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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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house of lords , fetoat , Mascb 5 . The Duke of ABGTLL , who must be , judging from hit aspirings , a political genius , unscared by the failure of the Lord Advoeaie and of the Earl of Aberdeen , ¦ nd untaught fey the sagacity of Lord Melbourne , which the Noble Earl now acknowledges , —the new Duke cf Aegtll announced that he would try Mb hand at a Bill to put an end to discussions in the Ghnreb of Scotland . Tlw Earl of Abeepees threw the cold water of his own experience on the ¦ projsci of the Noble Duke , who said , bo-weTer , that he should fed bound to persevere . The E&rl of Glesgall , in moving for copies of correspondence between the Poor Law Commissioners and Itcdewners at Clonmel , broaght under the notice of the House of Lords one or two renra of what h * de-¦ eribeo as gross corruption .
The Marquis ot >" obma > bt requested their Lordatupt to suspend their judgment , till he had communicated with ill . Kioholls , the Poor Law Commissioner , 00 tie subject . The Duke of Wellington could hardly be persuaded to wait , and instantly gaTe notice of a motion for Monday , but at the request of the Marquis of Norxaanby postponed it till Thursday . The Dake said he » aa greatly disappointed at the working of the Poor I * w in Ireland . Lonl Els . S 5 bo&O'EGH denounced the proceedings as a grosj breach of privilege , for the official and private letter * for tie use of the House contradicted each other . The Returns moved for by Lord Glengall were ordered , and tfa- ; ir Lordships adjourned to Monday . We presume the matter , wheneTer it comes to be discussed . Trill afibrd a nice subject for a most extensive party debate . Monday . March 8 .
The Eaj-1 of Sha . fi ESBrs . 1 , in the absence of the dord Chancellor , took his seat open the Woolsack , jtiwUy after five o ' clock . lord Redesdale presented a petition frora Toaster in Northamptonshire , complaining that the expences attending vaccination were paid out of the poor-rates and C'lrmeeting that as vaccination was a national object , the essences attending it should be defrayed at the national expense . The Earl of Mocncashel wished to draw their : Lor&sh : ps" attention to the intelligence which ha * arrived from America that day , and which was of the vtmost importance to this country ; it had created a great seas&tion in the city , and had produced an effect on the fends . He referred to the document which had ¦ ppssTed in the public paper * purporting to be a
Repuri of the Committee on Foreign Afikirs presented to the Congress of the United Sates on the 13 th of last month . It was chiefly respectiag the detention of Mr . 31-Leod , but it also related to other matters in dupntt- between this country and the United States . He did sot intend to enter into the consideration of th » t G ^ cttment , it-wcmM be ill-judged in him to do 83 ; but he -STsbed to fcno-w whether the doeume&t JtOUld be considered as genuine . Such a dotwment might be got mv for the purposes of stock-jobbing , aad bi » reason for doubting its genuineness was , that b » bad too high an opinion of the understanding and capacity of the inhabitants of the United States . He believed that they were not » blind to their own interests a * . to put forth a document of the kind ; more p&rtieml&rly did he doubt its authentkity , when it did not appear , from
the reTorts , that any Member of Congress- had ever risen t j mow an amendment to it ( Hear , htar . } Sorely if that document were genuine , the people of the United States must have forgotten the deranged state of their tirade **—they mast have forgotten thai in their States there were three millions of negroes ready t « take part with England in the event of a quarrel—they mast hare forgotten the great body of Indian * whom they had driven into the interior , and who were ready to advance at once into their territories , to revenge Uie -wrongs they had suffered . They must have forgotten the Canadians , who were among the mw * loyal Butijtcts of ber Majesty . Suppose they were to wreak iheb vengeance on the unfortunate TiCUm Who waa HOTS in their hasds , did they suppose that the Canadians would Dot be ready to aveDge his death in a thoesamd
different ways?—did they suppose that they would not seise some person living in the United States ' Government ? Did they forget ihe body of large troops—he was happy to say , a large one—at present stationed in our North American colonies , axd the large naval force which could at once be brought to bear afain&i them . He thought that , after calculating all tfringg , they would find that they -were more likely to- incur a less than a profit by entering into hostQities wf : h this caontry , and therefore he could not believe the document to be genuine . For these reasons he hoped this document couM not b « a true one , bnt it had produced so string an impression on the public mind , that be thought it right to inquire of the Noble Viscount ' Lord Melbourne * whether her Majesty ' s Government bad received any official information respec ' -ina this Report , &cd -whether they considered it
to be s . a official document or not . If the Government did cor ^ dtr it to be an official document , he ( Lord Mountaistel ) did not consider the present to be the proper time for diseussing it ; but he should certainly make seme observations upon it at the proper time . He thoisht a document more violent had never been penned by one country respecting another . He therefore asie'l the Noble Viscount whether any official inrormauc n aaa oeen recerrea on me surject . Lord Mjelboubxe said he "was reaiiy unabje to give any o ; her answer to tie question ef the Noble . Earl thjn that he was not » -s-are that her Majesty ' s Government bad received any despatches from our Ambassador to the Usited States ; but hi apprehended , from the form in which the R-port alluded to by the 2 foble Earl had appeared , and from the manner in ¦ which it came , there could be no doubt of its -authenticity .
Oa the motion of Yisc # nnt Doc-OWO . n the Tithes Composition ' . Ireland ) Bill was read a second time , and ordered to be committed on Thursday . Tke Kobls Viscount said the object of the Bill was to Bare expenrt in the case of persons against wbom croceedinp were taken far the recover ? of tithes in Ireland . & the original BUI , each particular case was obliged to be proceeded against by the Attorney-G = nerai in a separate Bill , but it was found so extensive that the present Bill was breught in to authorise the Attorney- General to include any ntLEibtr of persons in the nine B ; il provided they resided in the diocese . On the motion of Viscount Dcxcanxos , the C ! onrt c f Exchequer ( Ireland ) Bill waa read a second time , and ordered to be committed on Tnursday . The 2 foble Viscount said the object of the Biil was to amend in error that was supposed te exist in the former B" 1 L
Af t * . * a . motioa by the Earl o ? Glen gall , -which ¦ w as agreed to , for a return of copies of all correspondence between the Poor Law ComiEissjuntN , and Denis Pheliin , iisq ., and the other correspondence oh the jmVjeei -: i a local appointment , in the Union of Clonmel , ti . t : House adjourned .
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HOlsE OF COMMONS . —Friday , March 5 . In reply to Mr . O'Connell , Lord PaLMEIlston staled that the treaty with Texas -rvs a general commercial treaty , and contained no pro-vision to secure the entrance into Texas of British subjects , being free persons of colour , such persons being prohibited to euur Texas . In answer to Sir R . Peel , Mr . Laboccheke promised to consider whether he would rtfer the Railways Bill to a select committee , as one clause-was complained ot by railway companies ; bn : both Right Hon . Gentlemen stated that if the railway companies who prtitioned for that , did it only to gain time , they should oppose any such plan . On tie motion far bringing up the rep art en Lord Keane ' s Annuity Bill , Mr . Hume moved th . it if be postpone . ; till the correspuniieict : between the Government and the East India Company , relative to Lord Ketme ' 5 itrTice , be la : d before the 2 « isa . The if on . Member wished to havs the annuity paid by tha East India Company .
Lord John RUSSELL opposed Mr . Huse ' s motion , which ua a division was lost by 127 to 85 . The report was brr-urht up , and the Bill ordered to be read a third tame on Monday . Thf Eist lcdii Rum Duties Bill was committed pro fornn tj introduce some alterations into it . Oa the Order of the day for going into a Committee of Supply , Mr . o BRIE > " referred to otir utikvst relations w ^ tb the UrUfd States , and expressed an opinion that if we had a s * . r . > Bg flset within reach of the American ports , it would bs better than to hare a strong force on ihe frontifcr . Mr . Ewap . t saw no reason for anticipating hostilities ; Y c relied on the good sea ^ c jji <\ interest of the inhabitinu of the United States , s . nd he trusted our unhappy differences would be amicably terminated . Mr . He me deprecated war in strong terms , and -asked for information , although none was given ; -
The silence of the Ministers on this important topic is of no pleasant augary . The House went into a Committee of Supply , and money wag voted as complaisanUy as usual . Lord Joh . n RCSSEXL , in answer to a question , seated that a monument is to be erected to Sir Sydney Smith ; and Sir James Duke gave no ' ace that he should move that a monument be also erected to Lord Exmouth-Mr . Macacxat moved the Army Estimates , which he explained in a business-like manDer . One item will be considered by the public , as we considered It , curious : a vote of £ bii () for interest on deposits in Savings Sinks , of which soldiere couJd avail themselves That may mske them careful and sane persons . Notwithstanding the exhortation of the Times to increase the army , we are glad to learn that the charge for the prases ! je * r is only £ lO , oo » less than iast year for the fifftctivft servirft .
Mr . Hi"he regretted our distorted relations with Europe , the great expence caused thereby , and recommended a property tax . Sir H . Hardoge thought the estimate * did not go &r enough , tad spoke as if he hid wrr . ten the leader is the Tints at Thjirsdsy on thesarj-. ct An addition of 5 . S 00 men would , he said , give satisfaction to the azmy . Lord J . Russell thoagLt , of course , that the number yaa-exae-. iy right , lying between the parsimony of Mr . Hume and the extravagance of the ( i-illaut General .
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The Noble Lord justified keeping our forces up to their present footing by the state of foreign oountrie « , and of our colonies . In the course of the discussion which enroed , Lord Cardigan ' s case was brought under the notice of the House by Mr . Hume . Lord Howjck insisted strongly on the necessity of an inquiry , and pointed out that the Commander-in chief was not free from blame . An interesting conversation ensued . Several of the votes were agreed to , and the House resumed . Colonel Sibthobp gave notice that he would call the attention ot the House to the appointment of Mr . Yiiard as Solicitor to the Home Department . The House adjourned at twenty minutes before one o'clock till Monday .
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GREAT BRITAIN AND THE UNITED STATES . MENACING- REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES . ( From the Neva York Papers received to the 17 th ult ., by the Packet-ship Westchester . J TWEHTT-S 1 XTH CONGEESS . Washington , Saturday , Feb . 13 . Mr . Pickens , from the Committee on Foreign Affairs , made the following report , which was ordered to be printed ;—The Committee on Foreign Affairs , to whom was referred the message of the President , transmitting a correspondence with the British Minister in relation to the burning of the steam-boat Caroline , and the demand made for the liberation of Mr . Alexander M'Leod , respectfully report : —
It appears that the steam-boat Caroline was seised and destreyed in the month of December , 1837 . The Committee are induced to believe that Uie facts of the case are as follow : — The boat was owned by , and in possession of , a citizen of New York . Bfee was cleared from the city of Buffalo , and on the morning of the 29 th of December , 1837 , she left the port of Buffalo , bound fur Schlosser , upon the American side ot the N " i * gara river , and within the territory of the United States . The origin&l intentioH seemed to be , to ran the boart between Buffalo and Schloaser , or perhaps from Bla « k Rock
Dam to SchloS 8 er , and , should it seem pro&able , it was intended to run her also to Navy Island , and touch at Grand Island and Toaawanda . Her owner was Mr . Wells , said to be a respettable citi& . n of Buffalo , and it is obvious his intention is putting up the boat was one of speculation and profit entirely . The exciten » ent upoi > that portion of the frontier , at this period , had collected a great many in the neighbourhood—some from ecrjoeity , some from WlenesB , and otberB from taiing aa interest in the mmssal and extraordinary collection of adventnrctu ma gathered together at that rime oa ITavy Island . Navy Itlaad wea " nominally " in the British " territory . "
The ewnsr of the Caroline took adraBtoge of these circum * San « ej t © make some Money witk bis boat , by running k-er as a ferry boat orc * t « Navy Island . All these fatte appear from testimony regularly taken ( see H . R . De «^ No . SOT , page 46 aad 3 » , 2 d Session , 25 th Congress ^ and the Committee k » ow of no Vgal evidence ' to contradict thena . There is no jroof that any arms or munitions- of war were carried in the belt , except , perhaps , » ne small six-pounder field-piece belonging to a passenge * . The principal abject was to n » the boat as a ferry boat front Schlosser , on the Americas side , to Navy Island , on th « British side . It is believed that , even in warr s neutral power has the right te trade in contraband articles , subject , of coarse , to aeiaure and confiscation , if take » within the iarisdictioav of either
of the contendi ng parties . What i » oontrab&ai of war is not always- certain . Treaty stipulations irequenUy include come articles , and exclude ethers rerogniaed in the law ot nations . Trading in ceotxaband articles V 8 no excuse for invading the territory and soil of a neutral and independent power , whose private citixeas may choose to rua . the hatird of such a trade . In this instinoe there were no two Foreign Powers- tDgaged in war ; but all concerned in the outbreak or excitement within the British jurisdiction , claimed to be British subjects , in resistance of the authorities of Canada , a province of the British empire . Etfen admitting , then , tkat the Caroline was engaged in contraband trade , yet if waa with dtiaens who claimed t » be fculjjects of the same empire with those who were styled th * j legitimate fficeis of the Province .
Abstractedly speaking , how was a pnvateeitiaen to de " cide who were right and who were wrong ia these losal disputes ? And which portion of tie citifcns of the saiu » province must our citizens refuse to have any communication with t Bui the boat was merely used for uae day as a ferry buat ; and on the night of the day she coiDmeacid running , she was aeizad while moored at the whirf at Schlosser , and burnt Several men vreitj assassinated ; certainly one , who fell dead upon the deck . New the insinuation of the BritUh Minister , that Sch ' . osser waa " nominally" within the territory of the United States , may well be retorted , as we can with equal truth say , that Navy I Blind was " nominally "
¦ within the " territory" of tbe British Government ; for at the period to which we allude , the people collected there had as effectually defied Canada authorities as any portion of oar people disregarded ours . Yet British authority thought proper to pass Navy Island , then in its " nominal" territory , and in the plenitude of its , power to cast the ajia ot British jurisdiction ovtr American soiL This waa truly extending over us that kind guardianship which they had Dot the ability at that time te extend to a portion of their own territory , and which recommends itself to us , full as much from its assumption as from its love of right or law .
The British Minister is pleased also to call the Caroline a " piratical steamboat" The loese epithets of any one , no matter how high , in place , cannot make that piracy which the law of nations does not reeognise as such Pirates are freebooters , enemies of the human race ; and eminent jurists describe them as ravaging every sea and coast with no flag aDd no home . Piracy comes under the concurrtut jurisdiction of nil nations . Even in the worst point of view that it can fee considered , those connected with the steam-boat Caroline -were but aiders and abettors of others engaged in rebellion- And the Committee are totally at a loss to know upon what authority rebellion is recognised as piracy . Such confounding of terms is resting the case upon epithets , instead of sound law or facts . But even supposing it to be a " piratical boat , " as the Minister asserts it to be ; yet the moment it touched our soil it fell under our sovereignty , and no power on earth could rightfully invade it
There is bo doctrine more consecrated in English history , than that every . human being who touches the soil of Great Britain i 3 immediately covered by British laws . Suppose oae of her Ye&sels -weie cat from the banis cf the Thames and burnt by Frenchmen , and British citizens were assassinated at night , nnA the | Frtnch Minister -were to avow that tney actea und ^ r i the orders of his Government , and that the vessel was I " piratical , " and the citizens murdered were outlaws , i then thtre is not au Englishman whose htsart would not beat high to a-f enge the wrocg , and vindicate the rights , j of Ms country . The law there is the law here . And j there is no international law consistent with the ) separate independence of nations , that sanctions the j pursuit of even pirates to murder and arson over j the mAI acd jurisdiction of one of the States of this Confederacy .
No greater wrong can be done to a country than inva sion of soil . If it can be done with impunity at one p ^ int , and on one occasion , it can be done at another , and the nation that submits to it finally sinks down into drivelling imbecility . If a representation of the state of things at Schloaser , and the conduct of those who had controul of the Caroline , had first been made to the proper authorities of New Turk , or of the United States , then there "would have been Borne show at least of respect for our sovereignty and independence , and a disposition to treat us as an equal But in this case , as if to treat our authorities with contempt , there waa no preliminary demand or representation made .
It is hoped that the outrage was perpetrated by a party in sudden heat and txeitenient , upon their own responsib ; Hty . But the Briti&h Minitter now avo-ws , that " the act -was the public act of persons obeying the constituted authorities of her Majesty ' s Province , " and again affirms that " it was a public act of persons in her Majesty ' s service , obeying the orders of their superior anthority . " 1 [ this had been the first and only point of collision with Great Britain it might not have excited
such interest , but there is au assumption in most of our intercourse with that great power , revolting to the pride and spirit of independence in a free people . If it be her desire to preserve peace , her true policy would be to do justice , and show that courte . * y to equals which shs has always demanded from others . The Committee do not desire to press views on this part of the subject , particularly as a demand has been made by our G-ovemmcnt of Great Britain for explanation as to the outrage committed , the answer to -which it is hoped will prove satisfactory .
As to the other points presented in the demand made by the British Minister for the " liberation" Alexander M'Leod , the Committee believe the facts of the case to be , that the steamboat was seized and burnt , as stated before , and that a citizen or citiaena ot New York were murdered in the affray . And there were reasons to induce a belief that M'Leod was pariiceps criminis . He was at first arrested , and upon ¦ various testimony being taken , was then discharged . He was afterwards arrested a second time . Upon the evidence then presented , he was imprisoned to await bis trial . There was no invasion of British territory Vo seise or take him . But upon his being voluntarily within our territory , he was arrested as any citizen of the United States , charged with a Eunilar offence , might have been .
We know of no law of nations that would exempt a man from arrest and imprisonment for offences charged to be committed against the " peace and dignity " of a State , because he is a subject of Great Britain , or because he committed the crime at the instigation or under the authority of British Provincial ( . fficers ; much less do we know of any law that would justify the President to deliver him up without trial , at the
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demand , and upon the assertion as to facts , of tny agent of the British Government It we bad been at open war with Great Britain , « nd M'Leod bad eommitted the offences charged , then he might bare fallen under the roles and regulations of war , and been treated as a prisoner of the United States Government , and would hare been subject to the laws of nations in war . But as the alleged criminal acts , in which M'Leod is charged to be Implicated , were committed in profound peace , it is a crime , as far as be may be concerned , solely against the " peace and dignity"of
the State of New York , and her criminal jurisdiction ia complete and exclusive . If the crimes committed bo such as to make » man fcosfts humani generit—vn outlaw—a pirate , in the legal acceptation of the term , then , under the law of nations , the United States Courts . and tribunals would have jurisdiction . But the offence charged in this case , committed as it was in time of peace , as far as this individual was concerned , was one purely against the let loci , and coming exclusively within the criminal jurisdiction of the tribunals of New York .
The Minister , in his letter of the 13 th December , 1840 , says , "it is quite notorious that Mr . M'Leod was not one of the party engaged in the destruction of the steam-boat Caroline ; aud that the pretended charge upon which he has been imprisoned rests only upon the perjured testimony of certain Canadians , outlaws , and their abettors , " < fcs . This may perchance all be so , bat it would be asking a great deal to require an American Court to yield jurisdiction , and surrender up a prisoner charged with offences against the law , upon the mere ipse dueit of any nian , no matter bow high in
author ity . Whether M'Leod be guilty or not guilty , is the yerj point upon which an American Jury alone have a right to decide . Jurisdiction in State tribunals over criminal eases , and trial by a Jury of the venue , are essential points in American jurisprudence ; and it is a total misapprehension as to the nature of our system , to suppose that there is any right in the Federal Executive to arrest the verdict of the one , or thwart the jurisdiction of the other . If such a power existed , and were exercised , it would effectually overthrow , and upon a vital point , the separate sovereignty and independence of these States .
The Federal Executive might be clothed with power to deliver up fugitives from justice for offences committed against a foreign State , bnt even then it might not be obligatory to do so , unless it were made matter of treaty stipulation . This duty and right in an Executive has generally been considered as dormant , until made binding by treaty arrangement —But when the matter is reversed , and demand is made , not of fugitives from justice for offences against a foreign Power , bnt for tho liberation of s > man charged with offences against the peace and diguity of one of our own States ,
then it is that the demand becomes preposterous in the extreme . The fact that tbe offences were comzaHted under the sanction of provincial authorities , does not alter the case , unless we Were in a state of war . In sucb cases as the present , the powerto deliver up COUld not be conferred upon the Federal Executive by treaty stipulation . It could only be conferred in tkose cases over -which jurisdiction is eleaily delegated by the Federal Constitution . Such , for instance , as treasoa , which is a » offence against the-ooo } oined sovereignty © f the States , as defined in the Constitution .
Over all cases , except those defined ia the Constitution , and tkose coming clearly under tbe laws of aations , the-States have exclusive jurisdiction , and the trial and paaishment for offences against them , are incident to thai * separate sovereignty . It is not proteaded , in tbi » case , that there is any Treaty stipulation trader which the demand is made ; and the Federal Eaeautive , und « r eur system , ha * no power but what is conferred by the Constitution , o » by spe « ial law of Congress . In the former it is declared that " the Executive power i » vested in a President of the United State * , " and that power is then to- be pointed out and defined by special laws passed from time to time , imposing such duties as are thought proper and expedient by Congress . Vonx Committee deem it dangerous for tbe Executive to esercise any power over a matte ; not conferred by Treaty or by law ; and to exercise it ) in any case in conflict with State jurisdiction , would be worse than dangerous ; it would be usurpation .
Tt-iit your Committee forbear to press these points farther at present , and they would' not have said as much on such clear questions of international law , but that in this case , the demand for Liberation ha » been made by the arcredited agent of a . great Power , and under circumstances of peculiar aggravation aad
excitement . We have other points of difference with Great Britain , which , add inter * , st to every question that arises between , as at present Neither our north-eastern or north-western boundaries aTe jet settled with her , and the subjfcet is not entirely free from difficulty . She has recently se " . asd our vessels , ivad exercised a power involving the right of starch , uncki the pretext of suppressing the foreign slave trade , which , if persevered in , will sweep our commerce from the coast of Africa , aud which is incompatible with our rights as a maritime power . She has recently , i » her intercourse with us , refused indemnity and denied our rights to property , on a subject-matter vital to near one half the States of this Confederacy , and which , considering her military position at Bermuda , and her growing power in the West Indies , is of tbe last importance to our national independence . All these surjects make every question between us , at this particular juncture , of the deepest interest .
Btsides this , we are both permantntly destined to have , perhaps , the most extensive commerce « t modern nations . Our fl * gs fluat side by side , over every sea , and hay , and i nlet , of tbe known globe . She movts steadily upon her sheets , with an ambition that knows no bounds . Aiid wherever she has had a conflict of interest she has rarely yielded to any power . At this moment she presents to the civilised world the spectacle of the greatest military and commercial power in combination ever known . From her vast possessions in every quarter of the globe , and her peculiar commercial system , she has been ma'le tbe reservoir of the wealth of nations . Her internal resources , skill , labour , and machinery , with her capital , are beyond calculation . Her natural position , being about midway the coast of Europe , gives her great control over the outlets and currents of commerce .
Her military occupation of Gibraltar , Malta , the Ionian Islands , and recently of St . Jean d'Acre , give htr ascendancy on the Mediteirantan and the Levant , while St . Helena and the Cape of Good Hope , give her possession over the currents of trade along those extensive coasts . Then Bombay , Calcutta , and her immense pi ssession in the East Indies , together with her recent movements in the China seas and Islands , enable her to extend her power over those vast regions that have slumbered for ages in solitary aad enervated magnificence . She posseses Falkland Island but to control the commerce that passes round the Horn—while Trinidad gives her all she desires in the Catribean sea . Halifax at one point , and Bermuda at another , stand out in great force over our own coast from one extremity to the other .
Her positions all over the world aro at this moment , in a military point ef view , equal to a million of men under arms . Her continual conflicts in the mighty regions of the Eist , ouly enable her officers to become skilful aud to improve in the arts of war , while htr great armies and extensive fleets draw their support , from the immense countries seized and occupied In the present juncture ef affairs , no statesman can overlook these things . Steam power has recently brought us so near together , that in the event of- any future conflict , war with its effects will be precipitated upon us with much more rapidity than formerly .
Avarice and ambition are the running passions of modern times , and itisvain to shut our eyeato the state of things around us . It remains to be seeu what effect steam power is to have upon changing and modifying the whole ar t of defence and war . It may be a great engine for again levelling mankind , aud reducing everything to a contest of mere physical force . In that event it might be difficult to conjecture what system ol national defence will stand the test ef time aud experience . \ V « have a deep stake in peace , and fondly hope the repose of the world will not be disturbed . We have certainly not the least desire for any rupture . Firmness and a wise preparation will long preserve us from such a catastrophe . But while no temptation should ever prompt as to do injustice upon the one hand , so no consideration , on the other hand , should ever induce us to submit to permanent wrong from any power on earth , no matter what the consequences may be .
Your Committee would conclude by expressing a firm belief that all the points of difficulty may be honourably andamicab ! ya'just « d , and that harmony may long be preserved by both Governments pursuing a liberal policy , congenial to the interests and feelings of both people , and compatible with the spirit and genius of an enlightened age .
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Extensive Fobgery upon the Bank of England . —It has been lately discovered that a robbery to the amount of £ 6 . 250 had been committed by means of a forged power of attorney on the Bank of England by Christopher Picard , of Friday-street , linen-draper . The stock taken out was in the New Three-and-a-Half per Cent ? ., and Picard was , it is said , a trustee . The forgery was committed some months ago , bnt was not discovered until within the last few days . On Thursday Picard was in town , and in such a state of health as to be unfit to leave his room . He was , however , doctored up in snch a manner as to be able to go out in a coach , aad it is generally supposed that he ia now on the Continent . The money wa 3 taken out at two different times . A reward of £ 100 has been offered forhis apprehension .
Adultesatios of Tea . —At the Ilford Petty Sessions , Edward Glover , of Westham , appeared to answer an information for having in hia possession 3 ' Olbs . of dried sloe and hawthorn leaves , for manufacturing an article called M Mochafarina , " but which was a decided imitation of tea , and as such the defendant waa liable to the penalties inflicted by the Act 17 George III ., cap . 29 . The case was clearly proved , and the defendant admitted that he had manufactured the farina , but had never sold it as tea . The Bench convicted him in the penalty of £ 200 , and in default of payment sentenced him , to twelve months' imprisonment .
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THE CONTRAST . XO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAB . SlB , —A most admirable method has , for the but few weeks , been adopted for giving the readers of the Star a view of tha mass of ( ncongraities which surround us , and which are the effects of the cannibal system under which we , some way or other , contrive to exist . ' .. ¦¦ ¦¦ . - . ¦ ¦ ' . -V We bare seen the ex ^ nsire tomfoolery of royalty placed in juxtaposition witJx the wants and woes « f the useful portion of society . We have bad the fulsome adulation which state sycophants and well paid pandets heap upon the idols whom the poor are compelled to clothe in purple and fine linen , and daily provide with sumptuous fare , contrasted with the contumely , in / salt , and cruelty , endured by the really useful bnt unfortunate members of the community . ¦'¦
We have seen the inequality , or rather the maladministration , of the law—the titled-blackguard being held up ( maugre , the notoriety of his vices ) a . ' » P »*» - gon of moral perfection , while the untitled iuan , of spotless reputation , has been assailed with opprobi'ium , and treated as the vilest of his species . The tyrant ia held guiltless , while the patriot is visited with all the vengeance which despots can inflict These things , and many more , originate in the wan . t of » properly regulated system of government ; one based upon the nation ' s will , conducted , in all its ramifications , by men chosen from among the people by the people themselves , and responsible to the people for their every act touching public affairs . This is " the consummation devoutly to be wished , " and to achieve it we must look at the two pictures immediately before our eyes . I mean Chartism and Foxism ; and , when we have viewed both , we must act as reason dictates and justice commands .
CHARTISM . Look on this Picture . Chartism recognises the right of all men . " Men being by nature equal are entitled to equal rights . "
FOXISM . And also look on this . Foxism unmans the man , and makes him a mere thing ; giving him no rights , but conferring them upon inanimate matter , which to-day m » y be In the possession of the sane and to-morrow in that of the insane—to-day in that of an honest man , to-morrow in tbat of an highwayman .
Chartism will abrogate every law inimical to the general weal . It will lay the axe to the roo of tbe Upas tree , and prevent the desolation produced by its baneful influence . Chartism ' will cleanse tbe Augean stable hi Westminster , and make it a fit reeeptable for honest men . Chartism , will make the labourer first yartaker of
Foxism will only cancel such laws as militate against monopoly 4 c usury . It will only prune corrnption ' g tree , and cause it to be more fruttlal , anA its branches more extensive , tbat tbe cormorants may be fed thereby , and fresh birds of prey Bad a resting-place thereor * . Foxism will enly stir up the dung , and increase the stench , leaving it , as the scavengers of 1832 did , in a worse condition than they found it . Foxism will lay its paw on tbe first fruits . It will
the fruit * of his industry . Chartism will abolish all ¦ seleas plKes , unmerited pensions , ami snug sineeu » es . V Chartism will oust bad servants , or unjust stewards , at the earliest possible period .
profess a desire ft )» the cheap loaf , but a greater desire for cheaper labour . It will perpetuate the " coarser sort of food" regime . Foxisra -will retain all the " nice pickings , " and comfortable places , tot its needy and gaping adherents . Foxism will allow shoaidbe representatives three yean to " pick , " pliiader , and perpetuate mis « b . ief It will re-establish tbe parent of the septennial act , which , at its- aex-t lying-in might give birth to a sit-fast for life .
Chartism will disband & useless and expensive military establishment . It will carry retrenchment into the naval department , and send the "blue-devils '" to the right about .
Foxiaru will requtie the continuance of the physical force corps , for- the purpose of defending the Id citadel , and clearing the way for its votaries , who are anxious for a firm stage and solid favow , besides a good protection from lodgers , butters , and houseless vagrants .
Chartism will be the foundation of individual comfort and national prosperity , if carried out , and improved , in proportion to the increased knowledge and altered circumstances ef the people . Chartism is just ; hence its advocates are persecuted , prosecuted , imprisoned , transported , and put to death .
Foxism will be , like the Whig Reform , a steppingstone for political adventurers , aud unprincipled charlatans to ascend to place and power ,, while it will be au additional millstone around the necks of the people . Foxism is a / ravd ; hence its advocates are smiled upon by " the powers that be , " and the arm of persecution is turned away from them .
These are a few facts which may be improved . Yet I trust that the Chartists know their course too well to be led into the traps of the Foxts , even though some will-be leaders may show the white feather . Youra , truly , An Old Chartist . Leeds , March 2 nd , 1841 .
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TRADES' HALLS . How few exist in this country—and those only in name ! Are any of them based on right principles of equality , and pet feet freedom ot occupation f How have they boon built 1 By the united subscriptions of working men , or the purso of the speculator ? Trades' Halls are now wanted more than ever , common sense and justice admit the claim of the great mass of the population to make known their opinions , and the law acknowledges its existence , as a component principle in the British Constitution . " An Englishman has the privilege of forming his own opinion upon the policy , expodiency , and justice of the system that is adopted by his rulers . Having formed this opinion , it cannot bo denied that he has a right to promulgate it , to support hia own opinion by his own arguments , and to recommend its adoption in what he may deem the most efficacious mauner . "—Lord Brougham .
Oh , yes ! the working classes may meet ! But where I "If they turn their attention to the green fields , or to the common heritage their forefathers possessed for their * folkmotes , ' iheir * tithemotes , ' and other public purposes , they are thero met by the law of trespass , the power of exclusion , the opposition of all the squirearchy of the town . " And , last , but not the least , "Torchlight" Proclamations' ] Trades' Halls are now the only direct barriers against the progressive suppression of public meetings and free discussion . What is the use of Trades' Halls amongst the working men of the country ?
" To unitu in one general body , persona of all creeds and opinions who are desirous to promote the political and social improvement of the people . "Chartism by Lovett and Collins , p . 24 . " To extend the utility , influence , aud number of Trades' Societies , by offering a commodious building , where their meetings may be better and more economically accommodated than at public-houses . " London Trades Hall Laws , No . I . To provide a Mechanics' Institution , " in spirit , as well as name , an extensive library and readingroom accessible to operatives throughout the day and night , at an expense of a few pence per week each . : To offi ± r cheap and liberal schools for the tuition of the children of both sexes belonging to tbe working class .
To unite , and call forth in public meetings and festivals , the mutual feelings and sympathies of both sexes of the labouring population , ou the ground of their common participation in every public measure calculated to oppress or benefit the rights of labour . A substantial and extensive means for the accommodation of public meetings , of from 3 , 000 to 6 , 000 persons , at a lesser amount of rental than tbe public buildings already existing can be engaged , without any exejusiveness on the score of politics or religion , and available at the same time for lectures , concerts , and social entertainments . Depots for concentrating the intelligence and operations of the numerous Trades' Societies of the country , and the promotion of an easy aad permanent system of communication between them for mutual benefit and information .
Trades Halls will benefit all classes in the country , beneath the aristocratical one ; the interest in their erection and use is general ; and , amongst the working men of the kingdom , would prove an immediate source of pecuniary profit , and speedy political improvement . The constitution , government , erection , and application of Trades' Halls will be developed ia the f attire numbers of the Star .
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The Governor Fenneb . —We have been requested by a surviving brother to publish , the following names of a family wh « perished in the wreck of this unfortunate vessel " : —James Holt , carpet printer , Bridleway ! New Church , Rossendale , aged 36 ; Alary Holt , his wife , aged 36 ; Jane Holt , his daughter , aged 12 ; Fanny Holt , his daughter , aged 7 ; James Holt , aged 2 ; Alice Ann Holt , aged 7 ; and his wife ' s sister , Alice Barnes , aged 34 ; and Alice Cunliffe , cousin , from Luughborough , aged 28 .
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OASTLER'S FLEET PAPERS . Nos . IX . andX . It was our intention to give a lengthened notice , and an extract from these excellent numbers of the "Fleet Papers , " in our last ; bujt circumstances prevented our being able to do so . We will not mar with commendation the touching and pathetic introduction of a factory cripple to his readers , by Mr . Oastler . It will speak better for itself than any language of which we are master : — " I told you , in a preceding letter , I had heard that & young man , wbe vu formerly a Huddersfleld factory boy , bad left twenty shillings for me with a friend . I will now tell you somewhat more about it Believe me , Mr . Thornhill , it was the po « r , broken-down , wornout , turned-off , kicked-ont orphan factory cripple , Joseph Habergara ! The first time I saw that poor lad was in my drawing-room , at Fixby Hall . John Wood was there that morning . Joseph had beard , from some ef
his comrades , that I loved poor little factory slaves . Ho was 'done up '—served with crooked legs and spine , swelled knees and ancles , and a broken constitution , at fourteen years , as the reward , from the factory monster , for his industry . ' He had crawled on his hands and knees , and , in some hours , had managed to creep two miles ! The poor slave , having heard of my exertions for the factory children , hoped that I could help him to < an iron frame , " to put his deformed and crippled body In . This wil ) only be understood in the factory districts , where it is common ( when the children are so weakened and distorted as not to be able to stand or walk ) to make iron frames , like gibbets , to fix around their limbs and bodies , so as to enable the poor wretches to support themselves by that artificial aid . With the help of John Wood , I was enabled to procure an iron frame for Joseph ; and afterwards , William Osbvun , jnn ., and Robert Hall , Esqrs . / befriended him , got him into the Leeds Infirmary , educated him , and ' but I am running on too fast ; I am not
about , in this letter , to write a memoir ef pom * Joseph . I have told yon of the first time that I saw him ; the last time waa in this prison—in No . 12 , Coffee Gallery : I have not seen hhn in this cell , but 1 have seen his kind master , Hall , and his benefactor , Oaburn , here . When he entered ( very neatly dressed he was , but still Joseph was creoked , deformed , and crippled ) he said , ' Oh ! Sir , I am sorry to see you here . ' ' Bo not grieve , Joseph . I am rejoiced to see you . ' And then I asked him about his health , and about hia poor mother , and his kind master and mistress ; all his answers were satisfactory , but his look was melancholy . Then he seemed to be weeping , and said , * Oh ! Sir , I should have been in my grave but for your kindness ; you have saved many others , as well as myself . I am
sorry to see you here ! ' Bless the lad ? I could have clasped him in my arms . Would not you hare been moved under such circumstances ? I saw that he was is some difficulty or embarrassment : he did know how to perform the task which he bad set himself . I said , Joseph , was ft you who gave Mr . —— a sovereign for me V I never intended you to know that , Sir : I have brought you ten shillings , and has sent you a nice hone-baked loaf ; she thought it would be a treat for yon in prison . ' Talk of rents , Mr . Tbornhill , of dividends-, or of winning bet * ! Whs , Sir , the receipt of thousands , in such ways , is abject poverty , compared with tbe real wealth which Joseph Habergam thus poured into tbe lap of his imprisoned benefactor ! ' Joseph , ' said I , ' I do not despise your offeriag—it is too large ; sow mother needs it . I will take sixpence from each ef your donations , " ¦ I can
well spare it all , ' replied Joseph , with a smile that seemed reflected from some celestial being ; ' aad you know 1 owe you -everything ; but for you I sho » M now have been in my grave . ' He saw that I was resolute , and then he said , ' I will send it to my mother . Sir , and tell her that you have given it to her . ' Do y * U not admire th * delicate sensibility of tbat youth , Sir ? I do . Joseph waa a noble- victim—too noble far the waste and cruelty of the fell factory monster ! 1 never enjoyed anything so much as that interview % . and , afterwards , that loaf ! Oh t it was good ! But that expression—with the celestial countenance , and sweet , yielding , conquering tone— ' I will send it t » my mother , Sir , and tell her thai you hatse given it to her , ' was . an angel ' s treat—a treat worth coming many Mines to prison to eajoy ! He thus , with his own gift , repurchased for me the prayers and blessings of his -widowed mother ' .
"I wish I could convey to you , and- to all who read this , the feelings of my enraptured mind at that moment Its very memory is- sweet , and will be t » my dying day 1 " Upon his favourite subject Oastler is , of coarse , at home ; aad the treasure-house of his memory not , seldom brings out matters in connection therewith not less aa-Boying to the lukewarm friends or open enemies of England's infant slaves , than serviceable to their cause . Such we apprehend the following reminiscences to be : — " The Select Committee of the Hoase of Commons , on the operation of Althorp ' s Factory Act , is sitting ; and , although I may net discuss their proceedings , I may write something which will be useful te them . There is , I believe , no law to bar me from that
" You are aware . Sir , that the present Factories ' Regulation Act , was passed by the Government , in 1833 , in opposition to the Ten Hours' Bill of Lord Ashley . Lord Ashley had no hand whatever in the passing cf that Bill . His Lordship ha 4 solemnly and publicly pledged himself to the Ten Hours principle , at a meeting , held in the City of London Tavern , the 23 rd of February , 1833 , Sir Peter Laurie , on that occasion , ( Lord Mayor of this City , ) was the Chairman . Lord Ashley then said : — " ' Before he sat down , he begged to assure them , that he should not give way a single moment on the
question of Ten Hours . He assured the meeting , that he should persevere in the course he had commenced . He had taken up the question as a matter of conscience , and as such he teas determined to carry it through . If the House would not adopt the Blil , they must drive him from it ithe Ten Hours' Bill , ) as he would not concede a single step . He most positively declared , that as long as he had a seat in that House , and Gad gave him health and a sound mind , no efforts , no exertions should be wanting on his part to establish the success of the measure . // defeated in the present session , he would bring it forward in the next , and so on t ;» every succeeding session till his success was complete . '"
"It was at that very meeting , Sir , where 'the monster Judas O'Connell' said : — •'' G-Jod God ! that such a system should exist in a Christian country—that poor infants should be condemned to the deprivation of sleep , the inhalation of poison , and the endurance of the extremes of human anguish , to obtain a miserable pittance to save themselves and their parents , perhaps , from starvation ! The question was a Question of blood , and those who should stand by , and acquiesce in the continuance of such a system after the fads which had been stated , would be guilty of murder . Every manufactory was open to be viewed , and was proved , by concurrent testimony , to be a hive of swarming misery . The miserable creatures themselves , too , were brought before the Committee ; and their sunken eyes , hectic cheeks , emaciated limbs , on which was stamped the decrepitude of premature old
nge , spoke for them , aud gave a fearful corroboration to . their testimony . He trusted that he should not be mistaken in supporting the cause—the cause of those who had no protector , no voice but the voice of humanity ; and thvJ . it should ftave ( he support of all his energies , humble asilieywere , he pledged himself . It was said , that the number of hours it was proposed to reduce the labour of these children , was tou small ; but he was surprised that human naturecould bear , under such circumstances , to Work even that number of hours . He , for himself , considered that Ten Honrs were too many ; but as tn « - dical men and men of experience had decided , that labour during that period could be borne , he should go along with them to that extent , but he would not consent to the addition of one half-Vonr—nay , one minute , beyond the time so decided to be capable of being endured . '"
"It is true , tbat O'Connell , afterwards , voted ngainst these , his solemn protestations—nay , he even gave the anting vote against himself ! He also received one thousand pounds from the Manchester inillowners and their friends . * * " Those so | emn declarations of Lord Ashley , were made in presence of Sadler ; that fact stamps them with double weight . Myself , and others , were immediately dispatched ta public wettings in Yorkshire and Lancashire , to inspire the hopes , and restore the confidence of the factory slaves , who were downcast at the less of the Parliamentary services of their champion—Sadler . The solemn declarations of Lord Ashley , at the London meeting , were quoted and requoted by us—until , at length , the hopes and confidence of the Ten Hours ' Bill men , were entirely centred in his Lordship .
When the BUI was in committee , and Lord Ashley was defeated by the Government , on the Ten Hours ' clause , he entirely withdrew from the discussion , and left Lord Attliorp , to pass his own measure . * " Now , Sir , it is impossible that Lord Ashley could have given the measure of his opponents a fairer chance than he has done ; for , even in the face of his solemn avowal before the London meeting , he deemed himself bound by honour to wait , and try if the Government measure would succeed . So determined was his Lordship to give his opponents' scheme fair play , that , when
be was urged by the Ten Hours' Bill-men , to redeem bis pledge , he answered : — ' cannot interfere , until Lord Althorp ' s Act , has had a fair trial . ' Nay , even when bis Lordship joined Sir Robert Peel ' s ministry , in 1834 , aud when many enthusiastic friends expected that he would avail himself of his official situation .-and introduce his own Ten Hours' Bill as a Government measure , bo strong did he conceive the requirements of honour to be , that , even then , he was silent , waiting for the proof of the efficacy , or inefficacy of the existinglawi
" The time , however , has now arrived , when the same feeling of honour , which has so leng restrained his Lordship , will impel him strenuously to exert himself for the fulfilment of his solemn pledge . * * " Lord Ashley cannot now fail to be fully satisfied that he has waited till honour can wait no longer . He must now be persuaded , that the law of his opponents has had every chance which time , the power of Government , aud the aid of hia friends can give it ; and tbat ,
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after all , ii U a JbUun ! He win now , in & . „ of Commons , redeem his solemn pledge , andliS the Ten Hours' Bill « a matter of conldW SS sueh , be determined to carry it throueb juI * foiled by the power of wealth , ( which I knft « r * this moment , ¦ ubscrlbiiig its blood-stained thon ^ * fo > - the purpose of causing procrastination and 7 ^ he Wii . \ ' aa long ai he has a seat in the House o ?^ mow , and God gives him health and a sound ^ take care that no efforts , no exertions will be wmi ?> onbJapart , to ejUWUh the success of the maun ? and if defeated in the ptssent session , " he will keeni ! vow , and ' bring ifc forward in the next , and » 7 every succeeding session , till his success is comota Never shall I forget the honest indignation of r Ashley at the perfidy of O'Connell , when the i ., ; Judas' betrayed the cause ! " moa *« Thus has Oastler pinned Ashley to the m « l whence if he flinch now—no flogging can hen /' severe than he will merit . " **
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CORNER'S HISTORICAL LIBRARY- ™* , MARK , SWEDEN , AND NORWAY T don : J ) ean and Mundty , Threadneedle-str ^ Nos . I . and II . SDM « a , This is a very popularly , clearly , well-writu historical , work , designed for youth , school ? \ 3 families . We do not recollect to have seen tiJz so familiarly and yet bo ably written , and sowS ' suited for the class of readers into whose hanrfp udesigned the book flhould , fall , aa in the * Z& * before ns . One great desideratum in all wort ! which are intended to convey useful knowledJi SI the young mind is to present it in an ajjreeabltit « S attractive form , such as will engage the interest ! S absorb the attention of the student . ' tKI ^ fully attained in the edition before ng . pM ! - * The two numbers constitute parts twelve >«¦< thirteen * -ot the series . They are occupied emiS with the higtoriea of Denmark , Sweden , IS * 5 way . andarecomplete in themselves , and in < Jei > end ~ t of preceding or consequent parts . This b rnua& m itself . *
We have not room tor more than one two extrarti Judging from the following , *** FEASTING AT PBBLIC MEETINGS WAS A SCAHdIH V 1 AK CUSTOM . ** "In Scandinavia , as well as in Gaul and Germany feasting was a part of every public transaction . M » riages , funerals , meetings on affairs reJatingto tbe tbb . or assemblies held for religious purposes , all «•? celebrated with feast * . At the national assemlfc which were held in the open air , all free men im , allowed to attend , and to have a voice in eTery thf * connected with the puMte welfare All
. persons eaa armed ; the king and softies took their seats on »^ placed for that purpose , the king ' s being higher tfaa the rest , and then the priest commanded stiaT am } the king addressed tbe assembled multitude , rb signified their assent to any proposed measure h clashing their swords agaisri their shield * , and $ 2 dissent , by a sort of proanfag noise . When the htt * was made , tbe proposition w » usually withdrawn ; f « the king was not an absolute sovereign , but merelrtv chief of a free people , who elected him themseha and were willing to be directe * by him ; though ti » preserved the right of opposing his will , it they thoaS he was- not acting for the general' gooi "
In another page we find the ORIGIN OF THB KlUG ' S' eiUTOnoN . ¦•« The office of champion was instituted in the -fa of HareM Harfaargre , and it was afterwards introdusj into otSer European countries . The duty of | fc champios was originally to guard" the person oft |» king , an * to revenge his quarrels ; therefore , he ^ required % & possess extraordinary strength and valoa He was frequently engaged in duels , in defence sf tit rights of his sovereign , and the sceae of combat »« usually aDme Bmall uninhabited island ia the BiHk . Prom this enstem , perhaps , originated tbe trfel if combat ; ia which champions were sometimes eroplmt by females , or men who were too aged or infirm to fight for themselves . A battle of t&ia nature n called the Holmganf ; and the island- where it n feught , the Holm . "
And elsewhere is described the obstinacy of THE S 0 KWE 61 AN 9 ' OPPOSITION TO C 3 II 8 IUXIH " In the meantime , his brother Haoo used eier effort to convert the people of Norway to Chiistitahj , He built some churches and monasteries , aad destined many of the heathen temples ; but the prejudiced the people in favour of their ancient religion , were to great to be easily overcome , and loud rmmnnrs mn The landholders would not consent to a f orat of woniip that made it a duty to rest one day is sewn ; for lief aUbMslavea to cultivate their fields ; and they b ^ a to reckon how much they should lose , if these p « f
men -were allowed to cease frem labour *) often . A ThiDg was , therefore , assembled to discuss the subjett , at which the king was present , when » ne of tie husbandmen got up and addressed him on the put of his neighbours , saying , that they had elested htm to reign over them , on condition tbat he would sippd all their ancient institutions , and they had come to i resolution , that if he did not do so , and attend td sacrifices according to the custom of hia pzedecesm , they should elect another sovereign . "This , " said be , " is owr determination ; therefore , king , take ttj dhoiee . " Haco chose to continue king . "
OKIGIN OF MARKJTS . " It was about this period , [ the tenth eentnry ] fti fairs and markets began to be established in the Norli of Europe , and these gave birth to towns ; forasloq as there were no regular places of trade , every pena built- his bouse where it seemed most pfe&sant to Ma Bat when regular markets came to be held , it n found so convenient to live near them , tbat a grol number of houses were soon built on the same spot , and formed towns , which gradually increased in ste , wealth , and importance . " SLAVERY IN EUROPE .
" Slavery -was so general in Europe , at this time , [ u tenth century ] tbat the principal merchandise it tbl fairs and markets in the north , and in Germany , eosjsted of captives taken in the wars , which were cfta made for the express purpese of obtaining them . Hi common price of a slave was one mark , or eight cram of silver . " Each number is illustrated with a neatly exena steel engraving .
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ADVICE TO THE REFORMERS IN REFBEiVCE TO THE TAXES ON FOOD , ft Samuel Gordon , Esq . Dublin : West , l . ^ Ca pel-street . Mr . Gordon has , in this little tract , demonstrtrf not only the iniquitous nature of the starvation Iw but also , whether he intended it or not , the m « a which must result from their repeal , without Ii versal Suffrage . Let those who complain tfl » t »!
are brought to the verge of ruin by these enaclnw join the people for the attainment of their ri £ R and we will pledge ourselves for the repeal of iw and of all other bad and class-made laws . Ttfl are Borne facts added illustrative of tbe nice doas of that sink of iniquity , the Irish Court of Chin «? to which we may find it convenient to invite jm attention at some future time . The following remarks on the Whigs touts some sterling truth : — , .. . PVUI 1 ' rvvi * a * jk vb uwai , , thUi
V Probably , it were better for the country » Whigs should occupy the opposition beneheJ ;«» there they generally contrive to earn the charart «« virtuous Magdalcns , and even set the Tories j « alow « thefr good name with John Bull , and then tbe « tre 4 > begins as to who shall do most ; bat while in ^ they lire notorious for their profligacy and treacM If they will give us no Keforma—if they will mM » faces against the repeal of the Corn Laws , as *' * : ; revision of the Pension List ; if they will do iwtw but betray the people on the subject of U * R « a * the Septennial Act , and every other measure of w » tuu aemciiuini rvtv , aim wvry uviiv * .. «—• - — . drives them
( he sooner the Hero of Waterloo " " their position in Dowmng-street the better-, we eh » u »» know how to act If he were to so tomoirow , it *** be impossible to get up two meetings in their »** j the whole kingdom . It is almost unnecMWiyj ' farthei in citing instances of the real character « » professions of Reform made by the Whigs ; U « tf ^ a humbug called a Board of Worts for Irel * ; 'l " i appears by a report of a Committee ot ibe hQ a { Commons in 1835 , that the attorneys and la *?* the Board could put the Company of a R " ^^ miles' length to the expence of ten thousand P **^ a deed " of mortgage ! that is , an expence of ten tB *^ pounds for the parchment or paper writing , *» V this by the way of encouraging employmen t w starving people of Ireland . "
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- THE NORTHERN STAR . .
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FIRST COLLECTION OF BIBLF > } £$% A CATECHISM OF THE HI&rUKi | - ENGLAND . First second , and thirdCaHogj of Common Things ; and first , second ,, ana < Lessons of Natural Philosophy for Children ^ . the Rev . T . Wilson . London : Darton and w Holborn Hill . , Bant& We have carefully looked over the P »« es . ? . Vy new and excellent helps to juvenile edQC , " ,, * have much pleasure in recommending mem ^ notice of our readers , and the public general ^ Wilson taa most ably executed his Ud ¦ , « Jjj provided a rich fund of infor mation for t ™? ZM mind , on a vast variety of subjects , and in ^ manner as to combine instruction witn oeu *" « opening intellect will here find ample ^ p ^
pleasingly introduced into the paths of » h » gaining fresh acquisitiona at every step , an" . ^ j coming imperceptibly led to more adf * g £ ( of real * practical improvements . V ^! * * Natural Philosophy are em bellished mtn V j minature map of the globe , solar system , v" " ^ planets , &c ., Ld with highly useful wood JJ iustratvve of several branches of the subjects wj of . These add much interest and value to > v » . ^ We are sorry to observe some tJPW ** " ?*^ which detract from the beauty of these * wjj works ; and what is worse , an inaceuracy » / ) , the dates , and a few of-the details , wnM * » y the young student into serious mistakes . ^ , things weliope will be corrected m a s ^ - 0 We most especially recommend Univer »*« j ^ phy for Children , and the Catechism ol up-Things , to general adoption and approval .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 13, 1841, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct540/page/6/
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