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On Saturday, June 19,1841, will be Published, No. 1 of rfHE NATIONAL VINDICATOR , AND i- LIBERATOR OF THE WEST AND
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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WALbh ; Edited by Henrt Vikcent and Robekt Kemp Philp , assisted by W . P . Roberts , Esq . To be Published Every Saturday , Price Twopence . The National Vindicator , &c , is designed by the Editors to be a Bold , Firm , and Consistent Advocate of tbe People ' s Charter . It will adhere firmly to the People ' s Cause ; and proclaim fearlessly i \ i ( . Tyranny of Taxation Without Representation , ii wiil endeavonr to promote the Union of the Working Classes , that injustice may be successfully res sted . It will stand upou tho priuciple of N »> Compromise—its Editors entertaining the firm conviction that nothing short of the enactment of the whole Charter , can eiisure such further reforms as are undeniably jast and necessary to promote the happiness of the People .
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CORROBORATION OF THE INNOCENT YET RELIEVING PROPERTIES OF BLAIR ' S GOUT AND RHEUMATIC PILLS .
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EVERY NUMBER NOW IN PRINT . BEAUTIFUL NEW MUSIC . To Flute , Flageolet , Violin , Clarionet , Kent Bugle , and Cornopean Players . That Celebrated Monthly Periodical , THE FLUTONICON , gives every beautiful Tune that becomes popular . In its pages will be found , for the small price of Eightpence Monthly , not only every Tune that is popular , but every Tune that is likely to become so ; all new copyright melodies of merit being inserted here . Nos . to 90 are already published ; any of which may be had at eightpence per Number , or sent , post paid , to any part of the Kingdom , by enclosing Is . As a specimen of the contents of some of the Numbers , the following is submitted , namely : — No . 1 . Rise , Gentle Moon , Meet me by Meonlight , asd sevon others .
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EAST INDIA TEA COMPANY . "DERSONS having a little time to spare , sit L apprised that Agents continue to be appointed in London , and Country Towns , by the EAST INDIA TEA COMPANY , for the Sale of their celebrated Teas . Office , No . 9 , Great St . Hehuft Church-yard , Bishopsgate-street . They are packed in Leaden Cunister ? , from an Ounce to a Pound * and new alterations have been made whereby Agents will be enabled to compete with all rivals . The License is only Eleven Shillings per annum ; and many , during the last Sixteen Years , have realised considerable Incomes by the Agency , without Oat Shilling Let or Loss . / Applications to be made ( if by Letter , Pogi . paid ) to CHARLES HANCOCK , Seoretary .
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In the Press , RICHARDSON'S RED BOOK , OR a PEEP AT THE PEEBS , Uniform with the " BLACK BOOK , " 100 Pages Price Fourpence , . ' CONTAINING the Titles ^ Names , and Surnamea V of all the Lords " Spiritual and Temporal •» date of their births , to frhom married , their connexions , the places , pensions , emoluments of office sinecures and fat livings , of themselves , their children , and relations , in the Army , Navy , Law Courts
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Just Published , Price Two Shillings , Cloth , PAPER AGAINST GOLD , containing the His-L tory of the Bank of England , the Funds , tht Debt , the Sinking Fund , and the Bank Stoppage ; also showing how Money is raised or lowered in value by alterations in its qualities ; and the evil effects ' of the whole upon the Community . By Wm . Cobbbtt , condensed by MaK 0 * ret Chappklsmith .
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PUBLIC MEETING AT MACCLESFIELD ON THE CORN LAWS . ( Abridged from the Idacdesfield Courier . ) In consequence of a requisition , presented to the Mayor , a meeting mi called for Wednesday last , in tne Town Hall , for the purpose of passing a series of resolutii ns in fckTcrar of a repeal of the Corn Law * . The Mai OB , in opening the proceedings , merely expressed a wish that a fair hearing should be giten to all . Mr . Jespeb moved the first resolution , to the effect that it would be fer the interest of all classes that both the Corn and Sugar duties should be repeated . ilrDatid Rowbotham seconded the resolution .
. Mr . Charles Satage next presented himself to oppose the resolution , bnt wss received -with «> jnocb clamour that he could not proceed ; and , in adcQtiem , he » aade a mistake , on reading an extract , "which excited bo much laughter that he was compelled to give Tray but sot before he had made a remark which called up Mr . Condron , who , in reply to it , observed , that he came there merely from curiosity , being neither for the Corn Law nor against it Mr West ( a weaver ) commenced by observing that on both sides it was agreed that the working classes had a paramount interest in the question . The persons ¦ who opposed the Corn Laws said they opposed them because the interests of the working classes were at stake ¦ and those who supported those laws did it on
the same grounds . He had therefore a right to assume that it was a subject for the consideration of the working classes , and that they ought calmly to weigh it aa one bearing upon their interests . He knew that it was contended that the manufacturing interest is the only interest to be considered in England . It was right , therefore , to pat the question on fair grounds . He considered that it was a maxim , that it is the duty of every government in the first place to provide food and dothiBg lor the people ; in the second place , to keep sufficient employment for labour in the country ,-that both food and clothing may be properly distributed among the people ; and in the third place , te afford to that labour , by means of which the distribution is made , the greatest protection possible . Let
them see wen whether Government had acted on these principles . He should proceed first to consider the two great interests of the country . They were " told s great deal of the agricultural and manufacturing interests by those -who -were now traversing the country , in order to get up an agitation in favour of the present Government The people of England are composed of agricultural labourers and manufacturing labourers ; and he contended that the interests of the one class were as much entitled to the protection of the legislature and the government as the other . He contended that it would be great partiality and gross injustice , that the mairufactnring labourer should be eariaiida a ± tie expense of Ike agricultural labourer —parti cularly as he could prove that the latter class
formed the majority of the population . This-statement he did not make without authority . He was anxious to show that he did not speak only on his own authority , lest he should fall under the castigation of some of those talenttd gentlemen of the present day , who answer those that differ frtm them by telling them thatthsy are " peddling politicians ;"—( laughter )—and he would require that those gentlemen , "who professed not to be peddling politicians , should bring authorities for what they asserted , and not merely state their own opinions . From authentic documents it was found , that the relative merits of the two interests stood thus : —The total value of the land was £ S 50 : , C 58 ; the total amount of farmer " 8 capital , £ 554 , 838 , 760 ; the annual produce of the land .
£ 549 , 030 , 201 . He found that there was & power employed in it of at least three-fifths of the whole population , or 5 , 500 , 0 * 0 effective men . On the other hand , he found that the capital employed in manufacture , was only £ 205 , 773 . $ 72 , and that its annual produce was £ 259 , 412 , 709—a very great difference . [ We cannot vouch f . > r the accuracy of our figures . ] Thus , when they came to put things in tbtir proper places , they found that interest , which was setting itself up as the great and proper interest of the country , fell very short of one-third of the capital employed on agriculture ; and above three individuals were employed in agriculture to one that ~^ was empioyed in manufactures ; for they niusi remember that among the parties engaged in agriculture , they
must reckon great part of the population of Ireland ; and it was calcui&ted that 686 in every thousand were employed in raising food in Ireland . They might wish perhaps to throw Ireland out of the question-, but until the Union should be repealed —( cries of " Question , question" )—nntil Ireland should have a separate Parliament ( Cries of " Question , " continued . ) Why did they call question ? Their crying question now was a proof that they did not understand anything whatever Of the question—until there was a distinct Parliament in Ireland , that country must be taken into their consideration . He would show them that , if this measure were carried into effect , it would throw thousands upon thousands of the population out of employment . It was the duly of the Government to keep the
populatioa , both agricultural and manufacturing , employed , but not to throw land out of cultivation fur the sake of exporting a little more manufactures . Tte whole of our exports of manufactures only amounted to one-seventh of the consumption at home ; and it was , therefore , of much more importance to enlarge the home than the fortign demand—particularly as he was prepared to show that this country was not under the necessity of depending -apon foreigners for its food . In erder to show that he made no statement as to the capability of the country to produce enough of food for its population , he would rtftr to authorities ; he would do so , , that , if his politics should be called peddling , by certain talented gentlemen , they might know they were not nis alone . ( Hear , hear . ) That the
country does not produce enough food , was no answer to his argnment . The question was , can it do ? It was no proof that he ( Mr . J . Wesl > could not wear a better co 3 t , to say that he did not wear a better one . JCow he would refer to an authority which these gentlemen would not dispute—to Mr . Q . R . Porter , who had given an account of the cultivated land in the country , and of the uncultivated and cultivable . [ Mrt West then entered isto some details on this subject ] If it was said thtn , that they had not corn enough , why did they nat set about cultivating this uncBitivated land ? He knew the cause and he well knew the remedy . He knew that the cause was , that the people Were not fairly represented in Parliament , and he knew that the remedy would v&ry soon follow , if they wer&r
Bat thty might say , even if this land were pat into cultivation , it would not produce enough for our increasing population . He found from the same authority that the land of England is capable ef supporting a much greater namber of individuals than is now upon it . He then proceeded to read an extract , from whica it appeared that if England -were all as -well cultivated as the counties of Northumberland and Lincolnshire , it would produce double what it does now . Yet he found that in these two counties there was uncultivated land , -which was capable of cultivation . In Lincolnshire were 3 GO , 000 acres uncaidTnted , au 3 in Northumbferland 1 S 0 . 000 . How then could it be said that Ecilind is not capable of producing food for i " s inhabitants ? There was a very great danger in Vjiae
abruad for their corn ; and be trusted England vrould no : be reduced to depend on foreigners for h ^ r daily bread . Tremendous applause ) Tiigy had heard it soTii-tuars said , that Gid had ordained that othtr countries should snpply Eaglaca with corn , fvhUe she supplied th « a \ ritti marml 2 . c : ure 3 . Bat he might sppral to the com man saying , that & > i never sends a ni-u : a wiihon * m . at , and he believed that God did not allow any one to "_ > e born in an island like this , vrithoat naiiing i : capable of supplying him -with food . Dr . Cii : iners hid told them accordingly tbat , if this cdudtry were w ^ lei round with adaniant , it caald produce fuo i encmih for stTea times its present number of Lahabiiaats . He quoted authorities because he was afrji-i to ires : to his own torsions in the presence of
such consummate politicians—he was always afraid of shewing himself a peddlinj politician in the presence of gentleastn of sach astounding talents . He , therefore , referred te Mr . Huskisson as an authority respecting the advantage of a steady home production . . Mr . HaskissDn had shown that for a hundred years , with a restrained importation , England had supplied , enough to maintain har whole population ; in good yearns sh = even exported a little ; there were nsvtj any great changes of pries ; and at the end of a century , during which she never imparted corn , the price was actually lower than at the commencement . Since then , ber dependence upon foreign ountries had always been increasing . He admitted that , with a free trade , c- ) rn migit be cheaper for a year or two ; but in th « s end .
small farmers would be unable to centinue in their business ; improvements would stand still ; Und woula be thrown out of cultivation ; and thus wage ; , would fa . il even more rapidly Uiaa the price of corn . These , sai'l Mr . West , wer « tbe arguments of Mr . Huskissou—a man that was considered an authority by the tnu-Cora Law League . Had these arguments ev <; r been aas-wered ? They had not ; fsr it had always been allowed that nothing eoald compensate a country for allowing itself to depend upon foreigners for its food . He always lound . that when this argcniea : was pressed they endeavoured to avoid it . That was the ooarsa pursued by Dc . Bowring when pressed upon this point is his evidence before the Committee of the House of Commons . He aid , he conceived no belter mode of preserving peace than ± o extend' commerce . When pressed to say what would be done if a war took place , he eoald give no satisfactory answer . He had heard it said , Ok ! bet there will be bo war . Sat could they calculate oa having ao war , with the present state of political goveroaent , when wars mere mot undertaken with the consent at the people , bat at the caprice of individuals ? if the people were evajwhere Airly rvpre-• eatei , there sight be a fail decision of the . differences between one people and another ; and thacefore ut maintained that nothing could prevent wars , but . _ ¦ give the people that political power which their tieaiest entmies could not < U » y to be their right . It ta i been argued by the preceding speaker , thai ihe Corn Li * s had bten injurious to tfefl working classe * , because luej had caused wages to fail as compared with the perii ^ j before 1 S 15 , when the Corn Laws were introduce ! In reply to this he stated in detail , the qaintity of wheat which could be purchased with the wages rtc-irei for ths same work in 1601 , and at present . In lgol , tbewa ^ es for the work mentioned was 32 s . acd the price of wheat llos . At present , the wages for tha same wori was 5 i . gd . and tfcs price ef wheat t > 0 * . ; from
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which he shewed that above three times as much wheat co « M be purchased at the higher price as at the lower . Oould the Corn Laws be the cause of this ? He wished for a fair answer to the question . They might , perhaps , be told that the Corn Laws were the caBse ; but he would refer themi to authorities , which ihewed that the redaction of wages had been going on before the Corn Laws . He found from a table of the prices of weaving , from 1802 to 1812 , laid before a Committee of the House of Commons , that a reduction in some branches of 150 per cent had taken place before the Corn Laws . These facts Bhewed that they must look to some otter cause than the Corn Laws to account for the reduction of wages . In corroberatioE of this argument , be shewed that tbe actual quantity of wheat imported during the ten years preceding the enactment
of the Com Laws , was 5 , 248 , 169 quarters , while in the ten yean after that enactment it had been 7 , 609 , 875 quarters , thus shewing an increase of 2 , 363 , 000 qn ., notwithstanding the Corn Law ? . He found also a remarkable difference in the price . In the period before the Com Laws the price bad avenged £ 4 18 s . 8 d . a quarter , whilst in the following ten years it had been £ 3 16 s . « d . a quarter . He should wish them to take these facts into consideration before they came to the conclusion that the repeal of the Corn Laws would not tend te the diminution of wages He then proceeded to quote Mr . Porter ' B tables of the prices of corn from 1760 to 1835 , shewing » reductioa of the price of wheat after the enactment of tbe Corn Laws . But be would next ge to another testimony to shew tbe actual inconsistency of the gentlemen , who wtre now advocating
that system . They accused those who opposed them as peddling politicians ; yet they would force us to take their authority , or the authority of their masters , without question . As he looked upon those who talked of peddling politicians , to be themselves peddling politicians , he should go to tbeii masters . Mr . M'Gregor said he believed that the rent of land would increase if the Corn Laws were repealed , in consequence of the greater demand for labour . Were they to believe Mr . M'Gregor when he told them that the price of corn would become less , and the rtnta of land increase ? ( Loud laughter . ) He never knew before that increasing rents would bring down the price of corn . ( Renewed laughter . ) But they told us again , that their object in repealing the Corn Laws would be to cultivate good feelings with other
countries ; yet he found in a doenraent issued by the Corn Law League , and giving an account of the evidence of the Mayor of Leicester , that the greatest advantage of the repeal of the Corn Laws would be its raising the price of food abroad , and diminishing it at home . W&b this the way to cultivate good feeling with other countries ? But did they really believe that the people of other countries were all fools and all asses 1 At all events , he would not eat in the same manger with them . ( Laughter . ) He believed that the Governments of foreign countries would not allow them to raise the price of corn abroad ; and if they did , he believed that the people of those countries would rise up against their Governments . It could lead to nothing but distress , murder , and revolution . He had thus given them authorities for the facts which ho had alleged .
Now , let them ask , what would be the consequences of : a repeal of the Com Laws ? Wonld they tell him that agricultural labourers would not be thrown out of employment ? Would they tell him that the Irish would I not be thrown out of employment ? Some person in : the meeting said the Irish should eat their own corn . | So said he . He wanted tbe people of Ireland to eat ! their own com , and the people ef EDgland to be clethed 1 with their own doth . Mr . West then made several other observations , the effect of which appeared to be , that it would be much better that both England and Ireland should labour to augment their internal pros-! perity , than to ruin the country by running after such bub-! feles of foreign trade as could not be obtained without the j sacrifice of their domestic interests . He then proceeded ! to consider tbe case of the manufacturers . He
' saw the inhabitants of this town engaged in a manu-! facture that stood in a peculiar situation . It was 1 their evident interest that no part of the population ! should be forced into a sacrifice of that by which they i lived . They had had practical proofs that every at-! tempt to take off protecting duties had been attended ¦ with distress . This was a fact which they knew , and ! would not be denied even by the gentleman who ani Ewered sueh arguments by talking of peddling polii ticians . He never made use of any statements for I which he had not authorities and facts . Would | those who were not peddling politicians bring facts | instead of mere assertions and opinions ? What was : the meaning of all the cry raised against protection ? i What was all legislation but protection . ' What were ' . all laws but laws of protection for life and property ?
If the system of protection is a system of robbery in the one case , it was a system of robbery in the other . If this system of protection were carried to its full extent they would not then be whiniag about the exportation of machinery ; they would have no necessity for saying , you must not do so and so , or we cannot compete with foreigners . He did not know what they meant by competing with foreigners but reducing the prices and wages . They had already reduced wag « s so low that they said they were afraid if they were reduced lower that the living machinery would produce ne more—that the machines would wear out ; and , therefore , they said they maat have corn made cheaper , that they might reduce wages without entirely wearing out the living machines . If they did not say so in words , they said so in facts . If they
could not meet foreign competition without repealing the Corn Laws , how would that repeal enable them to do it ? How but by reducing wages ? Let us hear how they answer this ? They give us plenty of assertions ; but was there ever such nonsense ? We always want something more than assertions ; we have always been accustomed to consider those as truly peddling politicians , who deal in nothing but assertions ; but what facts or authorities did they bring forward lu support of their assertions ? None . Dr . Bowring asserts that if "we repeal the Corn Laws , foreign conntries will give up manufacturing and turn to agriculture ; that consequently an additional production , and additional employment would be required in this country , and therefore the wages would not be diminished Tnis was their opinion ; bat they always left out of
consideration the increase of machinery . He knew , and the meeting knew , that the increase of production ¦ would have but little effect on wages . The productive power that would be employed would be mechanical and chemical improvements ; and if a double production were required , there would be more than a double increase of machinery . The working classes well knew by this time , that increased production does not mean increased employment for labour—far less increased wages for labour . During the last forty years there had besa an increase of production to the extent of 800 per cent . ; but while production had increised 80 » per cent ., wages haJ decreased in the rat : o of 360 . So much for the infallible maxim of increased production causing increased wagei Mr . West then proceeded to shew that from the earliest times trade had been
protected in England . Evea in the time ef Alfred there had been protection to England , and in Edward the First's tiine a protecting tax had been imposed on wool . Now whether that system had tended to increase our trade or not it had certainly been favourable to the comfort of the people—of that they had ample proof . Judge Fortescue described the people of these times drink ' tug no water , having plenty of fish and flish , and being cljthed in good wool , and that in gTeat abundance- This -was the state of the people under a system of protection , and let titin remember taey had Universal Suffrage also in those days , i Great applause ; Brfore he concluded he had a few remarks to make on the speech of the seconder of the resolution , who ha 1 referred to Bome observations , which he had nude tbe night before , on
the persons "who had gont up to L ' jnJon to advocate a system of protection , and -were now enemies of protection . He certainly had taunted those persons with their inconsistency . It etruduly -waa a strange thing to Sim that tocse persons w ^ nt np to advocate a system of protection , before a Committee of tbe Honse of Cjmmon 3 , and taat they made the members of the committee enemies of that system . But what did tbe Seconder of the resolution now say ? He never would advocate monopoly . Nuw , he would go quite as far against monopoly as any one . Ha ¦ would Biy , do away wiih all monopoly—mind , he said and meant all monop ily . But they would n >_ ver get rid of all monopoly ,
while the people wtre not possessed of political power . They would recollect that , when Sir . W . Ingharo made a motion for diminishing the malt duty , tbe Whig House of Commons voted the repeal of half the duty , and honest Lord Althorp to ; d them that , as such was the decision of the Huuse , he should abide by it- But 1 j ! mj Lord Althorp goes down again , and tells them he tunnut well spare the money , and a&ks them to put the repealed duty on again . And they did put it on ag . au . Therefore , if the public had nut political powtr , he had a light to tell those who talked of destroying all monopolies , that they are the true peddling pjiiticians—that they ard the real quacks . Those were the qujtck doctors , who , without examining the ulcered
L-lej , merely came and put their plaster on the ulcer ; and , two other ulcers broke out the next day . Tbey were t u » a real physicians , who -wished to effect a radical j cura . He had made an assertion the other night , j wuich had galled Mr . Murray . He would state a fact j u > prove it . The si : k trade in the city of Dublin Lad i been prosperous from 1 S 0 O to 1818 , when the protecting duty on Irish against English silka was removed . On the rtmoval of that protection , the number of looms had declined from 3 , 400 to 2 , 009 ; and when foreign silks were ltt in , the number had speedily declined to 1 , 200 and bad since gone on declining , through foreign comptntion , t ill , in 1838 , the number of looms employed was no more than 400 . Mr . West then proeewied to read the evidence of am Irish silk
manufac--turer , who had removed from Dublin to Spitalfields . Frum the evidence it appeared that the Chancellor of the Exchequer , before the protecting duty was removed , in 1819 , had given it as his opinion ( you see , observed ihf speaker , what it is to trust to opiniens , ) that the manufacturers would employ ten times as many weavers after the duty was removed , because Irish poplins ¦ wuuld then be allowed to come to England without pajing i . ury . They had many similar opinions of Dr . Bjwr ; Hx ' * and the anti-Corn Lu \ v L-ague . The Chancellor of the Exchequer ' s opinion haa not been bome oat by the facts ; he had proved a very false prophet liie Irish manufacturer , on whose evidence he was cummeBting , stated that he had left men in Dublin who were worth frem £ 14 , 000 to £ 20 , 000 who had gone on manufacturing until they lost their property ,
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and were not worth so many pence . Thus , he hod the authority of a Dublin manufacturer to bear him oat la what he had said the night before . Even the advocates of free trade , admitted that some branches of the silk manufacture would be rained by it John Deacon Hume , in reply to a question , said , be did not conceive that it was a clear case that tbe silk trade would be annihilated ; but he did not doubt that , in many cases , it might lead to relinquishing some particular branches of the silk trade . It did not require much less logic or tact to know what those particular branches to be relinquished were . They found , from Dr . Bowring , that France had peculiar advantages for the finer branches , in being able to rear the raw material , in the superior brilliance of its dyes , in the greater
excellency of its patterns , and in being able to produce cheaper . It was evident , therefore , that the figured branches were among those to be relinquished ; and was there ft branch of their trade now worth keeping but the figure trade ? Was there a branch in which they were more interested than that trade , -which , if France were allowed to pom her silks into England , would be totally destroyed ? They knew well that such would be the case , and they Sew well also , that so long as they paid heavy taxes , they were entitled to protection . Mr . West next alluded to a resolution , moved by Montgomery Martin , that , so long as taxes were wrong from them , they were entitled to protection . A Lancashire manufacturer bad stated in his evideuce , that in plain silk goods they did not fear any competition , because they did not pay
more for weaving them than in France . This was a pretty fair admission of the roasons for which cheap bread was wanted , in order to meet foreign competition ; it was , that they might reduce them to the wages in France . Nobody could suppose that the Lancashire manufacturers wished for a measure that would cause them to give high wages . The object of the Lancashire manufacturers was , by low wages , to increase production , and to make goods , like Jews ' razors , —to sell . They told them that the Corn Laws had driven foreigners to manufacture ; bnt they knew that foreigners were just as capable of mechanical invention as Englishmen . They found that the first power-loom was invented by a foreigner , that the first silk loom , the first woollen loom , the
first Jacquard loom bad been made by foreigners ; they knew that the Huguenots were the first to introduce a variety of manufactures into this country , and among the rest the silk manufacture of Spitalfields , that the linen trade in Ireland was introduced from Flanders . And seeing that foreigners had formerly been bo capable of inventing , were they to be told that they had since so far retrogaded that we alone are now capable of manufacturing ? Or did they suppose that nothing but our Corn Laws would ever have caused them again to exercise their ingenuity—particularly in the case of Germany which , Dr . Bowring , says , may boast of peculiar advantages for causing on manttfLcturea , —In cheapness of fuel , in tbe abundance ot metals , and superiority In working them , in th * superiority of the natives in design , he . His evidence also stated that
the repeal of the Corn Laws wonld not prevent the Germans from manufacturing . Mr . West next proceeded to examine the condition of the labourers in those countries -where corn is cheap , as deduced from the evidence of Dr . Bowring and others . In one part it appeared that the wages were from 4 s . ( id . to 6 s . a week ; in another , tbe wages were from 2 s te 2 a . 4 da week ; tbe workman lived on potatoes , and stole timber from tbe woods for fuel , or else they would be starved . Yet the workmen of this country were to be compelled to compete with men in such a condition , in order to gratify the avaricious disposition of the manufacturers . What they wanted was universal suffrage ; and they would not waste their energies on tbisorotchet of the Corn Laws . Mr . West conoluded by proposing the following amendment : —
" That whilst this meeting deeply lamants and sympathises with the distressed condition of the working classes of this country , yet we believe that the causes which have produced it were in existence before the enactment of the Com Laws , and that therefore a repeal would not remove them ; but that the prolific source of the social and political evils of the people is class legislation , and that in the opinion of this meeting , the only way to remove the direful effects of such legislation is to give to erery male adult of sane mind and unstained by crime , the power of making the laws which he is compelled to obey . " Mr . James Lowe seconded the amendment It was arranged that tbe amendment should first be put affirmatively and negatively , and then the original resolution in the same way . No decision wbs given by the Mayor on the shew of hands for and against the amendment After tbe resolution had been put , the Mayor declared that it had been negatived—an opinion from which we did sot hear of one dissentient , the majority against the resolution being evidently very great Mr . Timothy Falvev said the result was tbe consequence of a most unholy alliance . [ This was intended to convey an insinuation that the Conservatives had committed themselves to tbe Chartist doctrines contained in the amendment , which hewever was not the fact ] A vote of thanks to the Mayor , for his impartial conduct in the chair , having been passed unanimously , the meeting separated ; having lasted near five hours . Some of the anti-Corn Law party , we were told , collared West on his leaving the platform , and one of tbe parties accused of doing so was assailed with a tremendous stot in of hissing and groaning , which , however , led to no further disturbance .
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From Ih * London Gazette of Friday , June 5 . William Birch Price and John Edwards , bankers , Shrewsbury , to surrender , June 23 and July 16 , at ten , at the Shirehall , Shrewsbury . Attorneys : Dean , Essexstreet , Strand , London ; Longueville and Williams , Oswestry . William Seller Guest , tanner , Chester , June 14 , and July 16 , at two , at the Green Dragon Inn , Cheater . Attorney : Bowers , Chester . James Mackie , tailor , Liverpool , June 12 , and July 16 , at twelve , and the Clarendon Booms , Liverpool . Attorneys : Adlington , Gregory , Faulkner , and Follett , Bedford-row , London ; Frodsham . , Liverpool . Thomas Smith , grocer , Newcastle-upon-Tyne , July 2 , at eleven , and July 16 , at two , at the Bankrupt Commission Room , Newcastle-upon-Tyne . Attorneys : Blake and Tamplin , King ^ sroad , Bsdford-row , London j Inj ? ledew , Newcastle-upon-Tyne .
John Marshall , iron master , Bescott-halJ , Wednesbury , Staffordshire , June 15 , and July 16 , at one , attUe Clarendon Rooms , Liverpool . Attorneys : Lowndes , Robinson , and Bateson , Liverpool ; Taylor , Sharpe , Field , and Jackson , Bedford-row , London . John Amory Boden , razor manufacturer , Sheffield , June 12 , and July 16 , at twelve , at the Town Hall , Sheffield . Attorneys : Tattersall , Great James-street , Bedford-row , London ; Palfreyman , Sheffield .
DISSOLUTIONS OP PARTNERSHIP . J Bebbirrgton and W . Krauss , size makers , Manchester . P . J . Papillon and B . Hainsworth , wine merchants , Leeds . V . Chaloner and J . C . Catton , provision merchants , Liverpool . C Grimshaw , A . FitzHugh , and W . H . FitzHugh , merchants , Liverpool . E . Dixon and D . Ridgway , pill-box makers , Newton-heath , Lancashire . J . Tankard and J . Atkinson , woolstaplers , Bradford , Yorkshire .
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From ih * Gazette of Tuesday , June 8 . BANKRUPTS . Emile MoriniereDemaiseand Henry ' Thomas Wooler , merchants , Bucklersbury , to surrender June 22 , at twelve , and July 20 , at one , at the Court of Bankruptcy . Attorney -. Turner and Heuanian , Basing-lane , City . George Evans , draper , Llanboidy , Carmarthenshire , June 28 , and July 20 , at eleven , at the Ivy Bush Hotel , Carmarthen . Attorneys : Holcombe , Chancery-lane , London ; Gwynne , Tenby , Pembrokeshire . Augustus William Hillary , iron founder , Cumberland , June 22 , and July 20 , at eleven , at the Senhouse Arms Inn , Maryport Attorneys : Armstrong , Staple Inn , London ; Benson , Co ^ kermouth .
William Davenport , cabinet-maker , Ashby-de-la-Z ; mch , Leicestershire , June 18 , and July 20 , at twelve , at the King ' s Head Hotel , Louijhborough , Leicestershire . Attorneys : Fisher and Sherwin , or Dewes , Ashby-de-la-Zouch ; Austen and Hubson , Raymond-buildings , Gray's Inn , London . John Tayler , grecer , Carmarthen , June 28 , and July 20 , at ten , at the Ivy Bush , Carmaxttien . Attorney : Poule and Gamlin , Gray ' s Inn-square , London ; Livetts Bristol . Henry Barber Elwell , japanner , Wolverhampton , Staffordshire , June 21 , at Un , and July 20 , at eltven , at the Swan Hotel , Wolverhampton . Attorneys : Capes and Stuait , Field-court , Gr ay ' Inn , London ; Robinson , Wolverhampton . William Munton , miller , Greatford , Lincolnshire ^ June 17 , and July 20 , at twelve , at Standwell ' s Hotel , Stamford . Attorneys : Thomson and Son , Stamford ; Clowes and Wedlake , King's Bench-walk , London .
Joseph Miller , cabinet-maker , Clifton , Bristol , June 15 , at half-past twelve , and July 20 , at twelve , at the Court of Bankruptcy . Belcher , official assignee . Attorney : Bull , Ely-place , Holborn .
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2 THE NORTHERN STAR . ,: . ; ' ,- ¦ .. . " ¦ ¦ ¦ . -. ;¦ . ¦ , . ; .- . ¦ ¦ ' ^
On Saturday, June 19,1841, Will Be Published, No. 1 Of Rfhe National Vindicator , And I- Liberator Of The West And
On Saturday , June 19 , 1841 , will be Published , No . 1 of rfHE NATIONAL VINDICATOR , AND i- LIBERATOR OF THE WEST AND
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), June 12, 1841, page 2, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct383/page/2/
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