reflecting Englishmen conld only be familiarized with one naif of the practical barbarities which , even in the best conducted factories , an inseparable from the present system of infant labour , we feel persuaded that not another month would elapse ere this monstroos national disgrace were sentenced to complete extinction . We are none of you fancy philanthropists ; we have n « taste for overcharged pictures of any sert ; nor do we forget that there u hardly a better way of perpetuating an abase than by giving its advocates the advantage of being able to show that its evils have been greatly exaggerated . Opposed aa we are , however , to the false sensibility as well as to the stopid impolicy which would unduly magnify any grievance that really deserves redrew , we are prepared to show , from an infinite Tariety of
authentic evidence , that the labours imposed upon children in the manufacturing districts ( sanctioned , we blush to say , by a British Legislature ) are generally attended with a systematic sacrifice of human life , compared with which the carnage of cannibal * , or the immolations of Juggernaut , are almost tantamount to mercy . Apart altogether from the testimony of the better class of factory owners , and factory inspectors , and factory victims , which , though varying in its inculpatory character according to the interests or intelligence of the witnesses , uniformly represents the cotton mill aa a dismal instrument of infant torture , we would ask any parent in civilised Europe to say whether children from nine to twelve years old can be subjected to the confinement and labour of factories for tteelve or even ten hours a day , without involving a cdurse of privation and suffering at which humanity must absolutely shudder ?
Talk of spending twenty millions for the emancipap&tion of the West India slaves—talk of forming juvenile reformation schemes at the Cape of Good Hopetalk of philanthropic devices for the protection of the aborigines in British colonies—talk of organising fine civilisation societies for Africa , and jobbing expeditions to the Niger on a grand enterprise of beneficence—we say it is an utter disgrace to the display gentry who hwe clamoured for these humbug humanities , that , while mustering in thousands to perform the sentimental on behalf of doubtful and visionary projects , the wretched condition of tke factory children , pining and perishing at their own door , and hurried in a frightful ratio to an early tomb , has never wrung a tear from their pharlsaical eyes , nor quickened one dormant sympathy in their benignant breasts !
As ft i as regards the shameful indifference of dissenting ministers to this object , we cannot say that we are much surprised at it . Considering their exclusive predeUction for such foreign or domestic labours as bear more directly upon their own sectarian aggrandizement , we did not expect that any interests apirt from those which are strictly denominational would for a moment receive the slightest place in their regenerated hearts . But with respect to the Buxton party , who are composed of a sort of Church and Quaker coalition , we certainly did anticipate , notwithstanding the heavy mill-investments of the Darl ington ami Durham Friends , that something like a decent consistency would have impelled them not to confine their philanthropy to mere platform parades
in favour of savage tribes , but to take a prominent lead in extirpating that wholesale system of infant slaughter which demands their interference at home . In this , however , we have been painfully disappointed . The sympathies of the Buxton party are too sublime and generous to be occupied with anything so tamely common-place as the Bufferings of factory children . What exclusively concerns them are the hardships of negro cherubs , and the misdemeanours of foreign slavers . Only give them a tale of Guinea abduction ; and , for all that they care , the infant population of the manufacturing districts may be handed over t » the tender mercies of demons . We hold up these self-perfuming coxcombs to the contempt of the entire kingdom ; and , by God ' s blessing , the great work of factory reform shall speedily triumph in spite of them .
On this subject , as on every other , the conduct of the Whigs , too , has been infamous . During their ten years' tenure of office , and long before they got it , they have incessantly prated about the necessity of emancipating negroes , Papists , Dissenters , parochial ratepayers , bulk convicts , and what not ; but with reference to the crying abominations ef mill-infanticide , as demonstrated by the evidence of their own Factory Inspectors , particularly by Messrs Stuart and Homer , corroborated by the reports of Parliamentary Committees , not one thing have they done towards arresting the butcheries of the cotton-shambles , except indulging in regrets , promises , and evasions , which , till this hour , have been utterly unproductive of a tingle substantial improvement ,
At length , however , we can faintly perceive the dawnings of better days . The factory atrocities which have heretofore been winked at bj the Whigs and the professed philanthropists , seem li kely at last to receive an effective check from the manufacturing districts themselves . In tardy unison with the humane and intelligent views which have long been expressed by a few of the more eminent mill-owners , such as the Messrs . Fielden , of Todmorden , and Mr . W . R . Gregg ( brother of the Member for Manchester ) , a large meeting of manufacturers has lately been held npon this sulgoct at Bradford . We are not without a sanguine hepe that this Bradford movement will be extensively followed up throughout the factory districts . The inhabitants of those localities , being best acquainted with the evils
of the present system , mnst , if they will only unite in denouncing them , passess a resistless influence in obtaining their speedy extinction . Indeed , it would seem in the present day that the country ' s main reliance for the redress ef grievances is to be placed chiefly on the very parties who are supposed to have the greatest interest in upholding them . This has been equally exemplified at the Nottingham election , where the rate-payers , who are said to be the greatest profiters by the New Poor Law , have done themselves immortal honour by electing its most distinguished opponent The other manufacturing towns of England , unless we are greatly mistaken , will ,
sooner or later , follow their example . Among such constituencies as those of Manchester , Leeds , Hnddersfleld , Ashton , Rochdale , and Salford , the great questions of factory reform and Poor Law repeal ought to be the testing points in regard to which the pretensions of candidates should be disposed of . We are happy to understand that the sentiments of Sir George Murray and Mr . Hardy on the Poor L » w controversy correspond very nearly with those of Mr . Walter . It is well that it is so . -The factory communities shonld now let their voice be heard . It is a very potential one , which Parliamentary candidates must feel themselves compelled to respect . —Times .
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The Pigs . —An Irishman was observed to feed bis pig one day to repletion , and to starv « it the next . On being asked his reason for doing so , he said : — " Och , sure , and isn't it I that likes to have bacon with a sirske o' fat to the strake o' lane equally one after another . " Dischahgks fkom the Abut . —The Hon . Col . Cavendish arrived at the Cavalry Barracks at Windsor , where the life Guards are stationed , a few days since , preparatory to the discharge of several of the privates , of extremely bad character , for disorderly conduct . This mode of proceeding was resorted to in preference to punishing the men , and then suffering them to remain in the regiment , to hold out bad and dangerous example * to others . Upon several who were dismissed former punish * ments which thej had been subjected to had no beneficial effect in inducing them to alter their conduct .
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HOUSE OF LORDS . —Fhidat . Araii . 3 * . The report on the Drainage Bill was agreed to , and the Bill was ordered to be read a third time on Tuesday . The South Australian Bill passed through a Committee , and their Lordships adjourned .
Monday , May 3 . ; TheDnkeof Buckingham presented 12 « petitions against any alteration in the Corn Laws . In conseqaenoe , he < aid , of an announcement in another place , he had received several communications from many of the petitioners , who were exceedingly astonished at the intentions of the Government , and expressed their regret that the Noble Lord at the head of the Government should have united with his colleagues in favour of an alteration of the Corn Laws , thus risking every thing that was valuable in the country . For his « wn part he had heard with equal regret and astonishment ,
the declaration made elsewhere , but he hoped that both Houses of Parliament would express upon the subject an opinion so decided that the fears of the agricultural popnlation might be dispelled , and that they might be enabled to enjoy their own properties in peace , and give employment to the labouring classes , who would be deprived of the means of existence if those laws were repealed . The Noble Duke quoted a former speech of Viscount Melbourne's , when opposing any alteration of those laws , and said that the Noble Viscount and bis colleagues wonld be answerable for the results of an attempt so dangerous and alarming .
viscount Melbourne said that in all his former opposition to any change in the Corn Laws , he had always rested that opposition npon grounds wholly temporary . He now felt convinced that the time had arrived when a change became necessary , in order to meet the financial difficulties of the country . The Earl of RlPON regretted the course taken by the Noble Viscount for the sake of his own character , because , if he had no better reasons than those put forward , he would not stand justified in the ey « s of the country . He wished to knew if the measure was to be regarded by Governtiiint as one of protection or taxation ?—if the latter , it wou . il be the most cruel act ever forced upon a reluctant Leg ¦ • intura Viaconnt Melbouene , amidst laughter and cheers from the Opposition benches , said he was not prepared to answer the question .
The Earl of \ Y inciiilsea said , the measure wai one of taxation , and he would give it every opposition in his power . He hoped the people of England would rise as one man against such a tax . The Government was not acting honestly . The country condemned them on their foreign , domestic , and commercial policy , and they now resorted to the cheap bread cry in the hope of serving their electioneering iatere&ts in the event of a dissolution of Parliament . The petitions were laid on the table . Lord © ljjfebmljne presented a petition from the seven clergymen of Strathbcgie , who bad been suspended , praying that the indictmont against them might be laid before their Lordships . A discussion ef some length respecting the difference between the legal and ecclesiastical courts of Scotland ensued .
The Earl of Glengall then drew the attention of their Lordships to the case of the falsification of tLe returns from the Ctenmel Union , and moved a resolution to the effect that Mr . Stanley , in making those returns , had been guilty of a gross contempt of the authority ef the House , The Earl of Wicklow thought the resolution was stronger than the justice of the case required . Mr . Stanley could hardly have been guilty of contempt , for , in his opinion , he had been actuated by no improper motive whatever . Even if he was culpable , be was certainly not the person most culpable , for he was only the secretary to the board . He was of opinion that Government was not warranted in dismissing Mr . Stanley from his situation , or rather in accepting his resignation , until the decision of the House of Lords was heard upon the subject .
Lord Ellenbokough said Mr . Stanley was selected , because he was the only person against whom the House could proceed . The Marquis of Normanby said that no one could deny that the falsification of the returns was a contempt of the House , although it was clear that the only motive which influenced Mr . Stanley was that of concealing a defalcation of duty . The Duke of Wellington was of opinion that the House must agree to the resolution , though the Poor Law Commissioners were the really culpable parties , for they shonld have prevented such an occurrence . The case shonld be probed to the bottom , for in several other cases there had been corruption , as well as in tb '" - Aft « r some observations from the Marquis of NORmanby and the Marquis ef Westmeath , the resolution was agreed to .
The . Eirl of Glengall then moved that Mr . Stanley be ordered to attend at ibe Bar of tho House on Friday , the 14 th of May . The Marquis of Normanby thought the dignity of the Ht / u . so had been sufficiently consulted in the resignation of Mr . Stanley , and hoped that in his present stato of health he wouid not be called upon to attend at Uie Bir Lord Ellenborougu suggested that it would answer the purpose if it was entered upoa the journals that , owing to -Mr . Stanley ' s state of health , their Lordships would not press his attendance at the Bar .
This suggestion was acceded to , and the Earl of Glengall accordingly withdrew his motion . Their Lordships then adjourned .
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HOUSE OF COMMONS , Fbidat . Amul 30 . ' The Chairman of the Committee on tho King's County Election reported that Mr . Armstrong had been duly elected as member for that county . Lord J . Russell gave notice that , on th « first order day after tho 31 st of May , he would move that the House should resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House to consider the laws relating to the trade in corn . Immense cheering from the Ministerial benches , with counter-cheering from the Opposition , followed this announcement . The House having aesolved itself into a Committee of ways and means ,
The Chancellor of the Exchequer brought forward his financial statement for the year . He , in the first instance , drew the attention of the House to the expectations he had formed last year of the expenditure and income of the country . The expenditure he bad estimated at £ 49 , 499 , 000—the income at £ 48 . , 000 , leaving an estimated deficiency of £ 858 . , which he had proposed to meet by a vote of credit . The actual results , however , proved to be that the expenditure amounted to £ 49 , 285 , 000 , and the income to £ 47 , 443 , 000 , leaving a deficiency larger than he had estimated by the gum ef nearly £ 1 , 000 , 000 . By comparing the estimated with the actual income there appeared to be a deficiency of £ 1 , 108 , 000 . This deficiency arose , not from any unfavourable result of the additional taxation which bad been imposed , but
from a falling off in the revenue , which , under any citcumstauces , would have taken place . The produce of the five per cent duty on customs and excise bad been calculated from the returns of the year 1839 , which year gave a great increase on the year before ; and , as that increase did not continue , toe additional duties were on many articles unproductive . The articles upon which there had been an increase , both in quantity and duties , were butter , cheese , coffee , olive oil , pepper , silks ( raw and thrown ) , timber , and cotton wooL The articles npon which there had been a decrease iu quantity but an increase in duty were raisins , tallow , tobacco , tea , and American deals ; and the articles upon which there had been a decrease , both in quantity and duty , were currants , molasses , spirits , sugar , wine , wool , and European deals . The falling off in the duty on spirits in Ireland amounted to £ 354 , 000 , which was
no proof , he felt pleasure in stating , of the decreased resources of the country , for it was entirely owing to the increased habits of temperance in the people of that country . On the other hand the payments into the Irish exchequer showed aa increase in the amount of duties onteaandcoffee . There had beenalseinlreland an Increase in the auction duty , and an inorease in the duties on bricks , glass , ground glass , soap , soft soap , malt , vinegar , and in the post-horse duty . The stamps and taxes exhibited an increase beyond the , estimate of £ 60 , » 00 . With respect to the decrease in the poetoffice , it was not the result of a decrease in the number of letters , bat was entirely owing to the Increased expenditure wLich it was found necessary to incur in that department , The Right Hon . Gentleman then proceeded to give the following statement of his expectations of the revenue , and of the expenditure for the ensuing year : —
ESTIMATED EXPENDITURE . Interest of the National Debt ... £ 29 , 420 , 000 Other charges on the Consolidated Fund 2 , 400 , 000 The army 6 , 587 , 000 The navy i # 6 , 806 , 000 The ordnance 2 , 075 , » C 0 Miscellaneous 2 , 935 , 000 Canada ... ... ^ . ... 108 , 000 China 475 . 000
With respect to China , there were some charges in the account sent in by the East India Company which would be to be paid by the Company itself , and he would therefore put that item down at only £ 4 * 0 , 000 and this deduction would give a total amount of expenditure of £ 50 , 731 , 77 * . In estimating the comisg revenue , he had endeavoured to take a Tory sober view of the subject . The customs last year , which was rather an unfavourable one , produced £ 21 , 700 , 000 . He estimated them to produce the ensuing year £ 22 , 000 , 000 , The excise produced Ust
year £ 1 S , < S 73 , « OO . He estimated the result this , year to be £ 14 , 000 , » 00 . Stamps produced Jast yea ? £ 7 , 183 , 100 . Be Wok them at £ 7 , 009 , 000 for this year . The assessed taxes produced last year £ 3 , 889 , 433 , but , as the increased 10 per cent had not come iato operation for a considerable period of the year , he thought himself justified in estimating them to produce £ 4 , 3 * 1 , 000 . The Post-office he estimated to produce £ 450 , 0 * 0 , the Crown lands £ 18 * , O * O , and miscellaneous £ 250 , * 00 , making a total of £ 48 , 310 , 000 . This gave a deficiency of income to meet tho expenditure of no less than £ 2 , 421 , 00 * . From this deficiency he should
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deduct the charge for China of £ 4 » 0 , ©» 0 and the navy debt of £ 191 , * 00 , as not being permanent annual charges « n the revenue , and for whteh it would not be advisable to make permanent provision . This would leave the deficiency to be provided for £ 1 , 8 * 0 , 000 . Under the circumstances he had stated , he deemed it necessary to increase the revenue of the country to £ 60 , 09 * , » 0 « , which would leave £ l , 70 * , 000 to be provided . In order to raise this amount it would be necessary either to fall back on some of the taxes they had repealed , such as the house tax , or the tax on coals ; or they must bring in those parties who had hitherto been exempted from taxation by imposing a legacy duty upon real property , or they most take away those exemptions by which certain classes were now
benefit ted , such as the exemption on horses used for agricultural purposes . If they adopted none of these , they must tax those new articles gas and steam , or lastly , they must resort to a tax which bad now become popular—an extensive property tax . If they resorted to taxation at all , they must adopt one or other of these courses , and it was their duty to turn to those which weuld throw additional burdens on the people . In order to increase the revenue he proposed to alter the duties oh timber and sugar . Colonial timber now paid a duty of l * s- a load , while Baltic timber paid 55 s ., being a protecting duty of 450 per cent He proposed to adopt a suggestion formerly proposed by Lord Althorp , of raising the duty on colonial timber to 20 s . and reducing the duty on Baltic timber to 50 s . By this alteration the consumer Would be greatly benefitted , and the revenue would be increased probably to the extent of £ 750 , 900 ; but he would be content to
take it at £ 6 * o , « oo . With respect to sugar , which , if not an absolute neoessary , at all events might be esteemed the poor man ' s cheapest luxury , he proposed to leave to colonial produce a protecting duty of only 50 per cent . The present duty on foreign sugar was 63 , and on colonial 24 , and he proposed to reduce the former to 36 . This he believed would produce a revenue of £ 800 , 0 * # ; but he would take it at £ 7 * 0 , * 0 e ., which , with the produce from timber , would give a result upon which they might rely to the amount of £ 1 , 300 , 000 , leaving still a deficiency of £ 400 , * 0 * . This £ 400 , 00 * ho did not propose to make any provision for at present , because of the motion respecting the Corn Laws , of which his Noble Friend had given notice , and which if carried would amply supply the deficiency . On the other hand , if the proposition of his Noble Friend shonld not be agTeed to , lie- must make provision for the £ 4 * 0 , 00 * by direct taxation .
Mr . GOULBURN would not give any opinion upon the plans proposed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer for supplying the deficiency in the revenue , but would reserve his sentimenta until each measure should come before the House for discussion . The Right Honourable Gentleman reviewed the conduct of the Government since the year 1835 , showing that they have been every year adding to the expenditure of the country , while its income bad been constantly diminishing , until they at length crowned its embarrassnteuts , by the delusive institutions of the Penny Postage .
Mr . Hume regretted that not one word had been said that could lead him to hope that there was to be any reduction in the heavy expenditure which had led to this great deficiency . He had always warned the Government of the result of keeping up the enormous expenditure of the country , and he had a right to taunt them when the difficulties he predicted arose , a right which gentlemen on the * ther side of the House did not possess , for they bad been always urging the Government to increased expenditure . The Hon . Member then contended at considerable length for the necessity of an alteration of the Corn Laws , and defended the Penny Postage , though no system could work well when not governed by a man of business instead of by a peer , who , from his habits and station in society , must be unfit for such a situation as that of Post-Master General . Several Hon . Members on the Ministerial side
expressed their concurrence in the views of the Chancellor of the Exchequer respecting the duties on corn ; after which Lord Francis Egerton expressed his astonishment , not that the Noble Lord ( J . Russell ) after the strong expression he had used on a former occasion upon tho subject of the Corn Laws should have now proposed the subject for discussion , but that he shonld have postponed tise subject for five weeks to eomet instead of at once enabling the House to re-assure the agricultural interest by a single vote upon the subject . Lord J . Russell , in reply to a question from Lord Sandon , said that the proposition he intended to bring forward upon the subject of the Corn Laws would embody the principle of a moderate fixed duty , and the question would ha brought forward by the Government as one upon which the Cabinet was united .
Sir R . Peel was surprised that the Noble Lord Should have postponed his motien on the subject of the Corn Laws for five weeks , more particularly as he had connected the subject with the financial circumstances of the country . The Right Hon . Baronet defended his side of the House for the course they had pursued in supporting the foreign policy of the Government , although it necessarily led to very considerable expence . Lord J- Kussell said that , owing to the important measures before the House , be did not see any possibility of bringing the question of the Corn Laws before the House sooner than the period he had named . Mr . Waklet hoped that the proposed alteration' in protective duties would not be confined to the Corn Laws alone , but would be extended to every branch of manufacture and commerce .
Lord Howick advocated the proposal of a fixed duty , and would give his support to the Government When the question came for discussion . After a few observations , from Mr . M . Philips and Mr . Chapman , Mr . Labouchere advocated the principles of free trade , and said be could lay his band npon his heart and declare that if he could be satisfied that these principles , which he had been endeavouring all his life to promote , would be taken up by Gentlemen on the other side of the House , on their coming into office , he would most willingly and cordially support them ; because those principles were essentially national , and kad been advocated before him by deputations front all classes of manufacturers and mercantile men from all parts of England , aud of all political persuasions .
Mr . Herries said that the deficiency appeared to be about £ 2 , 400 , * 00 , and the Chancellor of the Exchequer proposed to provide for £ l , 700 , * 00 only , leaving a deficiency of £ 700 , 000 . This alarmed him , for he feared it might be the intention to meet it by enlarging the sinking fund through the medium of the Savings' Bank Act . This was a dangerous and most unconstitutional step , and if there was any such intention he should moat certainly oppose it The Chancellor of the Exchequer said that such a power waa one which no Minister ought to possess , but so long as ho did possess the power of funding Exchequer Bills through the medium of the Savings Banks Act , he should not hesitate , if necessary , to exercise it .
Mr . Villiers expressed his gratification that the question of the Corn Laws was at last taken out of his hands by the Government , and pledged himself to give them every support ; upon the question when it waa brought forward . Mr . Alderman Thompson contended that the shipping interest of London were not favourable to the removal of the restrictive duties on timber and sugar . After some further discussion , the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer , which was one of mere form , was agreed to , and the House resumed . The other orders of the day were then disposed of , and the House adjourned . Monday , May 8 .
A new writ was moved for the borough of Sandwich , in the room ol the late Major-General Sir B . Donkin . Lord Stan let , in reply to a question from Mr . W . S . O'Brien , said he did not intend to proceed with the Registration of Voters Ireland Bill on Wednesday . Mr . Handlet complained of an inaccurate report of his speech , on Friday night , in the Morning Chronicle of Saturday . He was made to Bay that he would support Ministers in their measure respecting the Corn Laws , whereas he had really said directly the reverse . He could scarcely believe suih a misrepresentation to have originated in mistake , and he therefore moved that the printer should be directed to appear at the bar of the House . Mr . Hume hoped theHdn . Member would be satisfied with the explanation he had given .
Sir De Lact Evans said it was absurd to suppose that the mistake of the reporter could have been intentional . Mr . Handlev , believing , his object , that of correcting the mistake , to have been obtained , withdrew his motion . Lord J . Russell announced that , on Friday next , he wonld state the amount of duty which he should propose to lay upon foreign corn imported into this country . Lord Sandon said he would on the same day give the House an opportunity of pronouncing an opinion npon the contemplated change in the sugar duties . The House then resolved itself into a committee upon the Punishment of Death Bill .
The second clause was opposed by Lord J . Russell , Lord Dungannon , and Sir R . Inglis ; and supported by Mr . Hume , Mr . O'Connell , and Mr . Sergeant Talfourd ; and on a division it was defeated bj a majority of 122 to 110 . -.....-On the proposal of the fourth clause , abolishing the punishment of death in cases of violation , Sir C Douglas moved an amendment making exceptions in certain cascc . The amendment was withdrawn after some discussion , and the clause itself was negatived by a majority of 123 to 61 ; Sir R . Peel declaring , that in cases of murder , attempts to murder , and violation , he could not consent to abolish capital punishments . The next clause , which proposed to abolish the punishment of death in cases of attempts to murder , led to some discussion , but was ultimately negatived by a majority of 83 to 75 .
The sixth clause was also negatived by a majority of 1 * 0 to 73 . ; Mr . Eei . lt said kbat he could not press bis Bill further that evening , opposed as be was by the Government , nor would he press it further that session if the Noble Lord ( Jfe Rmssell ) would proceed
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with the Government measure upon the subject without delay . Lord J . Russell said he would certainly proceed with the Government measure with the least possible delay . ; - ¦ . . ' ¦ .... . ¦"; ¦ . - . ' ¦¦ ¦ ¦ ¦' ' .. '' .. ¦ ¦ ¦ : ¦ The House then resumed , and the Chairman obtained leave to ait on the lrth of May . The House then resolved itself into Committee on the Criminal Justice BUI . Mr . W . Patten proposed two clauses , one to confirm , in some particulars , the Charter of Manchester , and the other to provide compensation for certain officers . - ¦ ¦ . ' .. - ¦ '¦ ¦ ' ¦ . ... ¦ ¦ ¦ •¦ ¦ ¦ . " ' ¦¦ ' . ¦' • Mr , M . Philips thought the proposal an insult to the people of Manchester . In fact , they were now asked to buy off the opposition to the Charter by giving some thousands of the money of the ratepayers to those who had so long persisted in opposing it . . ' ¦ ¦ - ¦ . ' : ¦ ¦ ¦• ¦ . - . ¦
The Attorn ev-Genebal and Mr . C- Buller opposed the clauses , Which Were supported by Mr . Cresswell . After some discussion the first clause was withdrawn , and the Committee divided npon the second clause which was negatived by a majority of 128 to 73 . Lord F . Egerton moved a clause to exempt Bolton from the operation of the Bill . . After some discussion tho Committee divided , and the clause was negatived by a majority of 75 to 31 . The House then resumed , the other orders of the day were disposed of , and the House adjourned .
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^^^^^^ y ^^^^^^^^^ a ^^^^^ B ^^^^^^^^^ - ^ - ^ - ^^^^ s ^^^^^^^^^^^ w ^^** - MR . NEESQM ; HIS ADDREaS TO THE EDITOR AND WILLIAM RIDER . It will be recollected by our readers that the name of Charles H . Neesom was appended to the document issued by Lovett and Correlative to the " New Move " ;" and , as will appear from the following , Mr . Neesom sent us a letter in justification of his conduct , which , along with a mass of other correspondence , was given into the hands of Wm . Rider for examination , previous to being placed in the hands of the compositors . Mr . Rider , it seems , believing that hla friend bad not sufficiently reflected upon the steps he had taken , immediately wrote to Mr . Neesom , conjuring him to reconsider tbe subject , and if , after such consideration , he was still anxious to have his letter published , be would give it into our hands for a decision . After a lapse of five days , Mr . Neesom sends the subjoined reply to Mr . Rider : — London , May 3 d , 1841 .
Friend Rider , —I am much surprised to learn you have caused the publication of my letter to be delayed . I consider it an unwarrantable interference on your part My letter requires no reconsideration ; in looking over the copy , I don't , see anj thin j that can be fairly objected to . It asks questions which may not be very palatable to Mr . O'Connor , if that gentleman is not prepared to give the answers . You say the Chartists will give me no quarter . Many who call themselves Chartists I am aware will give abuse and display a spirit of intolerance and
despotism , which none but dishonest men will countenance . You know well that bad Mr . O'Connor written or spoken in favour of Lovett ' splan it would have been applauded to the skies by those who now condemn it , many of whom , no doubt , have not examined any part of the views and objects set forth therein . O , for a large supply of knowledge Chartism ! Again , I request that my letter may appear in the Star witbeut delay , as I am not to be diverted from my purpose by the threats or coaxing of any man or set of men . I never have nor never will act intentionally wrong in the cause I have so long espoused .
" An honest man is the noblest work of God . " In conclusion , I am compelled to view this interference as a very unfriendly act on your part , and altogether at variance with , strict justice , leaving out anything of " Auld Lang Syne . " Yours respectfully , Chas . H . Neesom , 76 , Hare-street , Bethnal Green . The following is tbe communication alluded to : — .
TO TUE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR . London , April 25 th , 1841 . Sir , —As there ore strange reports abroad respecting my conduct in relation to my name being Appended to what is called the " secret move , " or Lovett's plan , I beg the insertion of the following letter in the forthcoming Star , ss it will be an answer to the many letters and Inquiries that I have received , and also an act of justice towards me , which I feel confident you will not ieny . I am , Sir , your ' s respectfully , Chas . H . Neesom , 76 , Hare-street , Bethnal Green . " Prove all things , hold fast that which is good . "
Fellow-Covntrymek , —The above motto ought to be ever kept in view , in order that we may . come to right conclusions . I deem it my duty to address the following observations to you , in order that you may judge respecting my name being appended to Lovett and Collins ' s plan of organization . I consider ihe plan will be calculated to establish a system which all men who wish to see a great and beneficial change will apptove of . I do not call it a perfect plan , but the best I have yet seen , according to myjuiignient I will not attempt at present to enter into its merits ; and as to its practicability , that must entirely dopend on the will of the people , as all the efforts of the few to better the condition of the many have been , and will continue unavailing until the people see the necessity of
giving those intended benefits their due consideration . I feel certain that until we can bring the above plan , or some part of it , or something similar , into operation , we never can obtain or enjoy our political rights . Those being my views , I have signed the address ; and so convinced am I of its goodness as a plan , that I would , if needful , add my name to it again and again ; and I beg distinctly ; to state that I have acted entirely from my own views in this matter , and without consulting with any person , or holding any conversation with any one on the subject previous to my name being attached thereto . I am neither an O'Connor ' s man nor a Lovett ' s man ; I am what I wish you all to be , namely , a man ol the people , alias a citizen of the world . It is not Riy business to condemn or justify
the conduct of other men at the present It is stated this plan has been brought out in opposition to the plan now in operation—that it is done for the purpose of destroying thaStar , and to bring about Household instead of Universal Suffrage , &c &c . Now * if Mr . O'Connor , or any other person will prove to me that sueh is the fact , and that the enemy of- the working classes , Daniel O'Connell , is at all concerned in this affair , then I will withdraw my name immediately . I believe that Household Suffrage would ( if given ) keep us in the back grounds full fifty years ; as such I nevor will > directly or otherwise , give my support to anything short of the principles of the People ' s
Charter . As I have been as long in the field as most who are at present engaged in the great straggle for liberty , I have just cause to know that assertions are one thing and proof is another—that it is easy to denounce men and measures—and I am sorry to add that recent events have shown that it is stil ^ more easy to get a number of people to act on the bare word of another . It may be said what proof do you want beyond what you have respecting Dan being one of the clique ? Has he not spoken in favourfof Lovett ' s plan ? He may or may not , for ought I know ; and if so I think he must have done so to injure rather than forward the design , as his praise is calculated to damn any man or measure , be it ever so gecd . : ;
You will say , why bring this "New Plan" out at present , as it has caused disunion ? lid one regrets more than I do that there is so much disunion in the Chartist ranks ; I should have been glad to have seen the plan earlier in the field , and though it may be ill-timed , yet it does not follow that the planners had a bad design in so doing , and if it is not approved of by the Chartists generally , it might be safely left to its own fate . I contend that any person has a right to bring forth a " New Kan" every day , and any person may add their names to it who think proper—motive is everything . Shall a man be assailed on every side for acting according to the best of his judgment ? Is it Democracy or Chartism te say a man is a spy , a traitor ,
one who has sold himself to the Government , because he appends his name to a document which have for its object the obtainment of the People ' s Charter ? As regards the base insinuations which haa been made against myself , I cast them back with scorn and contempt , as I know the parties making tltem are unworthy of notice . 1 / Chartism consists in abuse , in denunciations , in intolerance , and their despotism , coupled with the aid the base faction are receiving at this time at the hands of some of its , advocates , in order to turn out the other equally base faction , then , indeed , is the cause in a very prosperous state—but if Chartism consists in brotherly feeling , sober thoughtfulness , and a desire to come to just conclusions , then I regret to say , I am afraid it is at a very low ebb .
In conclusion , let me impress on your minds the necessity of Knowledge Chartism and Teetotal Char tism , aa I am quite certain until the working classes are better informed and entirely weaned from the pothouse , we shall never have them with us . For my part it shall be my business to show them by my example to the latest period of my life , that the enemy is not to be overcome but by perseverance , firmness , and onion . I remain , fellow-countrymen , ¦ . ¦ Yours , .- ¦ ; ¦ ¦ ¦ "¦ . ¦¦¦' - ¦ ' In the cause of universal happiness , C . H . Nbesom . We have also a second letter from Mr . Neesom , as follows : —
TO THB EDIT 9 B OP THE NORTHERN STAB . London , May ird , 1841 . SIR , —I received a letter dated Leeds , April 28 th , from Mr . Wm . Rider , informing me that' the letter I sent you on last Monday for publication , bad come into his hands . It appears he has thought proper to prevent its appearance , on account , as he states , that I would reconsider it In looking over toe * copy , I do not see one word I wish to alter ; it does noli contain any thing an honest man can object to , and If it had , I should think you , as the editor of the paper , would have pointed it out in your comments ontbasam * . How Mr , Ridac has got possession « f %
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It is not for me to say , as H was addna ^ i / Re * . Wm . Hill ; as such it nust haveiSId n ^> your hands . This , Sir , looks very sanchntg , «* move ; " at all events It is an act « t grosTbitLJ ^ withhold from the pnblto any tbii * that w £ S * * to make known to , them the views and tatmtu : ^ person charged witb being a traitor , kcT ^ i *« letter contained any thing like what ! yoa ai » T * l to call repentance , escape from the Bat Tan *** doubt not joa would gladly have caused its «^ 3 I should not then hav « been asked to recSS *
Sir . I trust y ram capable of jud ging for ajfclt spurn with indignation any attempt made teT my mind , though it be made under the \ L ! r friendship . " ** ( Trusting to your high sense of justice , I aB « l »* w . that tho letter may appear without farther dsk ?' I remain , Sir , yours respectfully , ^ V " 76 , Hare-street , Bethnal Green . HA 8 > H * Nes 8 < * In placing the above letters in our hands jr . t , accompanied it by the folowing . — > «* ajj , TO THE EDITOR OP THE MOETHEBk 8 tu . Sir , —I have now , according to the promiiB ^ to Mr . Neesom , given his communicat ion inta ** hands , yet , as a Chartist , I cannot allow it ' to « / " * to the public without remark , however "i « it aL 5 ? those remarks may be to Mr . Neesom . Iaanafiw ^ affects the interests of the working man r «!^ regard friend nor foe , nor shall I hew the roust < Z ? off my words to please any individual whatever «? Mr . Neesom object to the tone of expression ' Um ? do so , as I shall " call a boat a boat , a fish » £ ? tool a tool , and a traitor a traitar . " ^ »
First , allow me to say a f ew words in wdIt ^ letter to me of yesterday ' 8 ' date . * " /»)( He states his surprise to learn that I hn 6 «^ the publication of his letter to be delayed , and comS ! it an " unwarrantable interference" onnryn « t * insinuates , in his letter to you . that there is m ^ sS " secret" about my doing eq , as the letter ^? " addressed to Mr , Hill , must have passed throne ? hands . " . ™ « Now , in answer to this , I ask Mr . Neesom If h e poses that the labour attendant on preparing matter a weekly paper is only equal to that of a taUnT 1 makes a suit of clothes per week ? If fas does , hr strangely mistaken . One tailor and one ahopb < arii quite sufficient for the suit , but it requires mowfe ! one pen or one desk to do tbe work at the . ftfcr Jl ! To assist at this work is a portion of my d * Mr . Neesom ' s surprise at the circumstance of hit 1 * 5 coming into my hmds , may be obviated by infomu
nim of tbe ordinary course of business correspond * at the office ; whieh is that all letters aadreaedi the office , either to the Editor , to the Publisher tot ! Clerk ( Mr . Ardill ) , or to . Mr .- O'Connor , go fint ktott hands of , and ore opened by , either Mr . Hobson or 1 Ardill , just which may happen to be in tie ffgr roT gentlemen , when they open the letters , passthojg j dressed to the Editor , and all sent for publication i news , 4 c . into the hands of Mr . T hompson , the Aniita Editor , who loaks them through , and prepares inch are on ordinary business for the compositors , fcto W J hands the " copy" thus prepared frequentl y pagja ^« out beingseen by the Editor . Such of tbecorrespendea as needs to be seen by him is reserved for biaiMpeefc
ana aecision . i occasionally asausfc Mr . Thompson k thus preparing " copy , " and in the course of m ™ doing , I fell in with the letter of Mr . Neesom- * having a respect for Mr . Neesom for " anld Iomsto ' and feeling for his present position , I determined to wa to him as a friend , to implore of him to reconsider letter before I gave it into your hands , telling him , ft if , after such re-consideration , he still felt detennisj on its publication , it should be handed to yon . I atf on this determination j and this explain * toe mam how the letter came into my hands , ana ihm tfc Mr . Neesom ' s insinuation of " secret move" "beam the letter addressed to you , must have pused throql your hands , " turns out to be , that Mr . Neesom has a off bis first button .
He says his letter " asks questions which may not k very palatable to Mr . O Connor , if that gentleman i not prepared to give the answers . " A very age ids Mr . Neesom ; "IF that gentleman is hot prepared ! give the answers . " But , suppose , he ft prepared I give the answers , will those answers be " palatable ? Look at that hole , Mr . Neesom , and see if a patell not very necessary . Bis next remark is an echo of the discomfited Lnga
and sham-Radicals' cuckoo note— "Many vno i themselves Chartists , I am aware , will give abuse , « display a Bpirit of intolerance and despotism vrU nose but dishonest men will countenance . " Ik when men turn traitors to their country and propoi schemes to stultify and disorganise the people , If must fee overshadowed with the mantle , silence . 1 Mr . Neesom ; that will never do ; you were not * to promulgate or practice any such hetorodox teas and the Chartists will not subscribe to them throri
fear of being stigmatised with "intolerance " or"i potism . " Error must and will be opposed . Tread * . mnat and shall be exposed , and , depend npon i " honest men" will countenance the crusade igtMi renegades and impostors . He then proceeds thus— "You know well bid 26 O'Connor wrote or spoke in favour of Lovett'i pis , it would have been applauded to the skies by tbcwvb now condemn it" 1 know no such thing ; neikberdo 1 believe it possible for all the political agitstonwo bined , to divert the attention of the people ton ft » pursuit of the full measure of their rights . Fa my own port I shall oppose O'Connor , and shall a&ipon the people to aid in such opposition , the very moment he calls upon us to strike the flag " Universal Sntngs , " and hoist that of a more limited standard . Tb «« wtion is a libel upon the Chartists—they are not led bj men , but by principle ; and I repel the insult thus
given . . - ... - ¦ I shall not dwell much upon his devout prayer— " 0 for a larger supply of knowledge Chartism I" I tm on < that would rather fight for the fruits of Chartiim thai fall down and male and pule for " a larger rappl of knowledge Chartism . " Who would supply th knowledge ? Why , the .. "New Movers , " whe they get hundreds of thousands of oor moaey ; be they have not got the NEW " rini" yet , and , totha grief , they never wilL What kind of knowledge won ! it be ? We have the sample , and , consequently , judge of the stock yet in the sack .
I did think , Sir , of making stme few remarks on 1 letter to his "fellow countrymen ; " but I leave it t touched and open to others , though , as a Cbartistj claim a right to give utterance to my views ; but , pj haps it would be " an unwarrantable interference j my part " Yours , truly , WM . BIDBB . Leeds , May 4 th , 1841 .
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TO THE EDITOB OF THE NOBTHKBX STAB . Sm , —Having sent the Star to Ireland for aome ti * past , I thought it my duty , when Dan O'Connell m * use of the base assertions that he did respecting CM tism in Ireland , to test the principles of the psraei whom I sent it , when I received a letter , of wbkhl following is a copy . By your giving the same a pla « the people ' s paper , you will greatly oblige Tours , a constant reader , And one of the oppressed , JOHN PVLIESS , Secretary to the Manchester Peatl Committee . Manchester , May 2 d , 1841 . Sia , —I received your letter of the 19 th , a dsyor t since , and feel grateful for your kindness in md < Md « Star to one , who , though a stranger personally . »' so I hope in principle '
. . „ As to your question concerning my receiving me a » regularly , I beg to say , it is sometimes detain ** i » three or four weeks after its publication ; bat , » ever so old , it Is read with eagerness by * U if 0 w ° ! hands it may fall . As to your other question , w regard to Don driving Chartism from I " " "; . '' one am not the least uneasy on that point ; ft *»" here a growing spirit of democracy , tha t ww- very distant period , baffle the deceiving cant « j » and Co ., or the power and tyranny of those wfi- ° *" g authority , though backed by the gibbet , titt o ^ and tbe bayonet .. / . _« J
When we Irish are once convinced that « " been humbugged , we dont withhold our banar n the readiest means of settling accounts wtn . tnww have deceived us ; and surely we bare been Jbobb by as base a crew of cut throat and pretending pa » as ever thta earth suffered on its groaning wj * * Again , in answer to your question , whether we » a Chartist Association formed heraorno ,, I « a ( say that in such an aristocratic town as ^ " " 7 | formation of one would be attended with g »* ficulty , as most of the working people are w »" will to the Marquis of Hertford , and if « j » y > " 5 allowed a meeting to be held in h is no ose , itwou * followed by Immediate ejeciment ; for I can a » ' that tyranny exists here to a great extent , « « w , at this present time making use of tt «* J £ la $ drive me from my present abode , and u po " " the town . . ** r % i A « ifn . the ouMicans and the 8 b » pk » pf »
either Whigs er Tories , and are ODlyW ~~ 7 a opportunity to vent their spleen ss juryffl ^ rf flnt Chartist victim that may have th « Jono ^ , pearing before » judge ^ ^^' - ^ tJt ^ disadvantages , a society eo « ld , and I n **! j oe formed , whenever » plae * of meeting ^ . ** U ) withont eadang ^ ng anyperson who has tte ^ tobeat the the disposal of tyrannic ^ ^ QnV ^ In conclusion , their everj-day dotogs f ™^ their own ftwadations , and lending the ; ** w « - helping hand to p * U the fabric of corraPBfl " theirears . . ... Yours , in thecatue o ^^^ sol Llsburn , April 25 tb , 1841 .
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Ths Jbcgb before whom AldermMtPgg Dublin , was bronght on his arrival » B ^ . J m ] a ehanje of having defrauded hu ^^ " ^ i land , has disohar » d hint ¦ ¦ fr ^' - ^ CSfrjS evidence had not teen made out to jasufi «* lention . .
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6 THE NORTHERN STAR .
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PRESIDENT HARRISON . Old President Harrison—we beg pardon , that is not quite it—we should , perhaps , say young President and old Harrison , has hopped off his perch . Twas a pity , that with all his exquisite knowledge about the Greeks and Romans , he should not have been allowed to shew us what he meant by that unmerciful long yarn that he spun as a week or two before he took his departure . 'Tis a thousand pities that so very soon after he had set up business in the President line , he should be obliged to hand all his customers over to his journeyman .
What could the free and enlightened citiaens mean by choosing a man who had not four years of life in him ? Positively , it is a great impugnment of the wisdom of the great unwashed on the other side of the Atlantic , and we think that some free and enlightened Member of Congress ought to make somi motion about it . Every future President ought , wl tiink , before he is elected , to give four surgeons aa hla bail that he is able to live out at least three of bis four years of office . It is really excessively , we may say outrageously , disgusting , that after taking all tbe trouble of speechifying , canvassing , bribing , and electing , and all in order to get a man who is thought to be a capable man , that at the end of a month or two they should find that they have enly got a sort of under deputy , whom nobody knows anything about , and nobody would give a fig for .
Who is this Mr . Tyler who now comes out with his declaration and calls himself President Tyler ? Does his Christian name happen to be Teddy J Because , if it does , perhaps he might be useful to give us some information as to tbe fats of the other President , whose present situation is at this time so doubtful . Of all the lives on board that boat , we con / ess we should most like to hear of the safety of poor Power ; and if Teddy the Tiler could just tell us what has become of him , it vrouM only be returning many a good turn which poor Power has done for him .
We really are sad abont President Harrison ( although not half bo sad as we are anxious about our own countryman in the other President ) because Harrison did seem to be a steady , honest , hearty old fellow , and more of a gentleman than American Presidents generally are . We promised ourselves a great deal of amusement in the old boy ' s future lucubrations about the Greeks and Romans , and we thought we might possibly get on pretty well with him without coming to blows . As to this Tyler we dont much like him at first sight Ten to one but what he will want to show hia independence of his predecessor , by undoing the very little he has doae ; and , perhaps , he stay hang M'Leod , and invade our boundary , just for the sake of < Hytingti {» hiwg himseit—SmtiritL
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), May 8, 1841, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct378/page/6/
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