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- ^^^ TcOXTIXrATION , UPON THE otJ ? Srio > -s of bxhsdibkcy-tbassfer-SB oilSE-POLITICAL TRAFFIC , AND COjffBSSAIlOS . Jwrt-B « tioin , since the passing of the Beform . BiU , ^^ Tl term very extenare in political use ; but ___ ionise ¦» *¦*¦**• " w "TSmJo * tiat «» * ' ** " terma e * P ediency IJd ^ F ^ e . ^ beeiiniiappUed . ** t » en » S ° n n ^ recompense for loss snetained , jS ^*" * * " " * - Bill aid plain language can
the Befarm , as aa ? 5 * meaning , ^» t tl » people had sustained great & ** ^ ^ grstem of representation , Mid the ** ° wn to ^> " blTe inBUred tbeM * rett t ^* * * ° *^ ° th » i & * means ° ^ preventing & recur-^^ fnto ' ert , » d tek *™ giTen w 111 ** ^ *? reD vote «* » equivalent far taxation ; because , rSlder tetf in mini the one and only jewel of tha tit S ^ wrj wu the admission of the principle , that *^ i » nd repressntation should be co-extensive and ** * « enl . The people , then , long cheated nnder a * f 7 j 7 K « n , -were , as a matter of course , the J ^ a in { hi * peat new compart who * ei « W > have got ^ jaajd ctt .
Oe first abase -which was proposed to be remedied _ Jnsod ; voy j obbing in Ireland , and the placing all ^ jasJnW taien under the Road Act , and lines of 4 plued io the hand * of trustees for repair , oat of frauds ef those -who had long made a livelihood out j ^ gtafic , —is beu * always understood that road iJELi in Ireland formed one of the principal means by ! Lji eonatry gentlemen in general , and county M . P . * a « raco 3 ar , proTided for creditors , servants , bad ^ jjj , poor relations , and political supporters . In jjjjfflsaaees , one , two , three , tour , and fire thousand y at in been made by individuals in thii sort of taS ^ mo , not satisfied -with the undisturbed posseajaofinca&Te abnse , they had the matchless effrontery , md SoTenanent h » d the matchless audacity , to grant Bjupensiion , where the demand should haTe been for
j ^ iffitisn-^ ja naS iB stsiice of compensation talways barring atEs eiKS ? , w » the payment of twenty millions or jSMiji money , as cempenation to B&T&g « i , anrnxn w ^ gs , tto had node immense iertunes by stealing , jeBs& * nd working human beings to death . Here , jBS ^ T iere » Reformed Parliament should hare ordered gg West Indiao planters to disgorge and restore ail ft e nsseny -which they had made by the foulest abojrjssx 2 , the -wrong parties step in , and get compensate Jr ifcir own abuse . Ii 3 » : ody to the poor negro that compensation
iosi : laTe been made , bat to the English working ( jtsa also ; as the Tery principle established by the jitTssade made those of the mother coon try slaTes ijjo , ks oEly in the actual e * ntroul over their time and hi » c , to in wntroul over their life and property . Esose , impressment for the navy , ballotting for the KsBa , kidnapping , child-stealing , and e-ven man-stealjs | sad man-selling , "vrere all so many abominations oaaSBj from the parent abuse . Here , then , recompeae ud eqairalen ; -were giTen to the aggressors , and wii ij ths aggriered .
Fssb Mother Church had dried up the paps of the poor fed milch cow , by continuous milting— -when the pe 33 a had literally eaten the calf in the cow ' i belly , Bd Tba the Ciiholic people -were actually unable to p * j ia Protestant -worship , the pesple of England ¦ wsre csH&d upon to " lend , " m they call it , one million tS mzzj to the Irish parsons , but to gite , as I call it , era two nuHions in loan , gift , law expences ,
adjustment , ud diabureement , and management of all jobbing natters . Hers , then , instead of the shepherds who , from time immemorial , had been fleecing the flocks , beii £ KBEpellfcd to sustain those flucts in the hour oi seed , sad season of calamity , we 2 nd the Tery porertj Which they had in part caused urged as jnst grounds for Knapeasition . Here , again , instead of the aggressors recervmg reward , they should hare paid compensation to ths aggrievta .
Anotner , and a m&st singular cue of compensation , was th . it of tha Dzehess o ! Kent ' s anxniij ; she was iSswed , I thisk , seven thousand a year for the educatiis of her own cfcUd , our own Queen , and as soon as the warl was perfected , and she was reli .-red of the tasSs snd eipence , one would naturally say that ' the Aadd Ihte ceased to recerre an equiyalent tor her labce , but no , so far otherwise , Parliament in its wisdm doailed it , and continued it for life , that is to hs for life , and upon you and your heirs for efer . Hsitk Ihichea got the compensation , and I trust , we shs 3 c 2 e dsy haTe an equiTalent in the knowledge yet a bs displa ; ed as the fruits of the teaching .
I fcm disposed of country gentlemen , West India planten , itooss , and ths Qaaen's mother , and now I COID 6 to ttt &d aapaatioas . These irere considered the most am $ s , jobbing , and expenslye institutions in the «« &J , ma , in i ^ X } ^^ corruption went a great wij a demand for reform . The officers had long fattasdigna abuse and plunder , which , as a matter of wes , the reformed iE 5 ^ tutiens , " the KnsseU purge , " bisid isre made them disgorge , but no , they get wujsaaaca .
MiO"CoEneD most hsroicaUy demanded compensafeffl its the cSeers of the Irish corporations , whose te ^ i ! ts suffer from the reformed system . As an hK-iiaai iar ^ sc * , not of corporation , bst of loss of pf& ce siiK , sir AbrahsTTi Bradey King stationer to ^ eCrcrn , - » ha Lad made thousands and a title , S °% lflnak , compensation to the amount of £ 2 > 00 a jas . EeBa . 1 th naturally to be presumed that judges « saia from that rark at the bar in which the «? s forties hsTebein made of pubUc and private * * 5 aa ) sad djuicg -irhich season of prosperitT , for
^^ sg should be laid up a rainy day , and Bome-*^? rare ia addition from the large salary of a judge . ^ Cfc , erea here , we £ nd , afwr mating thoasanda ^^ tiousaaos , compensation is to be given , l b 5 rteen years' receipt of from £ 5 , 001 to £ S , 009 J ' Cssa , in ease of a Judge retiring ; and after re-^ afEearly £ 15 , 000 per annum in case of a ^^ or retiring . y -w , I think , e-ren sinking the J * ?^ ths bar , and taking the lowest salary of a "_ -, 2 a : a eentlsnian may contrive to lay up enough ? - 1 ^ ' * 2 resc : H 1 S £ S ' cf £ " ° , 000 in fourtsen years , " ^ "Qfortably u-con for-life .
^^ ae agsia , as I mean to do here and there , give ^ * f hdindttai instance of a gross job . Spring Rice > & Rebst into inexplicable difficulties , and got a ^ "aa £ 2 , 0 & 0 a year as compensation . I tea * * ^ - ^ 5 ifcrough eTery braccb , and now tt B _ * most intricate , bat yoa must follow me , la lsi 9 ' ^ mite enz ? child of twelve years of ^ - ^ saaEuaj me . ec *^ ? - I < 5 t us , in analysing the immense and j— ^^ Machinery of a portion of military abuse , C 2 fc » 4 ** ^ ' were no ' beginning the system , a Ktoh&if-pay c . £ cer 3 .
te ^ T aen > mother French war , and an augmen-Sej ar ^! Bllm ^ i of troops , I care not what , say w aSdi !^ " ^ ^ e SfcTeral regiments commissions aas f ^ _ giTen a ^ ray . If sold , the Govern-Jo " isa J . RetiT £ ths P ^ chase mon ey , say , aecordinge % « rf f 0 ^ ' Ci 0 f ° r a coraetc . v of dragoons , or JwniZ You jay the full pay of ths -wliole ** i ^^ ^ serrioe > tut , Bnpposa a reduction of the * C *^ f ***** PlMe ' " What do ycm P ^ Wb ?> ^ a Su fK > m £ fteea to t ^" ^ P » « nt . for erer » ad w ° 7 laonieg -srhich GoTernment has receired , u . v&tz ij au g-j +. iv ^ . ^ -o v ™ » v- ^
fe * 8 * ed " PSy > * E 3 y f 01 eTer ' The half-pay , j ^^ eMonej ^ the ensign , would amount to from SKhol ?* ** eeat Dpon tte origin sums of ^^ wert commisHon . ^ J *^ ingto do with prirate sales of com" a W «»! indiTidnal 8 . - they are not governed by ^ MBb . - ?**' inasiDTlch M three times the regu-* * »« " fflira y ofteD for * n exchange by efficers a ^ " aok from a " Blow" to a •• crack " regil n , ° * ' ^> P ^ PSy ^^ to ef € r - aad" » hy ? Be-^ HW ta regimeDia to i » Te three hundred Fi
• * ttflifa — - " ^» o crery man oi teem '"^ r f S ^ ™ ^> « ake his demand for the ^ M *^^ ^ Peaditare upon the following £ > & iT hSar OnS Bin ^ VOTd of the ^ H ^' ^ W f' 7 XliChlrOnld 8 OiD « P « to mini '** Son ^ i' ^ ^^ ^ 8 AIbert *™ Buke fiuasex , Daks Cambridre ,
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Queen Adelaide , and Queen Kent , and all the Royal Family , v ^ re to die to-morrow , —do you suppose that taxes , to the amount of -what they now receive would be remitted , or that one farthing of the saying -would go in ease of taxes yet to be laid on ? No , not one penny ; and , give me leave to tell you , that though we hear nothing of it , it is this accumulation of ages of abuse , for which the people are obliged to give compensation , instead of the aggressors making restitution , which ia fast hurrying the aristocracy and middle classes to bankruptcy , And the people to beggary and revolt . Ton see , then , there is no such thing as annuitants of abuse . When the life interest ceases , the fee reverts back to the Original gnmters , &&d becomes traffic-money for new abuses , and increased support .
Observe , that with respect to the three hundred officers , it makes no difference to you whether they hare purchased , or hare been presented with their commissions . All the purchase money goes into the hands of the Government ; you pay full pay during the period of service , and half pay in perpetuity . A sophist may say , how could aC purchase , as cometcies and ensigncies are the only commissions sold ? Suppose we had now one hundred thousand troops , and no half-pay officers , and suppose that an augmentation of
ten thousand . was'tequired fat war purposes . The superior officers of the old force of one hundred thousand would get a step , and the new force would be made up from their ranks , -while , as all must commence with carrying the colours , you would h&VB an appointment of subalterns for the whole one hundred and ten thousand , and even that would be too few ; so the first appointment of cernets and ensigns would get a rapid step to the rank of lieutenants , and the thing wonld be done .
If parties who have power fell in a speculation they receive compensation for their insoltnce ; hence , the Chinese war was nothing more or lest than a war of compensation for a set » f English , and , Scotch jobbers , who took lands in India for the purpose of growing epium upon speculation and forcing it , as a contraband and prohibited article , upon the Chinese . Had those who lost their smuggled property never complained , you would never have heard of the war .
See how differently they treat the poor speculator . If a man establishes a private still for the manufacture of unadulterated . spirits , and if it iss&ized , he loses his property , and subjects himself to heavy penalties . So if he smuggles gloves , lace , pictures , brandy , anything , even knowledge , from foreign countries , his compensation is to lose all his property . The funders got an increase from £$ 0 to £ 90 upon all amounts in the funds , just at a time when they should have reduced their demand , in consideration of the great redaction upon all the necessaries of life . The landlords gave themselves compensation , by raising their rents to nearly a war price , instead of reducing taxation to the le . vel of a peace establishment . Observe well , the people , in this instance , as in all
others , pay fer all ; and last , though not least , of the lot , the parsons will look for their compensation when a repeal of the Corn Laws reduces tithes by reducing rents ; and John Bull , be he Papist , Jew , Turk , Protestant , or Athiest , will net escape the nicely constructed meshes of the holy and sanctified Church net . All is fish that comes to that net ; and now , believe me , good Christians , that nineteen in every twenty State Parsons and Bishops in the Empire , would prtfer receiving a guinea for cavilling with a nation of infidels , to a pound received from a pious congregation of the very best of Christians . Philpotts , of course , won't tell you so ; but , if the honour of the Lords Spiritual could be relied upon , and should they hereby pledge it , they -would , one and all , say the " guinea legally , npon my honour . "
Again , in the Excise , when the English and Irish establishments were consolidated , we had many young gentlemen of twenty-eight years of age , fox-hunting four days & -week , and half drunk all the weei . placed npon the superannuated list for compensation . What a farce . ' . ' : But bo it is in all matters affecting the powerful ; and now let us apply the rule to the different orders of the lower classes . If I walk in Greenwich Park I am delighted at the sight of old men who have spent their youth in fighting the battles of tyrants and misrula I dont blame the men ; thty have been pressed , and even if volunteers , tetter that than
starvation . If I follow them to their abode , 1 see none of the machinery of . a cold bastile . I see a neat and comfortable sleeping room well furnished for each . I s » e a contented family sitting joyous around a smoking repast . I see them well clad . I see their rules and regulations put in operation , by those of their own erder and profession , and who have a fellow feeling for them , as members of the same profession- I hear of no restraint or punishment beyond an exchange for a different coloured dress for drunkenness ; in short , I see them as men ought to be in the latter end of their days , happy , independent , and comfortable , and I see a noble school and college for the education of their children ; this is their jusi compensation .
But when I come to look upon the autumn of the productive labourer ' s life , or rather the summer prematurely turned to winter ; -when I reflect that an operative of the age of thirty-five , has done more real service to his country and society than all the sailors in England , and when I see him still willing and able to work , but made idle and thrown npon his own resources and handed over for his compensation to tha tender mercies of three men , neither of his order or profession , no play-ground , no school , no tender care , no comfort , but looked upon as so- much proud flesh skmghed from the general sore ef over-popnlation , then I am sick at heart . Again , look at the disabled and veteran soldier in Chelsea Hospital—loot at the old man ' s Hospital .
But , but , but , and above all , look at the cheerfulness with which the unrepresented allow the Government to vote annual compensation to the Polish patriots , while they allow them to vote a larger sum for the prosecution of their own putiiots . Think -well over that one political tirge in the picture . You cheerfully pay for the support of the Polish patriots , while your own , for a less crime in the eye of the law , axe banished , at
your expence , after thousands being expended upon their mock trial and conviction . Again , I say , think of that , and also think , acd think well upon this factthat the present generation of paupers , thrown upon their own poor resources , are compelled to pay com pensation foT every abuse which has existed for ages , and been transferred to them , and that the liability is for ever ; hence Y ** the evil so multiplied , that it hasbecome a monster difficult to be grappled with .
A poor girl is seduced ann nas a bastard ; she and her child are thrown upon her own resources . A rich woman is seduced ky a monarch , and she has a royal bastard , who receives compensation for his mother ' s loss oi chastity , and distinction to cover the royal disgrace . Think of that also . Idle country gentlemen got commissions in the militia , and when they were disbanded the staffs were kept in full pay as their compensation . I could eite instances innumerable , but I have said enough to arouse reflection and awaken pride . Think , O think of those things , and don't lose sight of them . And now I take s , moment ' s rest after tiiis , I fear , too long and melancholy letter .
3 Iy next shall be npon Church Chartism , Teetotal Chartism , Knowledge Chartism , and Household Chartism . But till you read all form no opinion ; in the mean time , though I mean to denounce one and all as trick , farce , cheat , or bumbng , don't mistake me ; I do not object to Chartists b # ing religious—to Chartists being teetotallers—to - Chartists thirsting after knowledge , or to Chartists voting out of , and living in , th « ir own houses . No , no ; I approve of all ; but I will show you the danger of establishing four different methods of arriving at the same end , in which , although a perfect identity and harmony is professed , yet a totally different means of arriving at the end is proposed by one and all , which must inevitably split ranks , tthat should be united firmly upon a given principle , ) into four different detail sections .
Working men , stand by your order . Tou haTe been too often deceived by those wno professed friendship , ever again to trust , save in yourselves . They have thrown you upon your own resources ; use them , and you are free ; abuse them , and you are Blaves for life . I am , Your faithful , devoted , and TJnpurchasable Friend , FEAB . GCS O'COSUOB .
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TO EVERY WORKING MAN , WOMAN , AND CHILD ; TO EVERY FATHER , MOTHER , SISTER , BROTHER , HUSBAND , WIFE , UNCLE , AUNT , COUSIN , RELATION , FRIEND , AND ACQUAINTANCE OF SUCH IN ENGLAND . One and all I ask , have you read Martin ' s letter in last week a Star , and are the victims yet in the dungeons , and in the clutches of the tender Shepherds ? I cannot -write tamely upon this subject ; whocottld ? My blood flies through my veins ; mj brain is maddened , and my soul is on the rack , that I should be compelled to " read , mark , learn , and inwardly digest " this horrid , heart-sickening tale , ana toe debarred the privilege of flybg through the land with my wonted speed , to liberate the captive .
I must be calm , lest I writ * libel in the damning language of truth , and , thereby , allow the overzeal of the advocate to damage the cause of his clients . You are all at large ; I am in one of the solitary cells of a felon ' s dtyigeon ; locked up from morning till night—but what is my suffering compared to the suffering pourtrayed by Martin , and silently endured by poor Carrier and others who have not even the privilege of complaining f nor indeed have I the privilege , but , being in a felons * gaol , I steal it Well , then , you are at large in the sea-bound dungeon ; and my mind is more free , within the precints of my cell , than that of any one of my tyrant oppressors , who , though at large , are bound in mental fetters . Shall we join spirits , if not at hands ? shall we mingle voices on behalf Of th . 9 friendless , the captive and the oppressed !
The men of Sheffield say they will follow whithersoever I lead . I thank them , from my soul , for their confidence . I nev . er will lead them from the path of virtue , or a single hair ' s breadth from the safe and straight road to freedom : not that i freedom -which would degenerate into licentiousness , but freedom tempered with reason and discretion . Will they , and you , follow me in the short and pleasing tour through the sweet fields of philanthropy for a little , a very little time ? Will yon wipe off the past stain up « n youi country ' s honour , and prove that you will have
freedom , at all events ? Will you join me in opening the dungeon ' s massive door , and releasing its virtuous inmates ? I ask you in my own name , in your country ' s name , in God ' s name . I would go down on my knees , and beg , in a voice , more suppliant than ever beggar asked for alms , or sentenced convict pleaded for his life . Your task shall be an easy one ; your duty shall be a pleasing one , the most delightful that man can perform , that of doing good to others , of relieving the oppressed , and setting tbe captive free .
The valne of my plans has ever been that they are inexpensive , and , if followed , must lead to success , while they close all the avenues against jobbing and political traffic . Her « is my plan . Send ten gooi men to London , to meet there upon Monday , the 12 th of April . Call them " The Political Prisoners' Liberation and Chartist Petition Convention . " I must stuff the Charter in every , where , as the means of putting an end to a recurrence of the eviL London , from eur ranks , will add five to the number , making a compact Convention of fifteen . Let their duties be to receive petitions from all parts of the kingdom , for the liberation of all political offenders , and for the Charter—one prayer , and a short one , will answer for both . Let them divide L « ndon into
ten districts , and let a delegate and a London friend attend somewhere in his district every night , for the purpose of creating a proper feeling , and of getting up petitions . Let tbe missionaries , and all cLass-leaiers , and all news-vendors , and all barbers and friendly shopkeepers have sheets for signature , and let notice be given , at the several meetings , where the sheets lie , and have sheets at all the meetings . Let all the addresses and petitions in favour of Frost , &c ., be sent at the same time . Thus you will have a compact working body of fifteen upon the spot , performing several duties at once . You will have your Transported Victim Convention , your Charter Convention and your Prisoners ' -Release Convention all iriu juiicla in tino—three joined in one . I now come to the means .
If every honest Ridical in the kingdom will join me , we will do it at the slight expence of one penny . Bear in mind that I can only rely upon my own stuff , and-what do I ask them for ? Why , one halfpenny a week , for two weeks , and no more ! If all consent to give one halfpenny for each of the last two weeks in April , it will pay your delegates £ . 3 per -week a man ; pay for a place of meeting , and leave a surplus ; but we must pin oxn friends to a sum , say £ 30 a week for ten country delegates ; the London friends will cheerfully give a helping hand in turn . 1 propose that the delegates shall remain in London till Monday , the 26 th of April , just one fortnight , and arrive , say on Monday , the 12 th of April ; that they shall receive two weeks' salary , paid weekly , and that each district shall pay tbe expence of sending its delegates , and bringing them back from London .
On or before Friday , the 23 rd of April , all petitions should be presented ; and on or before Thursday , 22 d of April , Mr . Duncombe , whom 1 recommend for the job , should give notice that on Friday , the 23 rd , ( upon th « House goinginto committee upon the Irish Registration , ) he will move upon the first part of the prayer of the petition , namely , an address to the Queen for the liberation of all political prisoners . Whigs and Tories stand by each other better than we do , and they both unite against us ; whereas , if we were to unite heartily against them , their opposition would be but as the ripple npon the current . > 'ow let me explain what we get by this . In the first plaee , -we once more bring our question of national right be ! ure the world . You find that Lord John Russell
attackes great importance to the efiect produced by domesticfeslings and excitement , upon our foreign relations , and unless you absolutely throw yourselves in tbe way of the preis , it will not report jour proceedings . WLat makes the Irish bubble of more consequence than the strung current of national opinion throughout Great Britain ? Why , the simple fact that the press keeps it eternally boiling and it has its due weight . Rtcollect tbat Mr . Charles Builer Das told you that " tbe most efftsctive insurrection is that which ntver actually breaks out , but which is always to be apprehended . "
Xut , what do you gain for yonr £ 60 ? Lstussee . Firetly , you ought to have more tbaa two millions of signatures for tbe Charter and the release of your prisoners . Secondly , instead of allowing the Whigs to close the session , and snap their fingers at the Chartists , exulting in having for ever put them down , you will have proved your increased resolution ; for , observe , my friesds , yon must not imigive that because jou arn satistied in your own minds , that we have now two Chartists f » r every ene we had before persecution led to tbe wider dissemination of our principles , that , therefore , those who read Whig and Tory newspapers , and who merely judge of questions according to their effect , as stated in tbe House , are equally well informed upon the fact of the increase of Chartism .
There is one fact which , I think , ought to settle the question . It is this . I assure you tuat nothing coalu possib . y give the Whigs so much pleasure as your total and complete silence npon the question of the Charter . OConnell and his party wish to make the Ministerial Irish humbug agitation an extingnisJier for all others ; let us just pat an extinguisher upon hia ru > hligbt for a fortnight Again , if we are to have a dissolution , it is indispensible that you Bbould be able to judge candidates by their most recent acts , and , believe me , many will willingly tell you , for the sake of another seven year ' s lease , tbat they have changed their opinions since the National Petition , and would , if more recently tested , have voted for the Charter ; and as for the Chartist prisoners , tbej never heard of petitions or any great anxiety about them .
Again , London deserves well at your hands ; our brave and glorious Peats , Xeesoms , Walls , Camerons , Spurs , and Boggis ' s have fought a glorious winter ' s campaign ; making war to the knife , against tbe united factions , in the yery citadel . They deserve aid , help , and succour from the provinces . I Trill , in another letter , prov j to you that vre were all to have been sold , first , at Leeds , on the 21 st of January , and then in London . Well , you invigorate our noble garrison ; you strike terror and dismay into the amalgamators , and , above all , always bear in mind that Ministers never take the slightest notice of progression ; they are governed by results , and such results as would b « produced by my plan would be more effective than meeting in thousands and tens of thousands in tne provinces , and not noticed by ttie pie&B .
Again ; the country never has , even to this bour , expressed itself upon the case of tbe incarcerated Chartists ; and well may 3 fr . O'Connell go to his patriots at the Corn Exchange , and say , " Only just think of the rascally Chartists , vrith 431 prisoners , for mere political offences ; they allow them to die in gaols , upon the tread-mill , without an effort for their liberation . O ! if we had but one repealer in , would ' nt he make the country too hot for any government that dared to keep him there against law and justice , and against Ireland ' s -will . Oh ! I always told you they were a paltry beggarly set , that did ' nt care for liberty . " Jfow could you blame him ? On my soul , I could not .
Recollect that I but preach as I practised . Again , I ask yon to think of my exertions for the Dorchester labourers , the Glasgow Cotton Spinners , Frost , Williams , and Jones , and all the Chartists . I ask you to read over the numerous meetings that I convened for M'Dtfuall , Lovett , Vincent , Collins , and the Subscription Committees , that I had appointed all over England and Scotland , and how I stood by the dtct OH Frost ' s trial in December , 1839 , to the close at Liverpool in 1848 . Surely , we have a demand upon erery man who has been released , to come boldly forward .
Bnt what is the expence ? Why , just a mite from each . Let us hear England , Scotland , and Wales speaking by next Saturday , and then the Editor will be prepared to lay a more detailed plan before you ; and , in tbe meantime let the mite from each place be collected forthwith throughout the land , and again I offer to be the Prisoner ' s Convention Treasurer , and to account for the
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monies , pledging myself , as usna ? , that the settlement shall appear against myself , rather than against the country . Send to my credit to the Leeds and West Riding Banking Company your subscriptions at once ; it shall not be touched , but by my order , and that only given according to your instructions ; there shan't be a sticking to the fingers , or deduction of half a farthing . Then , at once , proceed to elect your delegates . Elect them at public meetings ; appoint Mpnday , the 22 nd , for the election day ; you can give legal notice and need not have tremendous meetings ; they may be all in-door , or out-door , as you please , but let them be public meetings , and not the meetings Of any district , or leparate bodies , and lei the people take care that each delegate is a Sooth Shields Chartist , "the whole hog , bristles and all . "
Now , we will have no fending or proving , or afterclapa about this . I lay down the objects and means distinctly , and simply give you a list of persons from whom you may or may not , select tea to carry out these objects . The objects are to release your friends from hells and mad-houses , and to revive the Charter , and present the addresses , on behalf of Frost , Williams , and Jones . i The means are a mite from each district ; a national fund to release our prisoners . The mode of carrying out the object is , by electing ten persons from the subjoined list , or any other ten whom you may think proper . The persons whom I name are : — Mr . Moir , Glasgow ; Mr . Morgan Williams , Wales .
They are pledged already by not having refused to present the addressed for Frost , Williams , and Jones , which can be done while they are In London . Mr . Pitkethly ; Mr . Binns , or his partner , Williams ; Mr . Arthur , Carlisle . Some one of the FroBt , Williams , and Jones' Restoration Committee , from Birmingham . He also must be chosen at a public meeting . Mr . Deegau ; Mr . Leech ; Mr . Jones , of the National Charter Association .
residing at Leeda ; Mr . Arran , ditto , Bradford ; Mr . Marsden , ditto , Bolton j Mr . Duncan , Edinburgh ; Mr . Dover , Norwich ; Mr . Gill . Sheffield ; Mr . Charlton , Newcastle ; Mr . Martin , lately released from Gaol ; Mr . Smart , Leicester ; Mr . SJcevington , Loughborough ; Mr . Greaves , Oldham ; Mr . Wilkinson . Halifax ;
In fact , thousands , whom I don't recollect at the moment . I don't mention M'Douall , as I find that he will be engaged about bis new publication just at the time . Now , if all those named will send in their assent , or dissent , to the Star , at once , the list can be published on the 2 uth , and the elections can take place upon the 22 nd ; and , if more than the ten should be cnosen , I propose that the names of all chosen should be sent to the Executive , at Manchester , who , from the numbers chosen , shall select ten , the names of -which ten they shall Bubruit to a public meeting , upon Monday , the 2 i ) th , and should tho meeting think proper to substitute any of those postponed by tbe Executive ,
for one chosen , let a show of hands be taken . Always bearing in mind that three are already chosen , vi » ., Moir , Williams , and the Birmingham delegate , and , I think Pitketbly's presence is absolutely indispensible : he is the most practical man for such business of our party , and works like a horse when humanity or principle moves him ; and here I take the opportunity of faying that whatever credit I may deserve for my exertions upon behalf of Frost , Williams , and Jones , and the Glasgow Cotton spinners , that it is my firm conviction , and always has been , that but for Pitkethly , Frost , Williams , and Jones , would have been murdered , and the Cotton-spinuers would have been transported . He is tbe man for work—he knows every one , and never spares himself .
Then in London you have Sankey , Peat , Watkins , Neeaom , Cameron , Boggis , Wall , Spurr , and the rest of the troops who have so nobly kept watch and ward during the winter , and you will have the invaluable aid of Lovett , as far as the remnant of health left him by the Whigs will admit . In Bhort , London -won't be behind . If these things are worth £ 60 let them be done ; if not , let Martin , the Irishman , continue to shame you , one asd all , every week in the SCar . Let the subscription bo national , anil should there be a surplus , the surplus to be given to the Executive of the National Charter Association , to assist in beatiug and keeping down the cock-tails .
Who will send me the first letter announcing that a lodgement lias been made to my credit , as above T Huddersfleld , Barnsley , Carlisle , or Glasgow ; one of those ogainbt the field . When any sum has been transmitted , let a letter be sent to me stating the amount . ChartUts of England , here is a new , a safe , and a delightful field open to you , without a single briar in it ; no illegality , no hobgoblin : up then , and let us have a short run , what tke sportsmen call a " blood run , " for the Charter , for fourteen days . The Spectator has asked when the people's business is to come on m th « j House ? I answer , now , n « w , this instant Bear in mind , tbat a little from each will do , and will be money well spent , even if we take a mercantile view « f the case , as success will relieve the country of the burden of the families of the Chartists .
We have seen the eftwt produced upon the House by humbug agitation ; let us shew them that " the most effective of all insurrections , is that which never actually breaks out , but which is always to be apprehended . " I thank the Rev . Mr . Hill for impressing the maxim of Mr . Builer upon my mind , and upon the minds of his numerous flock . Mark , Englishmen , Martin is my countryman , and I am proud of him ; and if I was the only Irishman in England , 1 hereby pledge myself to drag Master Shepherd to the bar of justice {\ i YT 6 c&u find it ) , as he dragged Mr . Martin .
Again , observe , you have the following Irish Chartists , prisoners , or liberated after suffering : —The schooJmaster , your teacher , O'iJrien , Martin , Hoey , Ashton , White , Byrne , Duffey , Doyle , and O'Connor . Now , I tell you what : I know they won't let me out , and , in faith , I can scarcely blame them ; and I hereby release them from all obligation , and will be sitUtied , if they let the others out , and will pledge myself not to send out another -despatch during the wtio . e period of my imprisonment ; so they wiil bo butter off than ever . Now , then , let us put a leg ur . der Chartism , and knock Whiggery and humbug off its crutch , otherwise , believe me , " plain John" will chuckle and say , Well , didn't I put tbe Chartists down for you , aud got tho Peers out of the Cardigan scrape " upon my honour : " he did , but , upon my soul , he shall not put down Chartism so long as Feargua O'Connor lives .
1 have no more to say , but that I will look upon every penny sent as a rich gift , from the poor but generous and grateM people . I am , A Beggar , But only for thti Captive , and I am , Your Friend , Feaegus O'Connor . P . S . Mr . Hill should give a draft of a petition with great care , and make it national , so that one will do for all , and than the several districts will merely
require to have it read from the Star , and when adopted , without the slightest alteration , ( if adopted at all , ) as any alteration in a particular district Would invalidate the signatures from that district , particularly in the form of prayer . Let the sheets be then signed , and sent at once to whatever address the delegates shall publish as their place of meeting , after arrival in London . Sign on one side , aad have the paper ruled ; one pennyworth will contain six hundred signatures , if properly done . Let the men and women 8 ) gn different sheets , so that the men's aad women ' s petitions may be presented separately .
I believe that not a man whom 1 have named can be purchased for golll , or corrupted by the influence of the Court , or th « cock-tails . Let us hear nothing about dictation . Elect whum you please , but I huve thought it right , as I have an abundance of time , to assist , as much as possible , in simplifying the arrangements . And , again , bear in mind , that Pitkethly , Moir , Wll " Hams , Deegan , G 11 , Smart , Skevington , and Marsden have been already honoured with public confidence , by their appointment to the Convention , and Deegau a second time , by being elected to the highly honourable and important office of district missionary . Leech the talented and honest missionary , has also been honoured with your confid « nce , and so has Chorlton , of Newcastle , as I met him upon the Frost , Williams , and Jones' Delegate Meeting at Manchester , and so have the gallant Williams and Binns been honoured , both by persecution , and election to
sundry missions , and so has Martin , who has just emerged , pure as gold , from bis twelvemonths' tomb in the hell madhouse , and all Yorkshire will answer for Jones and Arran , and Robert Wilkinson ; as for Dover , the Bishop of Norwich , and all the nobility and clergy will testify for him . Lancashire will testify for James Greaves ; indeed , he was a delegate to Leeds upon the glorious 21 at- All Scotland will approve of John Duncan , and all Cumberland of honest James Arthur , of Carlisle . In fact , t « me it matters not one farthing , provided you select no cock-tails , or Household Suffrage men , VfLo Would merely take out money and their expences , and then sell us in the London market , while I defy the whole gang to purchase one I have named , and that is what yoa . want If O'Brien knowa anyone in Brighton , er the South , let him name as many as he can think of , and his recommendation will be enough .
Let all who object to be put in nomination communicate at once with the Star , and let any other person name ten , or twenty , or ten thousand , if they are as honest , as talented , and as -weli-tried as I have named , and as free from cock-tail influenza , and you cannot go wrong . c . U C
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of the land ; none but an ass would have bit upoa such inexpedient , and no wonder that he found two bur * dens to crouch under . Yet this is the exact prototype of the soulless conduct of the -weak producers of this country for many years back . They have laboured to make them rich who sow look down with sovereign contempt upon them , and who , from all the fruits # f their incessant toil , can afford them ne more than » " coarser food" diet , while they are capable of working * and toe cold charity of a poor-house to solace the remainder of tbeir days .
Thank God , a new state things is approaching : a state of things in which tbe Bible lav « f equity will be acted upon , and " be that labouretb . will be first partaker of the fruits . " This la , u all unprejudiced people will admit , nothing more than fair and reasonable . But the present usages of trade must be altered , and altered most materially , before this state of evenhanded justice can be found amongst us . But we are on the march ; and it is beyond the power of men and devils to keep us back . . ¦ We have next to inquire into what I have designated tbe influence of the Church ; but , as I have occupied all my space , I must conclude for the present . I am , Madam , Tour Majesty ' s faithful and obedient subject and servant , NUMA . London , February 11 th , 18 < I .
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BRONTERRE ON THE MIDDLE CLASS UNION . ( From a letter to a friend in Edinburgh . J Lancaster Castle , February 18 th , 184 L My dear M- —— , —The more I reflect on it , tke more I am convinced that the new project of " uniting -with the middle classes . " was originated in Macbiavelism , snd -will , if it goes on , eventuate in the disorganisation of the Chartist body . With every disposition to discard prejudice and factious feeling , I can still com * to no other conclusion than tbat it is the offsprinf of fraud , begotten upon the body of folly ; the fraud » f tbe capitalists who have started it , —the folly of the few
workpeople who bave become parties to it . If the former were honest men they would have long ago come to some explanation with the Chartists ; or , at any rate , interposed between them and the late furious proscription in which so many , thousands of them bave suffered in and out of prison . That they hare not done bo proves that the despotic conduct of the Government ( and ot its instigators , the middle classes ) has had their sanction . It also affords the strongest possible presumptive evidence that had not tbe tyranny of tbe Government so signally failed to subdue or crush us , w « should never have heard aught of the redoubtable " Fox and Goose" Union .
I have already observed that I should not be opposed to a union between the middle and working classes if I saw any likelihood of an honest union ; a union having for its object equality of rights and mutuality of interests . But I see no such prospect ; nor do I think such a union possible in the existing state of parties . Indeed , I regard tbe proposal as a downright insult to tbe Chartists ; for , let them twist and turn it as they may , what is it , after all , but a proposal to us to unite xeilh the very tyrants of whtse tyranny we complain , and
against whom we demand the protection self-government ? A union with the middle-classes against the Govern * ment , forsooth ! A union , as I remarked before , with the Creator against his creature . A union with the oppressor&ga , inattheinstrumentbe makesuseof to oppress us ! Is there not folly ou the face of it For what else is the present Government than a Government of the middle classes ? What else is that Government than the tool and creature of the middle classes ? at oace tke breath of their nostrils , and the instrument of all their liberticidal projects ?
Is not the Queen the mere puppet of her ministry fo * the time being ? Are not these ministers the mere creatures of the House of tommons 1 Can they hold office a single week without the consent and support of the House of Commons 1 Can any branch of the public service be carried on without the consent of tbe House of Commons ? Does not that House bold the purse strings of the country ? Does not the official existence of every minister and ether public functionary
depend on its votes of credit , and may it not , by withholding tbe supplies , suspend the entire action * f the Government-machine , and moke all the constituted authorities march in whatever direction it may chooae to dictate ? These questions must be answered in the affirmative . It must be admitted tbat the House ef Commons possesses all this power , and admitting that , you must admit the corrolkry—that the Government of the country resides essentially in the House of Commoms .
But by whom la the House of Commons elected ? By about 700 , 000 usurpers , of whom it Is notorious that the vast majority belong to what we call " the middle classes . " Even your leading Whig organ in Edinburgh —the Scotsman— has admitted tkat the middle classes constitute upwards of three-fourths of the wHole electoral body . I know they form a still larger proportion , but taking it even at three-fourths , we have thereby the fact established Vuat the constituency is a middle class constituency ;—that the House of Commons ia of middle class creation;—that the representation of the country is but the breath of the nostrils of the middle classes !—and consequently , ( every other department of tho Government being dependent on the House of Commons , ) that in the middle classes resides essentially the government of the country .
When , therefore , it is proposed to us to unite with the middle clasaea , in order to bring about an organic change in the Government , what else is it than a proposal to unite with the Government , what else is it than a v roP 0 ^ to unite with the usurpers to set aside their own usurpation , by helping them to break the instrument of their own despotism—* -the very instrument by which tbt / y uphold their usurpation ! If this be not delusion I know not what delusion is . Why , folly herself is outfooled by such a proposal . !
I might , if I chose , call your attention to the various institutions and local administrations of the country , and shew you , by the irrefragable evidence of living facts , that the usurped dominion ef the middle classes is even more glaring ( as it is more absolute ) in these departments than in the general Government itself . But I knew I am writing to a man of seuse and observation , and , therefore , I need not inform you tbat middle-class influence reigns paramount in all our Municipalities— ia all our Town Councils—and in all our local administrations and jurisdictions . Are not all our corporate bodies composed almost exclusively of tbe middle classes ? Are not the civic authorities
elected by them ? Are not all our borough magistrates ( though nominally appointed by the Crown , ) appointed at their suggestion , out of list * furnished by them te the Home-orHce ? And is not the local administration of justice ( or ratker of the law ) altogether in tbe bands of those authorities and magistrates ?—I mean as regards criminal matters ; for the rogues will not trust civil cases ( which concern their own properties ) to other than the regular judges of the laud ? And is not the military as well as the civil force of tbe country at thu permanent beck and call of those authorities , and obliged in all times or under all circumstances , to act upon their requisition—even to the extent of
aiaugbtering the very people wjtio pay for their maintenance , and towards whom our constitution declares they shall stand in no other relation , than as defenders from aggression ? Do not the middle classes effectually control the police , through tbe commissioners elected by them , as they do the military , through the civic authorities of their nomination . And is not tbe administration of the Poor Law entirely in their hands or in those of their creatures ? Except a few em-officios , have they not the election of , guardians , overseers , masters , and mistresses of workhouses , &c , and are not even \ haemofficio guardians , . as well as the Poor Law Commissioners themselves , indirectly appointed b y them through their tools in the General Government t
And , above all , i s it not from the middle classes that juries are selected , and have they not , therefore , as jurors , a sort of supreme power of life and death , liberty or captivity , happiness or misery , &c , * c over the rest of their follow-sutjects ? But it ia only wasting time and words to pursue the subject further . A single glance at our institutions must shew any man of sense tbat the whole substantial power of the country is wielded by the middle classes . Yet , we are modestly iuvited to co alesce with these classes for the demolition of tbe fabric of their own power ! I defy Daniel O'Connell himself to stomach the impudence and quackery of such a proposal ! , # # * * . ? " ¦• '¦ Yours , devotedly , JiHES E . O'BSISff .
(©Rwmai Govtt&Sxtoenc*.
(© rwmai Govtt&sxtoenc * .
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TO HER MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY THE QUEEN . Map am , —Having noticed some of the points to which the attention of Government should be directed as to Individual reform , we will nowproceed to examine those institutions of society to which immediate and searching attention should be given , in order to their being brought into accordance with the demands of justice and Christianity , and made to conduce to the general happiness and improvement Of the people .
OattuBBUbject , I must , notwithstanding its importance , be very brief ; which , bowevar , is of the less consequence , because I must of necessity return to it at considerable length , in the conclusion of these letter * , for the sake of order . I will class the institutions of society which so imperatively demand re-organisation ur . der three heads , as subjects of observation and enquiry .- —the arrangements of trade , the influence of the Church , and tbe constitution of Parliament , including , in the latter , the appointment of Magistrates and other Executive Officers .
First , I say , that nothing like a sound , healthy state of society can be produced , consequently , nothing like a general developement of good andvirtuous principles can be rationally expected to pervade the bulk of the nation , till a Radical Reform is effected in tbe prevalent customs anil arrangements of the trading community . Persons engaged in trade , I include , of course , under this general description , manufacture and commerce , may with strict propriety be divided into three broadly marked and distinctly recognised sections : —those possessing large capital , and who , by that means , have the power of ruling the
markets , -whenever they think proper to do so ; those who have small capital , and who are , therefore , only purchasers at such prices as the interest or cupidity of the others , may permit them , asd who , besides , must render themselves the bond slaves of wealth , by taking long credit , and giving it in return , at the influence of which they are passive to tbe support of every base and nefarious scheme which is generated by tbe graspers of property , for their own use , and the aggrandisement of tbeir families ; and , lastly , the working bees , who are compelled to labour in a state of most perfect competition , against accumulated gold , and untaxed machinery .
Tbe first of these sections would do well to obtain fr « m tbe Herald ' s Office , a patent to adopt and use , in all their transactions , and to bave emblaaoned upon every part of their splendid equipages and mansions , the horse leech , as a crest , and the words " Give , give , " as a motto . To fancy anything more destitute of feeling or humanity ; to suppose any combination of intense selfishness and low cunning more perfect , than tbe grasping , wealth making capitalist , is impossible . The prophet Joel has drawn their picture to the life— " The land is as the Garden of Eden before them , and behind them a desolate
wilderness , and nothing can escape them . " The ledger is their Bible , and the mill , or the counting house , tbeir temple ; they would grasp at every green thing , and and would accumulate house to house , and field to field , till they were left alone in tbe midst of tbo land . Let your Majesty issue out a commission of enquiry , and let them report faithfully to Parliament how many landed estates , which bad been in tbe bands of the nobility ever since the Norman conquest , have , within the last fifty years , by purchase or marriage , passed into the hands of those who have risen from tbe ranks of the working classes ,
solely by a system of legalised robbery ; a system which baa enabled them to advance to opulence and affluence , by coining tbe life , and blood , and souls of men , women , and children , into heap 3 of sbining ore , or to rear up for them places of almost Imperial magnificence . Let the Commissioners also further inquire how many thousands of acres of land , once common right , have , during the same period , been misappropriated by tbe operation of Inclosure Bills , and bow much of the saul inclosed lands are now in the possession of tbe same monied and mushroom aristocracy ; and , in conclusion , let the said commission ascertain , as far as possible , bow many families who , in an age which rewarded industry , occupied comfortable homesteads , and brought up tbeir families in habits of
useful and productive labour , are now , in this age of mills and niftcbiu ^ ry , of railroads and steam navigation , pining away in collars , or dying slowly in Unien workhouses . Let your Majesty , I say , issue out a commission to report faithfully on these subjects , ( the nation , impoverished as it is , will not grumble at the expence , ) and I will warrant that you will be convinced that the very class whose prosperity you are taught to consider as synonymous with the prosperity of the empire , ia in truth a vampire , sucking the very heart ' s blood of . tbe nation , and seeking to gratify the insatiable craving of its own infernal avarice by at once undermining tbe legitimate influence of tbe landed interest , and the comfort , happiness , and independence of tbe industrious clanses . *
Turn we now to tbe second section of tbe trading population—the men with small capital , who go to market at the utmost possible disadvantage , and are reduced to tbe nect-ssity of resorting to means the most disreputable , in order to maintain their station in society . And even this they cannot effect , as tbe numerous failures among them abundantly testify . This section , as a section , are as bad as the rest . Their coat of arms should be the lash and short weights ,
quartered with the Xew Poor Law ; the supporters , a slave driver and a vulture ; the crest , a spaniel ; and tliu motto , " Legiou . " For , to wealth and station they aro fawning as a spaniel ; to their dependents they are cruel as slave-drivers ; an inexperienced customer , a greenhorn , as they call him , they will cheat a » d bid " God bless hiiu , " as tbe pious hypocrite * of Glasgow have recently tcatined ; to be Poor Law Guardians , &c . is tbeir heart ' s delight ; and upon an unfortunate creditor they -will fasten like a vulture .
We never find these gentry < I mean as a body , for , deubtless , there are many honourable exceptions ) trying to ameliorate the condition of society . On the contrary , tbe little wages of the labourer they make stUl less by their base adulteration ef goods , ami by thoir scandalous overcharging in price . It would bo an Herculean task to cleanse this Amrean stable . Tbe interest of the nntion
does , however , demand that the river of legislativt interference should be turned in among theso gentry without delay , especially among the lieenaed victuallers and beerhouse keepers , and the BmalJ shopkeeper * The latter ought to be placed under » salutary system ot surveillanca , tbat they might become honeet by good looking after ; and the two others should be swept away altogether as an intolerable nuisance , no longer to be endured .
The manner in which these small capitalists -conduct their business is sufficient to prove that , whatever pretensions they may have to brains , they have none at all to hearts . They employ as few hamis ax possible , and at rates of remuneration which will not permit them to procure the means of mental culture , even had they time to make use of them , or to enjoy the more refined amusements of society . Time , however , they have not ; they are now considered only as machines , und are used accordingly . Late hours destroy at once their bodily health , and their moral character . Only think of the hundreds of young men and women , who are nightly compelled to travel the streets of this vast metropolis , and every other large town in your Majesty ' s
dominions , exposed to all the moral contagion which ¦ w aWeth about in the darkness , and with far more destructive consequences then the moat fatal pestilence that ever visited the land . Yet , this is a small matter in their estimation ; the lives , and health , and souls of those young persons , are nothing in comparison with their fancied interests-Yea , not a f ew of them can keep them to an hour in which they would not suffer their own sons and daughters to be abroad , without parental protection ; and can , in the plenitude of their sanctimonious hypocrisy , whine out that their bu siness requires their late attendance ; but they hope they wlU be safe under the protection of Providence .
Tbe above may serve as a very imperfect Bketch of two of the sections of the Votaries of trade . Let us for a few moments survey tbe third . ' The portrait of the labouring classes of this country was painted long since by a masterly hand . — " Issacbar is a strong city , reaching down between two windows , and he saw that rest was good , and tbe land that it was pleasant , and he bared his shoulders to bear , and became a servant unto tribute . " A likely way , truly , either to enjoy the goodness of rest , or the pleasantness
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I THE NORTHERN STAR . 7
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 13, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct540/page/7/
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