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THE NORTHERN STAR. SATURDAY, JULY 24, 1841.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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JULIAN HARNET TO THE DEMOCRATS OF THE WEST BIDING . Mt Fbiehds , —HaTing been granted , by your deletes , kore of absence for a abort period from my duties as lecturer for yonr district , I wish to inform yon bow I ba-re spent my time . I lsft DewsbBry on July 71 b , tor Laedi , from there treat by railway to York . I paid ft * isifc to Mr . O'Connor on my mini , and the same erening addressed an excellent meeting in the Caartist Association Boom , which was densely crowded , great numbers being enable to get admission .
Thursday , 8 th . —Again Tuited Mr . O'Connor . Upon the occasion of each visit a person Bat by the whole time , listening to the conyersation . The Goveraox of the Castle , Mr . Noble , appears to be an excellent man . Oar glorious friend , O Connor , I found in mneh better health than he prerioesly had beea , and in excellent spirits , foil of hope that the rietory of Chartism otct class legislation is destined to be at no distant day . The sune « ay went by railway to Darlington , then took coach to Newcestle , teaching that town at ten o ' clock at night Friday , 9 th . —Went by railway to Carlisle . Saturday , 10 th . —Addressed a meeting of my old friends at Dalstor .
Monday , 12 . —Addressed a good meeting of the Car-H&Ie Chutists . I wish to direct the attention of my friends to an address from the Carlisle Chartists in the last cumber of the Star , the lires of the two unfortunate men are in jeopardy , and may be sacrificed unless they have tb * t legal defence which justice demands , but which is denied to those enable to pile gold upon the altar . Men of the West Riding ! remember ye , that whenerer an appeal has been made to the ' country for pecuniary assistance in behalf sf the WeUh victims or the persecuted patriots ; remember ye ! that the men of Carlisle have been the first to respond to that appal ; let , then , the country niaie some return . Be it not forgotten that life is at stake , and oh ! let it not be said that the liTes of our brethren were sacriiced to the Tengrsnee of oppression ' s mercenaries through the jrant of a few pound * .
Tuesday , ISth . — "Went by railway to Winlaton , where , that evening , I addressed a large gathering of my old friends , by whom I was heartily received , Wednesday , 14 th . —Returned to Newcastle . A meeting had been cailed to take place in the Association room , capable of holding eoine hundreds . By eight o ' clock , it was crowded to suffocation , and some hundreds being unable to obtain admission , an adjournment to the open-air took place , where a large and enthusiastic gathering was held . A letter from Mr . OConnsr was read bj the Chairman , and elicited sbouts of applanse . A resolution , proposed by Mr . O'Cxaator , was seconded by Mr . Mason , in a spirit-stirring speech . I followed , spe&king for nearly two hours . It was nearly eleven o ' clock at the conclusion of the proceedings .
Thursday ¦ 15 th . —Addressed a glorious gathering or tbe men Of South . Shields , in the Market-place of that town . I regret to bare te say , that I found no Associ ation here , but , at the close of the meeting , a number of the old leaders accompanied me to my lodgings , and there made arrangements for the calling of a public meeting , en an early day , to form an Association . Let Ciis be 4 one , and let the leaders work with spirit , and no fear but that " . the days of old" will be speedily restored , when South Shields ranked in the ran ef the ranks of Chartism .
Friday . 16 th . —Addressed a splendid , OTerflowing and most enthusiastic audience in the Arcade Kocm , Snnderiand . Messrs . Wiliiajns and Binns were on tie platform ; the former did me the honour of introducing me to bis compatriots , the men of Snnderland—the latter proposed the thanks of the assembly to your humble servant This was by far the mest enthusiastic meeting I hare addressed , and tells well for the almost superhuman exertions in the democratic cause of those talented patriots , Williams and Binns ; to them we owe the present glorious state of Chartism in Suncerland . Long , long may they in health and ¦ tifcngth continue to enjoy the esteem and affection of their townsmen—esteem they have so nobly won—affection they so nobly deserve .
Saturday , 17 th . —Left Sunderlasd lor Stockton-n Tees , where , that eTening I addressed a large open-airmeeting , in the High-street . Tae Stockton Chartists are an excellent body of patriots , they have a good reading room , a co-operative store , and are found ever ready to play their part When any appeal by the Chartist leaders is made to tfee country ; jet strange to ay , Stockton is but very seldom visited by Chartist lecturers : this is much regretted by the local leaders . I would earnestly request any of my brother " demagognea" who may be going from York to Sunderland and Newcastle , or from either of the litter places to the former , to psy Stockton a visit ; they will find excellent accommodation for an open-air meeting , and will there meet with a people generous and hospitable , a&d sternly - patriotic ia liberty ' s caw * , Monday , 19 th . —Returned to York .
Tuesday , 20 tL—Again had the pleasure of an inter-Tiew with Mr . O'Connor . How is it , let me ask , that jny fair friends , the good wives and bonnie l asses of Oldham , forgot to send me ias promised ; their address to Mr . O'Connor ? Let them make amends for their . neglect , by at once going to work in preparing for the patriot's reception on his liberation . Oldham , the only place in Britain that returns to Parliament txca rea Badical Members , must—will ( to O'Connor and the came ) do its duty . The same evening addressed a second excellent meeting of the Chartists of York .
Men of tts West-Riding ! 1 am happy that I can congratulate yoa on ths triumphant progress of Ccartvsm in t ] ii « city , hitherto the fortress of aristocratical despotism and priestly ignorance ; but now ( thanks to the persecution of O'Connor ] destined , I verily believe , to be , at so remote period , one of the strongholds of democracy . I shall this day return to DewEbury , and on Monday next shall recommence my lectures in the Riding . Brother democrats , I reserve till we meet , face to face , comment upon the late downfall of Vfhiggery in your Riding , as also any advice 1 may haTe to tender as to the future course your own interests command yon to pursue . In the meantime , I cannot but congratuliUyou that
The flag that's tainted ten long years The once free English breezjtte filthy yellow rag , is st length hsuled d « wn ; and although in its stead , for a moment , the Tory blue flies aloft , yet union and energy , my friends , and no fear bnt thai the glorious banner of green will yet—aye , and speedily , too—float triumphant on the breeze , proclaiming the Liberation of ourselves , and the enfranchisement of cur father-land . Yours , fraternally and faithfully , George Julias Habjey . York , Wednesday , JuTy 21 st , 1841 .
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_ - _ . * .. « TSOK OP * LOKVOS CWHEESMJfDBWI . n ± * £ t '•^^ Tt ^ Tviyja | Wednesday Eoct&ng , July 21 st 5 The Pathos of rain , St . Swithin , is this year establishing his fame ; for the weather we are experiencing is much more of a November than a July character ; rain , cold , and bleak winds prev&il , which have enabled the forest&Uers of the Mark Lane Com Exchange to ruse the cry of a "bad harvest , " and caused a rise of Id . in the 41 b . loaf . The gamblers in . the tea trade have likewise made a shout of " short supply , " so as to produce a forced market at an increased price . This state of things is sure to be felt severely by the men of London , as the mechanics are now feeling , most acutely , the effects of short work .
The want of confidence is fast and far extending ; indeed there are no grounds of hope ; for , instead of any alleviation from the present heavy burdens cf the Staie , poor John Ball is very likely to have other charges heaped upon him . Thus we have the Governor General of the Canadas , in his address to the Chambers , stating that , in consequence of the heavy weight of the interest of the debt , ( the Canadian debt ) , her Majesty ' s Ministers are about advancing £ 160 , 000 to the Canadian Treasury , from the empty Treasury of Great Britain ! The plain fact being , they dare not let the real expence of the war against the patriots be known , and therefore a pretty jnggle is to be played off . The Whkjs had , on Monday last , a feed at the Colosseum , in the borough of Marylebone . The din
ner was cold , at 4 s . $ d . per head , and the speakers were remarkably t&me indeed . The Chairman had it nearly all to himself , he haviDg to propose the first fonr toasts ; and having ¦ succeeded , during their proposal , in sending the company a nodding , he obligingly allowed some other gents to follow , amongwhom were the two Members for the borough , Sit B . Hall and Commodore Napier , and Col . Fox , Dr . BowriDg , and Col . Erans , who were visitors . The Commodore decided the Whigs must go a-head ; and Col . Fox said there must be a further impetus given to Reform . As for Dr . Bowring , he was so dull , that your correspondent fancied that Col . Sibthorp had carried his motion relative to the nonallowance of " extra services . " The only enlivening period wa 3 , when the dinner party broke up , and the ball commenced .
The Lokdon Members are mo 3 t particularly requested to let tic London correspondent have the information whep , and where , they meet ; and again , that the secretaries will send to him , at either Mr . Cieave ' s , or at ] o , Little Clarendon-itreet , Somer ' s Town , the resolutions which may be passed in any of the localities , for though willing to attend on all , he finds there arc three or fonr -which meet on the same evening . He likewise asks that when anything of importance is about taking place in any locality , he may be informed of it , 60 that all may bo fairly dealt with , and no grumbling ; it is clear , that unless he has notice , he cannot know of what is going on .
The Northern Star. Saturday, July 24, 1841.
THE NORTHERN STAR . SATURDAY , JULY 24 , 1841 .
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" The Chartists have proved themselves mohe accurate calculators tiiam the middle classes . Whether their ko ? tbuh would have mended mattees is not kow the question ' , but the result has shews that they were correct ik their opinion—that in the preeekt state of the b . epb . eskxtatiox , it was v . vis to thijck . op a repeal op the corx monopolt . *????*• Political power is this country , though it resides is a comparatively small class , can oxlt be exercised by the eutfera > ce of the masses . "Morning Chronicle ( organ of the Whig Ministers ) . Friday , July \ % ih , 1841 .
THE PRESS AND THE CRISIS . As yet the chaotic rubbish of the press afforda the only materials from which we -can form any notion of the new political temple about to be erected ; and so misshapen , rude , and unmanageable are they , that it would require an architect of no ordinary capacity to guesB at the description of political architecture for which they are designed . Whether it is to be of the pure and chaste Tory style , with smooth front , stately and colossal pillars , and royal dome , or whether it ia to be of the new order of Whig-Tory architecture , with Gothic front , corridor , and wing 3 , yet remains to be proved .
One thing , and only one , appears plain ; and that is , judging from the stand which the Ministerial organs appear resolved to take upon prerogative , the Whigs , as a party , have not , as yet , had sufficient proof of the utter hopelessness of any attempt to regain power upon their olden principles . This madness vro may perhaps ascribe to the yet unbalanced state of parties , and a desire to soften or retard Tory craving for the mess . Of this policy we thought our friends had had enough , without publishing a second edition of their folly .
Lest however there may be aiiy , the slightest , insention of a coalition of the heads of factions " in order to give stability to our drooping trade , so essentially necessary just now , " let us point out the obstacles to such an alliance . In the first place then , we have before shown that patronage , to suit the expectations of the many sections of Conservatism of which the Tory party is composed , is far too scanty to admit of the remission of a single abuse which would diminish the " idle paupers' Poor Law fund . " Without the introduction of Rcssell , Palkehstok . and Macaulay
to the Tory firm , to say nothing of Hobhousb , Basin g , Labouchere , and the small fry , there could ba no partnership ; and we guess that the terms , ( fiscal , net political , ) required by those three patriotic Senators , would be such as to reduce the mess yery much below par . But suppose sach a union did take place , what , in such case , is to become of the young Tories who would be thereby deprived of their share of the mess ? and what would become of the constitutional Whigs when deprived of their patriotic , philosophic , constitutional leaders ? and whatavould become of Dan and his t&me associates !
of WIklet , Duscombe , Leader , Wabburton , Bowsing , Roebuck , and Crawford ? And again , what wonld become of Chaeizs Buixeb , Geobge Henry . Ward , and that small section 1 in Ehort what would become of one and all of the hardpressers and close-watchers for Whig windfalU t What , we ask , would become of the cut-off Whigs and Tories in case of a coalition \ The answer is plain and easy : —they would put Chartism to the blush by glaring exposure of its insufficiency to attain the just and righteous ends of justice ; and they would start Republicanism on their own
account . Already have the leading organs of the respective parties , tte Cftronict * and the Times , taken their ground ; and where doe 3 the reader suppose i Aye in troth , where , in the nineteenth century , and in the tenth year of Reform and the thirteenth of emancipation ! Why , upon old Mother Bang ! Yes , in faith , the bloody old Times , not satisfied with the many murders and calamities of which its
pestilential columns has been the immediate cause , has the folly and audacity to threaten full-blown popular power with the revival of the religious rancour of resuscitated Toryism and bigotted Protestantismand this charge , the Chronicle , ( which we are in justice bound to say has for the first time the best of the argument with it 3 gigantic rival , )—merely meets by a set-off of what in such and such cases , it would be justifiable for the oppressed to do .
The 7 tm « insist 3 upon the appointment of holy Protestant spies , whose Christian duty shall be to attend all Catholic places of worskip and report , we presume , ( if summary Tory justice is to be dealt ) to the next Protestant chief coosiable , who shill be a competent judge &s to the tendency of the language complained of , and shall , upon , the Spot hold a court of oyer and termvner ; and after evidence taken , that is , after having heard the lies of some hired ruffian , he shall forthwith decide upon the amount of pains and penalties to which the priest who uttera politics in his chapel &hall be subjected , and that thereupon * he , the said constable , shall forthwith proc » ed to execute his own decree upon the said priest .
Now , just a word in the ear cf old " Bloody . " Does the old lady not remember the reply of the cab-man to his passenger , when the passenger threatened to take his number ! " Aye , " replied the cab-man , " You would , and my cab too , if I'd let you . " . We hare no doubt that the protestant chief constable would take the priest and the caapsl too , if the paxkhionets would let him . This infernal and bloody threat of the old lady , the Chronicle , meets thus : —* Well , in such [ case ,
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would it no 4 be justifiable to analize and report upoa the tendency of the visitation sermons of Bishop Philpotts , and of protestant pulpit demagogues , and to deal out like punishment to them ?" Why , what nonsense ! To be sore it would be equally just and reasonable ; but then to whom are the parties aggrieved to appeal ! there ' s the rub 1 The Tories are in and the Whigs are out . As we are the real constitutionalists , and as we love precedent , as others do , when it makes for as , let as just direct the attention of the Chronicle to a ease in point . The grievance now threatened
by the Times , and complained of by the Chronicle , is doubtless a great one , and one which with all our might we will resist . Bat are we not justified in asking the leading journal of our oppressors , why it was silent when ex-njficio Poor Law Guardians > with the title of magistrates ; when petty constables and penny-a-line reporters ; when Lord Mayors and minions of the faction in power , were made judges of what was evil and what had an evil tendency , in the harangues of poor working men not having . equal education with Bishop
Philpotts , and having much more cause of com * plaint ! Why , we ask , were poor working men subjected to that inquisitorial scrutiny and legal construction of guilt according to the law ' s whim , of which , in the case as laid down by the Times , the Chronicle now sees so much injustice 1 Why were policemen , and ignorant jurors , and old women , allowed to be good and sufficient judges of what constituted just cause of alarm and apprehension of violence , in the case of poor working men , when the politics taught at their places of meeting did not square with Whig convenience !
There is nothing like proper light for setting off the merits of a picture , and no doubt the change from the glaring sun , which throwB its dazzling and unequal rays upon the right of the Speaker ' s chair , to the steady light which beams upon the left , has exposed to the critic all those inaccuracies which blazing Whiggery so long obscured 1 In fact , the great change which change of place and scenery works in the human mind is almost incredible .
In conclusion , we beg to assure oar Mend , the Chronicle , ih&t it must Eelect some more open ground than the narrow limits of the Church whereoa to fight the approaching battle . We have more than once sta ' ed , and we now repeat it , that with perfect religious freedom , civil disabilities , and great social inequalities may exist ; whereas the existence of religious tyranny is incompatible with the existence of perfect civil liberty . We have now seen that a people deprived of all the privileges of freemen will net struggle with the favonred privileged oppressor for the accomplishment of his Belf-intereBted objects . Civil liberty is a means ; religious freedom is a end .
The English people are , for the most part , Protestant ; and they repudiate the present ascendancy of their religious order : while , upon the other hand , the Catholic people of Ireland are beginning to discover that without civil rights all religious disabilities removed are but so many manacles taken from tbe wealthy leaders and placed upon the poor man ' s limbs . The Chronicle may rest assured that the shrewd , the oppressed , and oft deceived people will never again Eimggle for any object until they first acquire the means of effecting it , and of afterwards enjoying it . Proof , full , ample , and
convincing proof , has been given that the Whigs are not able to carry even their enticing modicum of " Great Reforms , " constituted as the House of Commons is . We are for every change , the justice of which the Chronicle admits ; yea , for all the " GaEAT Cohuebciaz . Reforms , " free trade and ali ; but we are not for allowing the power of exciting the public mind upon them as a mere means of perpetuating office to remain in the hands of those who have not strength to carry them , even if inclined . Give the people the means , and just and prudent results will follow ; therefore for tbe Charter , and that alone , will they contend .
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THE WHIGS AND THE POOR LAW . All the old fashions are about being revived , and among others , we find the Whigs abandoning the gallopade , waltz , and , quadrille , for the Old COlintry dance . Doubtless the figure BuitB them : down the middle and back , change sides , set and turn jour partner , is all the go . Well , well , to be sure , what a world we live in ! !!
It is now some time since we told our old story abeut the fine lady who was compelled to seek shelter from the pelting storm in the cold and cheerless widow ' s hovel , where system-made wretchedness and nakedness trembled in the corner . We have told how the lady felt for the perishing inmates while she made one of the shivering group ; and how she condoled with the widow , and how she ordered Joh . n , her footman , to be sure to bring a goodly supply of coals to cheer the inmates and
make the cottage hearth send forth its heat ; and how , when she got home , and thrust her feet into a pair of morroco slippers well furred inside , and placed them upon the fender , with the last number of the Ladies' Magasine in her band , Bhe rung the bell and asked John if he had sent the coals to the poor widow ; and when John answered " No , my Lady , not yet , but I am just going , " how the fine lady said , " O , yon seed not mind it now , John ; I don ' t think it is near so cold as it was , when we WERE DJ THE POOR WIDOW ' S HOUSE 1 "
As we never relate an anecdote without some point , w « have told the above for the purpose of contrasting the feelings of the fine lady while a participator in Buffering , asd her subsequent relapse into ossification of the heart when relieved herself , with the feelingB of the scribes of the Whig press in general , and of George Henry Ward ia particular , when similarly situated . When the Hon . Member for Sheffield , upon passing by all the Government offices on his way from his cock-loft in the Strand to the Senate-House of the nation , was regaled by the savoury smell which issued from the
stew-pan of the Ministerial kitchen , we never heard one word in condemnation of what the cooks term " gravy stock . " We never heard that the sauce which smelt so savoury was wholly and entirely constituted of the poor man ' s marrow , of little fingers , twisted limbs , broken constitutions , and , in short , of a hodge-podge of human suffering . No ; not a word of oomplaint while " the fat Buck of Sheffield" licked his lips ia anticipation of the feast . O , then " the Poor Law was all right and proper ; " it was ** the industrious labourer ' s protection against the idler , who pressed too hardly upon hi 3
means of subsistence , " But now , alas ! when " mine host" is about to be changed , the close weather and the close grasp of power in Tory hands , makes well flavoured dishes and savoury sauce to stink in the nostrils of the humanity-monger ; and while sworn testimony and daily instances of brutality and cruelty failed to open the bowels of Mr . Ward to the sufferings of his fellow man , so long as they promised to conBtitnte his ( Mr . Ward ' s ) comforts ; the moment that be ceases to be an invited guest , the authority of a correspondent is proof convincing that the law U bad , and should be narrowly
watched . No doubt our readers were struck at seeing an article copied from the Weekly Chronicle in last week ' s Star , reflecting upon the hardship of taking their stays fr « m the female inmates of " the Chesterfield Union . " We quite agree in every word of the said article ; but has it never been the lot of Mr . Ward , while on
the threshold of office , for seven long years , to hare arrived at the knowledge of any greater , grievances under the New Poor Law ? Has he never heard of the skin being taken from the back of many a little girl and many a little boy ? Ha 3 he never heard of the father , in a momeut of freniy , when driven to want by Mr . Wa&D and his class , depriving his children whomhe tenderly loved of existence itself . lest they should become inmates of the said workhouses ?
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Has he never heard of the English virtuous mother giving birth to her infant in a pool of water , at the workhouse door , and of her labour-moaas failing to soften the heart of the devil overseer ! If he has heard of those things , why ia it that we have never till now heard a single word of condemnation of the Poor Law from the said humanity-monger !!!! We have always said that the opposition of a few Tories to the measure was a sprat to catch a mackerel—a bait for popularity ; and having been rather successfully tried for a season , we now see strong symptoms of a similar attempt being made by a section of the-displaced Whig popularityrhuntera . Yes , W 6 see the parties about to change sides ! and the Whigs
are abont to occupy the position now abandoned , because no longer of importance to the Times and its party . From the Times yte shall hear no more wholesale abuse of the Poor Law : its opposition will dwindle down into an exhortation to the new possessors of power to " make the law , which they found upon the Statute Book , as congenial as possible to the wants and feelings of the poor" —that is , in other words , as congenial as is consistent with the feelings and wants of the landlords . Upon the other hand , wo feel convinced that a new light will shine upon a section of the Whig ?; and that they will taunt the Tories with ^ not accomplishing that change , the promise of which , as they are foolish enough to suppose , has acquired for them much of their acquired strength .
Neither Whigs nor Tories ever intended to make any further or greater alterations in the law than the force of public opinion and a dread of public vengeance compelled them to adopt : therefore , we would recommend tbe Whigs to bundle up that claptrap with the rest of their traps , before flitting ; for they may rest assured that no eucb . fly will catch a Charti ? t fish . The Whigs and the Tories may play the game of diamond cut diamond ; they may dress abuse for the stage , and opinions for the
masquerade as they please ; but Chartism , like loveliness , most adorned when unadorned , shall still appear ia artless simplicity as the great means to the great end , which is , the regeneration of man , —the placing him in that situation for which his God intended him , and making him a welcome guest at Nature ' s board , covered with the produce of his own hands . This abuse , as well as Church abuse , the Charter would remove ; nothing else can ; and therefore are we for the Charter .
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THE REACTION . The great error into which both Whigs and Tories are now likely to fall , is into a supposition that the unexpected majority of Tories bespeaks a corresponding reaction in the public mind in favour of Tory principles . Such , however , is not the case ; the fact denotes a- great reaction in faVOUf Of Chartism . The Tories have gained a triumph which must prove their ruin ; while the Chartists have gained a great victory over the enemy immediately before them and in power . Our assertion is susceptible of easy proof .
Suppose then , that the Whigs had even gone on progressively with administrative changes calculated to make the condition of the people more comfortable , while they allowed them the unopposed constitutional privilege of seeking for those groat and organic changes to which they look for complete and ultimate happiness : in such case would the Tories , upon a general election have been able to gain such a triumph over their opponents ! Undoubtedly , not . Upon the Other hand , do the people in their most
sanguine moments expect from the Tories any of those administrative changes to which we refer ; or do they anticipate an unopposed license to prosecute their just demand for organio change " ad interim " ? As undoubtedly not . Therefore popular expectation to receive from the Tories more than has been granted by the Whigs , cannot be set down as an item in the reaction account ; while desertion from the Whigs may be attributed to the non-performance of their several promises when at the right side of the hedge , and looking for power .
It is of all things necessary that the rulers of a great country should clearly and critically understand the terms upon which they hold power , and the incidents or chances to which their tenure is attributable . In our endeavour faithfully to discharge our duty to those rulers then , we beg to assure them that there has been no reaction in favour of Tory mon or Tory measures ; that their majority is proof of Whig imbecility and popular hatred of treachery , but not of any diminution of Tory hatred .
The party squabbles of electors , the superior tactics of leaders , the greater attention to the registration of voters , and unceasing appeals to all who had votes to register , backed by a fair share of the needful , brought into action with consummate skill ; these things proved that the Tory machinery for electioneering purposes is more complete , better arranged and worked , than the Whig machinery ; but , beyond that , their present position proves nothing .
Suppose we were to ask , what one principle the majority proves the triumph of , where are we to find the answer ? Is it in the accomplishment of those measures of which the Tories , as a party , have professed themselves determined supporters ? and are the people in favour of any one of those measures ? No , not one . Let us try . War , a favourite Tory game . Protestant Ascendancy , and extension of Church patronage and proseljtism , a vital portion of the Tory creed . Augmentation of the power of the landlords' interest , the best feather ia the Tory cap .
A kind of natural distaste for popular interference in anything but slavery and serfdom , to which the Tories consider working men as heirs . Advocates for a larger standing army and police foroe , as the great upholders and safeguard of Tory principles . <> Now such are some of the darling objects of Toryism ; and to which of these are the people inclined , and in favour of which has the reaction , to loudly boasted of , taken place I
We imagine that the Times would find some difficulty in treating its readers to a plain common sense answer to our questions ; however if the great magician of the press can still dress fiction in the language of gullibility , and persuade his audience that the man is in the bottle while he is in bed , and if tbe audience are not only reconciled to the joggle , but pay daily for seeing it repeated in a new and improved form , well and good : but we beg to assure the juggler that some fine day the bottle will tumble and crack , and mortal and ferocious will be the disappointment of the well-gulled audience when the man fails to jump out !
Now , then , reaction may be a triumph in politics , just as a verdict given against law and evidence may be a triumph in law ; but as one can be destroyed by a new trial , and by a new jury , so maythe other . Having beaten the Whigs , thereby provingour hatred of treachery and deceit , we now bnt require a new trial to prove that reaction is a mere political fiction , paraded for the purpose of inducing the beaten party to hold their weakness in contempt and the strength of their enemies in respect .
Unless the Times and the Tories can prove that a greater number of the unrepresented classes are in favour of Tory principles in 1841 than in 1837 , they prove nothing , except indeed , as is not unlikely they still adhere to the philosophyof believing the electoral body to constitute the people , and the unrepresented to be mere filling stuff . Well , then , what has caused the great change denoted by the result of the recent contest 1 "Why just this . The action of a few score English landlords , both Whig and Tory , and the counteraction of a few Irish assessors , both Whig audToiy , who preferred erring with the nigh bench to which they look for countenance patronage and support , to a conformity with the spirit of law by the mystification and perplexity of which they live and thrive .
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The reaction , then , amounts to action and counteraotion ; and if the result was bnt the removal from office , and for eter , of the head-long , tail-foremost , Whig Government , we should say , " well done thou bad and faithless aotion and counteraction !" We trust that the fleshed ruffians , hallood on by their "killing huntsman , " will not presnme upon re-action , and ase it as a temptation to uphold prerogative by force , upon the presumption thai the people are with them .
We advised tho Government not to choke Frost , Williams , and Jones , for more reasons than a desire to spare tho lives of good and innocent men . We feared that from their ashes wonld rise a huge pile of disaster , which we shuddered to think upon ; and we now tell the Tories that a econd Peterloo will not do . We tell them , indeed we have given them ocular demonstration from almost every hustings , that we are united to a man ; and we assure them that we will not bear from them what we but reluctantly submitted to from the Whigs . In short , and in plain terms , we will resist tyranny to the death , in whatever shape it may present its hideous form .
In doing our duty , however , we will make the grand distinction between men and principles . We will not oppose Toryism at any risk or hazard , for the mere purpose of giving the fallen Whigs a triumph . We know full well that they wonld glory in an experiment of popular outbreak , provided that their recall to office was to be the result . We feel assured , however , that henceforth every struggle of the people will be for themselves , and not for faction . We are quite ready to forgive and forget , provided we get the means of preventing a recurrence of those acts which required forgiveness and oblivion * So much for reaction in favour of Toryism I
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—^^ - THE BALLOT AND THE ELECTORS . If the Tories boast of reaction in favour of their principles , the Whigs , resolved upon some sort of setoff as a counterpoise to defeat , begin with their little go , and they too speak of another reaction . They tall us that there is now a great reaction in favour of the ballot . Poor simpletons ( Surely if we are justified in chastising the Tories for their audacity in presuming that even a reaction in their
favour , if it did take place , and was confined to the change of electoral impressions ( for as to opinions , one half of the boobies have none ) would be an equitable title to rule the unrepresented classes according to the principles supposed to be most popular by the result of that reaction , we are more than justified in condemning the Whigs for their presumption in supposing that the success of a purely elector ' s question will satisfy the said unrepresented people .
By the way , we are in error , and hasten to Correct it . The ballot is not merely an elector ' s questionit is a vital , a most vital , question for the non-electors , as we have more than once explained . But let us throw some new light into the ballot-box—the rat-trap , as Mr . O'Connor appropriately termed it . What , then , is tho result which the Whigs hope for from the ballot 1 Liberal measures ! No ; because when their majorities were greatest , and procured by open voting , their measures were most dark , foul , and illiberal . Liberal measuresi No , decidedly not—that is , not such measures as the people would ask for , or accept of , without the trouble of forcing the ballot as a means of their accomplishment .
As to the purity of election anticipated , or rather said to be anticipated , from the Ballot , it very much reminds us of the philosopher ' s stone . The Tories only complain of bribery when their man is out-bid ; and with the Whigs the case is precisely similar . Let us have the sword and then wo will look for the scabbard to keep it bright and clean , and free from rust ; but without the sword ; no scabbard , and without the vote , no Ballot .
The Whigs have told us all they would do ; and their liberality , we are told , has ^ destroyed their existence as a Government ; what more then are we to expect } Would not any extra liberality , even with the Ballot , act progressively towards their utter annihilation as a party ? What then is the Ballot for ? Why , as a matt « r of course , an experiment—a bait to fish for Whig supremacy once more , and to repeat in the dark those foul deeds which they blushed not to perpetrate in open day . Such must be the meaning of the Ballot , or like many other political bubbles , it means an agitating hobby-horse , which hitherto has invariably had its head where its tail ought to be .
One thing is quite clear , that the very last aot of a privileged community would be to open the door of their snuggery and admit a large influx of competitive power . Another thing is quite certain , that with the ballot the people would lose a * ll controul over the votes of their trustees . Another thing is quite certain , that by the new jury law qualified persons alone can serve upon juries ; and those very jurors have been the most blood-thirsty , wicked , pevjured monsters that ever breathed , when a Chartist stood in the dock , whose crime was an attempt to procure peaceably
for himself the same privilege by which those very persons were empowered to decide upon all questions affeoting his life , his liberty , and bis property . Another thing is qaite certain , that the present House could not carry the ballot any more than a repeal of the Corn Laws ; and therefore we should be battling for mere moonshine . Another thing is also certain , that without the non-electors the electors cannot put on the mask ; and the poople , so far from helping them , would upset every meeting called for
placing the enemy in ambush , and would petition against » o unconstitutional , unjust , and unfair a measure as the ballot . Let us get the vote first , and then we can soon decide the question of the ballot . Give us the soup and we will soon get the ladle . Offering the ballot to a starving people is not less insulting than offering " a loan of your gridiron " to a man who asks you for a mutton chop ; and as a gridiron ^ without the chop would be cold pioking , so the ballot-box without a vote to put into it would be but cold comfort for the non-elector .
Then as to the means of carrying the question . How very whimsical—how very foolish , unjust , and childish , that the electoral body should apply for aid to the non-electors , whose interference they loudly protest against ! and is it not strange that the very men who make the people miserable and wretched , and who oppose every measure for whioh they think proper to agitate , should presumptuously corneas suitors to the same people for a mask to hide their deeds I Is it not Btrange that tho Chartists seek the acquirement of six points , five whereof have been aforetime component parts of the constitution , while the constitutional Whig 3 offer them one of the six , and the only one which never was a part of the said constitution \
Again , we repeat what we have more than once stated . The Ballot , with the present Suffrage , would be an unjust protection for the trustee against a general right of scrutiny as to the use made of the said trust ; whereas the Ballot with Universal Suffrage , would be a general protection against any unjust individual interference with the disposal of a defined right , and which every man would be justified in using as he pleased .
The reaction in favour of the Ballot , we imagine , is confined to some wealthy Whig masters , bankers , traders , and manufacturers , who anticipate a rtady sale of Tory voters in convenient lots . It is quite a borough question ; and in boroughs , so far from lessening influence , or destroying intimidation , it would increase both the one and the other .
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THE FACTIONS AND HOUSEHOLD SUFFRAGE . . Ou& readers will observe that we have this week endeayomed to class men , and parties , and measures , with a view of developing the immediate interests which those parties respectively have in the accomplishment of certain objects , by means of certain
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measures . In our course of procedure we have now arrived at perhaps the most important , because the most extensive of all those questions ; in fact , the principle sought to be established , of which the Ballot and to forth , are bnt the detail means of bringing into practice . . Our opinions have not undergone the slightest change with respect to the question of Household Suffrage ; still holding to our unconquerable objection of making any amount of one man ' s
property the standard which is to constitute another man s title to vote ; we need not now go over our oft-repeated reasons for denouncing the agitation for this measure . But , in truth , the example furnished by the recent elections of dependency and subserviency , constituting what is called reaction , is so powerful and pertinent to our argument against Household Suffrage , that w » cannot in justice forbear to expose it by applying it to what , under the altered circumstances , would be equally liable to similar reaction .
We have elsewhere shown that the reaction consists in the dominion and power exercised by landlords over their tenants . This is acknowledged by every Whig print , and compl ained of , and justly bo by all ; but we beg to ask bow the dependency of the holder of a house under the nose of his landlord is to be obviated , and to know wherein the tenant of a ten pound house , or of a two pound house , wonld be more at liberty even with the ballot ! But this is not all . We find that the little spirit contained in the Reform Bill ( after tbe detail moulding of the
measure ftr use ) has been completely destroyed by the malicious ingenuity of landlords , overseers * registering barristers , attorneys , and agents employ * ed with the view of mechanically applying the spirit to their own party purposes . In this operation they worked positively and negatively—positively , by bolstering tip their own faggot votes ; and negatively , by neglecting the interest of those parties who could not be surely purchased or safely relied upon ; and by opposing such applicants upon mere technicalities .
Now could anything be more denned than theprinciples laid down in the Reform Bill , and pro * mised to be made law by Reformers ! We think not ; and yet do we find , ' after nine years , that the * ' spirit has fled , and the corrupt body of detail rottenness alone remains behind . What then , is to guarantee , even to the brawlers for Household Suffrage , such a detail code for its easy working aa to reader the mechanism less complicated than that of whioh we now complain ! There never was an Act of Parliament through which a practised lawyer could not drive a coach and six ; and there never can bo any mode of making a voter independent of hislandlord , so long as the landlord's property constitutes the tenant ' s title to vote .
Let us just point out the manner in which landlords could , as a preliminary step , destroy the spirit of what is cailed Household Suffrage . If they discovered from popular feeling and by the current of opinion that their tenants were about to oppose them , they would either devise some means of learning for which candidate the tenant voted , or , failing in that , they would forbid the tenant from registering .
at all ; ( an act which he must do openly , ) or they would take care that a parliamentary possession of their houses never should be held . Suppose the law made three months' residence previous to registration a requisite , and also stated , as it must do , the time in each year for registering ; in such case the " landlords would give a mere habitation possession , bus would take care to vitiate the electoral qualification by a lapse of some sort or other .
Again , Household Suffrage would not facilitate one of the greatest objects sought to be obtained by extended suffrage . It would not render the return of poor but honest men more practicable , but upon the contrary , would remove them further from all chances of representation . Neither would it advance the question of payment of Members , which and the return of poor honest men , with a national prevision for their honourable maintenance while engaged in doing the business of the country , are tw » of our greatest points .
Suppose the landlords eject tenants who oppose them , may not House-lords do the same ? O ! but the Ballot . Well , " the Ballot ; grant the Ballot and an evil which cannot be endured will very speedily be cured . " How ! By depriving the tenant of all the necessary qualifications of a vote in the outset , and by keeping the householder in a similar situation . But where is the justice ! No doubt ; the brawlers
will point our attention to the present scanty constituencies , as compared to the number of houses presented in the returns about to be made by the enumerators . But let us point to one damning fact . Do not the advocates find that in many instances as many as twenty-nine persons are inmates of the same house I Now , will any clause in a Household Suffrage Bill enfranchise them } No I impossible ' . —nor is it intended that it should .
What is the real object of the parties who may now look for Household Suffrage \ Merely to create an agitation for the nearest point to Chartist principles , without any other earthly motive than to ensure a reaction in favour of Whiggery . The brawlers for Household Suffrage would much prefer doing their o wn work without it ; and the very agitation for it , if joined in by the people , Would accomplish their aim , their end and objeot . They require
but just enough of that , or anything else , to whipthe Whigs back to the mess . But no ! we now know our strength and our position . We know that the Whigs will try to use us as a forcing pump , while they remain waiters upon events . Bui they shall not . We will never again work for anything short of the whole Charter . The agitation which can ensure Household Suffrage would ensur « that !!
Let the Chartists be assured that however Whiggery may ride the high horse for yet a little , that it will very speedily dismount without the help of a step-ladder , and mount the Charter with M a bold etirrup . " They will have their emissaries abroad j bnt let the people , we mean the fustian jackets , be on the watch and meet treason in the outset ; and let them further be assured that the present organisation once broken np will ba the finality of Chartism . They must , they will , and they shall give us , lUniversal Suffrage !! . Blood , flesh , and bone , before bricka and stone and mortar '
Every man who agitates for Household Suffrage is a direct enemy to the fustians . Whan the Irish landlords no longer required the votes of the forty shilling freeholders , the land was depopulated ; and 60 it would have been , even with the ballot . Th « necessity of a certain tenure for a term of yean being required by an Irish county voter has made one half the tenants tenants-at-will aad mere serfs ; and get Household Suffrage , —in plain terms , once make the cold building , in any way the representative of money , —and at any hazard , and by some means , the rich will have it . Have not theToriei
in nine years ; got full possession ot the representative mint , and in five more , or less , they wonld get possession of any standard of money-franchise which ingenuity can coin . We are sick of this hide-and-seek , faat-and-looee , prick-in-the-loop game . Are the people for ever t * be used as a means to the great man ' s end ! if bo , let them say , and say boldly , we have no brainB ; oat * house" is our head , —ask it for our vote .
The thieves have one and all robbed the people , and now they see the day of retribution is at hand , and they want to set up a most unjust jadge . " Household SverRxan . " Our cry is , and ever shall be till it ia granted , every f iota of the Charter , body and sleeves ; " "the Chartar , the whole Charter , and nothing less than the Charter ; " the poor man ' s house , the poor man ' s table , the poo ? man ' s bed , the poor man ' s meat , drink , and clothes , and therefore the rich man ' s terror I
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TO THE CHARTISTS OF YORKSHIRE AND LANCASHIRE . Fribsds a ^ d Bbethb . br , —The day so anxiously looked forward to by the enslaved , millions—the day when tbe dungeon fetters of tyranny shall be struct off , and the prison bonds burst asunder—the day of O'Connor ^ liberation is rapidly drawing nigh . I donbt not , men of Torkihire and Lancashire , bnt that each locality of your important counties ¦ will be anxioaj to outvie each other in doing the patriot honour . Bat , yoa will see the propriety of so ordering matters , that tbe arrraagsments of one locality shall not clash irith taow of another ; this can only be prevented by a rigat andeotanding between all parties . To fcffeet thia , I irould respectfully suggtst the holding of a meeting of delegates , from all parts of Y * rkahire and Lancashire , at Hebd « n-Bridge , at & * early a day as possible .
I name Hebdsn Bridge because , about half way between Leeds and Manchester , it s ' . ands on the direct line of railroad uniting the two counties . I would suggest that such meeting ta i e place in the course of two or three ¦ weeks * tame ( some Sunday }—as to - ^ ork early is to work well . MoreoTer , such delegate meeting ¦ would determine whether our noble friend Bronterre should hold a series of demonttratUns previous to the liberation of Mr . OCsnnor ; or , resting from bis prison cares ic the bosom of his family for a few 'weeks , should acccznpany that gentleman in the march of triumph deserred by , and I feel assured dea-Mn * d for bott . Ofleriag these suggestions for yon to improve upon , v ., ~ I lan » tfre tononi to be . - - Beqptf&ffiy and Mthloily youu , . " . " - ¦ . - . " - - ' ¦ " OEORGS JCLIAK Ha&KET .
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BIRMINGHAM RESTORATION COMMITTEE . This industrious Committee has this last two or three weeks been busily engaged with their balance fcheet and lira . Frost ' s case . At a previous meeting , Sir . Ross , of the Central Committee of Glasgow , w&s unanimously chosen an honorary member of the Restoration Committee of Birmingham , 4 c On Tuesday eTening last , Messrs . Wilkinson and Startin were appointed auditors of the entire balance sheet of the Committee , which will be printed and sent to every district of the country that has contri _ bated thereto . Tie C-jmnsiUee recommend tbe case of Mrs . FrOEt to the eoantry , aad hope , at an early day , to secure tite presentation of the Wmoriala to the Queen . Correspondence was received from Mrs . Ftost thanking the Committee for their vote of £ 3 10 * . Sd . in tbe most polite terms .
Also a eommEnication from the Executive of Manchester as to the state of the funds of the Committee , Mr . T . P . Green tendered bis resignation as corresponding secretary , in consequence of want of time to Attend to the duties of tbe office . As he held that trust only until a competent person would take the place , and on Mr . Wilkinson being unanimously elected on the Committee , Mr . Green would either propose or ¦ ee&nd that gentleman to the office , beHering him qualified in erery respect . Elected unanimously , as Corresponding and Financial Secretary to the Committee . Tbe Committee unanimously elected Messrs Wilkinson , Xicboia , and Tnorp , as members of the Committee . ah communications for the Committee to be addressed to Mr . J . Quest , ( Treasurer ; bookseller , Steelbouse-lane , 3 inBlngham .
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4 THE NORTHERN STAJtv
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), July 24, 1841, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct389/page/4/
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