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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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jO MB . O'MALLEY , OF tHE DUBLIN CHABTI 3 T ASSOCIATION . " Fffl coek-a-lor&m jig , The man "who h * h *** > f » lawfully -wear a Trig . " ™ psxs O'Maxlbt , —I oflsr th « above M an apjjjtc motto for Irish agitation ; and is it not ai JSfieint ai the new issne fresh from the mint— " The _ _ ^ o eommiU crime atrengtbeiu the enemies of hii WBntry r n-y ncv - * h . en patriotism is ran to so d *» e » shift as a ^ ntw dressing of twisna in ed capiaJtdvm pbrase-J oct , thi patriot * themselves matt be hard run .
ytnr , pot my motto npon the bare pole , the naked jjaace , the bald had of Irish patriotism , and there is -osa oesnisg in it It eoren the nakedness , at all eiiii aad , in troth , my friend , the motto is not a _ yt jsore htnicrons than tie recent nnmwHiing addren ^ oeggfog which I am about to address yon . QXiUej , I hope yon haw read from " firstly" to HgjM&atBf of the last patriotic exhortation to the —r ^ cfering , never-thooght-of people of Ireland . I fcope jou have read Mr . O'ConneU ' s accompanying grggOs , » nd that I *» -writing to one who wiQ hare -en both sidea of the question when be has read this If » f
u ^ er . ever the Teil sophistry was thrown over , njonnUin of iniquity ; if erer a bit of court plaister w , ppUed t » mortal wound ; if ever retrwt -was jonnaed > y » cowsrd general ¦ , if ever extinguisher was put u pon a light , we bare all here . Here we haTe the old , the ' well -tnown orange anti-Catbolie feeling dresaed ap in flirtin g language , and bedecked in new plumage , u » coy-duck to lure the people from the scent of real advances and from the pursuit of the real malefactor . O'JIalley , was there a Catholic in Ireland who was sot airsre that Sergeant Jackson , one of the patriots ef the Orange KUdare-street School , and the
Orangejbo IJtton , were as strongly tinged with anti-Catholic piQudioe as men could be . ' Was there one man in Irelind ignorant of the fact that , all such partiemih vert , when promoted to the bench , uncontrolled , sare tj pojsto opinion and the verdict of a jary of Irishno , * bo , according to their faith , were ss deeply ( if On sgema ) dyed in prejudice as the Judge himself ? Is the freth discharge of their wrath , tken , a sufficient jusSiisation for liakiig racb a paltry display a sabteriage ! a smothering the Repeal ay " for the present " a arter that all attention should be directed to the jB&e hxportant consideration of how to dispose of
Jyfriu-Ti ' g and - Litton ' a babbling froth ? and , ciaerre , instead of being heightened by " having ibe auction of the ' leaders of their party , jit 0 "Ccamell is obliged to eke negative conclusions oct of suppositions premises . He argues Urns ' : — " True , Peel and Stanley , and the leaders of the bciioas , < Hd noi support , or appear to countenance the Bassre , aad , therefore , "w » ar » to presume that those pciiavere cognizant of , and approved and sanctioned &g proceedings . " Strange logic that , and practice Tery fi&rent to that heretofore charged against the whole UsaoB ; namely , that wherever a blow was aimed at
Irehnd , or at her religion , it was sure to muter all line srensth of $ he anti-Irish party . HoweTer , we find the very same conclusion arriTed at , from dia-BftdtaHy opposite premises . And , now , is it not msiincholy to sea a nation so hoodwinked as to suppose the enlightened portion capable of being led away bjtte assertion that the oft-repeated rhapsody of a ScsUh fiBitie , echoed by a pair of Irish fanatics in gnsst of prey , is eren more important than Stanley ' s B 22 , which , a few dsys fined , was " the most important
metmre ever , proposed for the consideration of Iretend ; " snd doss not this scale of importance , each new incident increasing in magnitude according to its in-E $ o £ caDce , and aQ out-topping Bepeal in immediate flsnand , serre to make every honest man look with oasiempt , and eTery knaTe with suspicion , upon the small amount of importance which Mr . O'Conneil attaches to the question of Repeal ? In short , he ke * ps is carreaiently in the lardex &a & cold dish to Ton to Then in a hurry .
Bat sow , my friend , let us s « e if , upon this hasty change , I can break another of fiction ' s wares upon my little rock . Mark my reasoning , then , O'Malley , and foH » w me cslmlj step by step . I haTe already pro-red Uiat moral force being relied upon for the accomplishment o ! Repeal , it became the panmomt duty of the Repealers to strengthen their most tfident force by augmenting their numbers in the House of Commons .
I hare sbtnra that one of the great and just causes of Irish oiEstisfwtton , and ber demand for a native PsrHHsent , was church abuse , and her laudable anxiety to be relieved of the galling trammels and unjust impocaons of s Law Church adverse to the national fiiti . This being a fact , which none can deny or even sKempj to dispute , it equally follows , as in the ease of Bepeal , that the anti-tithe and anti-church party ihoald b&Te been strengthened in the House ofJCommons . AfajttiBe this fact , then , I presume that no paii of
« Emon Knse f ^ i , jeny that the bold , the fair , the Sisnlj , and strre -way towards its accoiupKthi&eiit , was ij the Irish Catholie people seeding id embers of Sfflr own persuasion to represent them ; thtreby , at < Bce , giring Erig ^ and the most conclusive and unerring F oof of anti-tithe and anti-State Church feeling . This ** s their course , thsir only course , if they koped to gain kEasi& i respect , and power , for their party ; and > cr » let us see in bow far they bave pursued that OBBS .
O ^ ilaHey , sow observe that , by the late address , the "ier of the game of thimble-rig has been completely Rrcsed . We asked for Repeal to abolish tithes , tint fl » psa haa been taieu from undei the Repeal , or poli-^ thimble , and placed under ibe ana-Catholic flaable . Did the ebullition of Saint Coiquboun , or kekratiDn of Jackson and Litton , take Mr . O'ConneU i > T surprise ? for one must really think bo . ** i cs now see in how far the English House of Com-Xnx U warranted in taking the Irish aversion to tithes * t f * preference for their own religion , for granted , Irom aeealydata by which they can judge , namely , the f ^ Kase cf Catholic 3 Iembers in the House . And bear
a Kind , th&t a complaint haa been made , by the saints , ** e admission of CstkoUe Members at all ; and that jtes mcrease must necessarily alarm them , weaken fcoa , sad streegfhen the Catholic party . I * tss see , then , in how far the moral force of Ireland ™ been strengthened upon this sow more important Ration . than Repeal itseit The Catholic party , sinee ^ 3 , hire lost in Kerry , ChailwVcifDnell ; Cork , Dr . Ty ^ &a O'ConneU , and l > aunt r in Tipperary , *^ , aad Bona yne ; in Kilkenny , Finn , " and Sullivan ; ^^ ° T » County , Fitzsimon ; in Queen ' s County , r ^ st Pat Lalor ; in Csrlow , Blackney ; in Clare , 7 *** fcS » , jun . ; in Wsterford , G » lway ; in Dublin , ^^ an l » IDrogbsda , O'D ^ er ; in Meath , M . WUffltll ; in Wexford , Lambert ; in NewryBrsdy :
, Attuone , O'BeiUey . Now , O'Malley , there are ^ « t ? TOt-and ^ ut CathoUes gone in a sweep , ' many & « n Bopped off , and replaced by " Protes-* » nd although you have got a few J ^* a in the place of some , yet , are th « y Catholics ^ namej ^ j ^ g Jou ^^ % iJ ®^** Iot ^ e n e » batch in treasury—Right J * 9 nabls * , and BxronetM , - and expectants ; so that * 4 Tm l 0 St m ° re thyn twent 7 CathoUc Members , * M every one of whom -might have retained his " *• asd not the j ealousy of the autocrat got rid of J * ™* actual fear of being pressed on to a re-2 ST ** lretoa ' B pWg » of relief fromananti-^ aiCirnrch ; wiSe others were bong&t , IOce My J ? . Te 'i ^ el : ia a cattle marireL and artma H /* a ^ 71
fbto ^ i * ! ^^ U ^ progrerton jjjT" * -ta *» feeling in th » iBcm » of Commons . * aJalbZ' ° ' C < mBdl ' * ti « aythened porition to meet astwpke greater San that of Stanley ' s Bin , and " porUnkm , and fan of fioomy aspwt , H to I 'ay friendi , 1 prow to yoa that every bo » ert ^*^ 9 » and every facen tithe-abolitioBist , and lover < torri ^ IrehDd > * " befen damned off ' <** off . ^ wten , faghi 8 Bed <* < n&t off , or promised ofl ; aZry ** ^ measures should never pa «« , but that t « ^« may be always profitable / ow
. la Him . » " »» projuaoie . * w * K 2 T ^ *? diKu ^ * p ° b tte ^ aa thing of the total abolition of tithes , or nothing •• SoTi ** tithes b « t to fasten them with an * MdL ^ Bt 7 * fiTB ^ oent fOT CTCT ^ P *• (^^" M the poor confiding , bnt hoodwinked , j ^ Pwple , Ontnpensnch dastardly ascals , luch ki £ ™** fo * > « a * denoweer , of abuse , and fat-< nS £ ^ ^^ ^ ery hearts' blood ! * ftii ? , t Gisbonifi . HnBe aad many more " ¦ **?«* pad * !* , splat the B ^ peaL ^ nd
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were they not denounced ? nay , did not many who have since been recommended as patriotic Members , ¦ ctaaDy vote for the Coercion Bill ? and this is Irish patriotism ! O'Malley , do you imagine that either Atbtoa Yates AT Qisbome sit far nothing in their easy seats T if yon do , yon are a greater fool than I take you for . Now , wt . come to an observation or two npoa Mr . O'Gonoell ' s mode , proposed on Sunday last at the Curragh , for gaining agricultural support la aid of a repeal of the Union . He says , " ttat one object which he always had in view waa to ensure compensation for the outgoing teaint , for any mo&ie * expended during his tenancy . "
Now , my friend , what has he done to effect this t How could he effect it ? And has he taken the proper means to secure it ? He has done nothing ; ha -can do nothing , exoept by giving every man a vote , which will be his title deed , but which , be has opposed with all his might and strength . Does he sot know ' that the Duke of Devonshire and many other large landed proprietors , have l » ng since acted upon this plan ? Let me tell you the only method by which it can be accomplished ; by taking away the p /> wer of distress from the landlords ; by giving the tenants leases for ver at a corn rent ; and by simplifying the law of ejectment , which would then be a dead letter—as no Irishman , with a lease for ever , would ever owe one shilling
arrears . But while he thus nibbles about the edges , how does he propose to secure the poor tenant during his possession ? for , mind , he is only to be compensated at the expiration of bis lease . Why be proposes t « repeal the Com Laws , without giving to both tenants and labourers a vote by which they could obviate the infliction of the whole pressure upon the poorer classes , - and which would , of necessity , stedof a certainty , drive SOt r OM farmers , large and small , and , at least , 500 , 100 labourers at once from tht Irish fields to the English rattle boxes ; and this is compensatiom : But , O'Malley , in all the compensation , I never heard 0 ! the p « or labourers' compensation . Alas , my friend , fear they they an not , poar fellows , able to fork out ta the new Patriotic Fund .
. Now , dont you know , perfectly well , that every Irish landlord ia over head and ears in debt ? Don't you . know that even , if willing , they would not be able to make an abatement commensurate with the reduction upon grain consequent upon a Repeal of the Corn Laws ? Don't you know that if Wheat was selling for 10 a . a bag instead at 25 s ., according to Which price a bargain may have been made , tUat the landlords wauldhave the goose , the blanket , the pot , the settle , the three-legged stool , and everything upon which they could lay their hands , and that batch after batch of tenants would be broken , and labourers starved , while the-ship nas righting , and while rents were finding their level , according to the newly stamped value , snd which , at the end , could only be accomplished by Universal Suffrage .
Then , again , see , O'Malley , how he has sold the English Leagme , upon the question of the Corn La-ws . He tried to get up funds and a n&tioB&l convention to ait in London ; but he failed , and then he said , " 0 your party is too weak ; you must give it up . " And having drained and starved the artizws and operatives in the Irish towns , and finding , through the priests and little landlords , that the Irish people were against beisg transported , in quest of work , to England , by a repeal of the Com Laws , he throws the English overboard , and is s ilent , wholly silent in Ireland , upon the great question of " , above all , give the peovU chmpfeod . "
„ N » w , O'Malley , I am a sincere advocate for the repeal of the Corn Laws , but conditional upon snch a power being vested in the hands of the people as will preclude any possibility of a nation being either driven to revolution , into subserviency , or starvation , while hasty necessity shall be furnishing hasty stop gaps for every freab occurrence , instead of at once commencing at the right end—Universal Suf&age . This his new scheme may , fot a season , be found a means of chousing the miserable pence out of the pockets of th * miserable little farmers , and , when that fails , as repeal and abolition of tithes have failed , and when Sergeant Jackson and Mr . LUtoa lose their buggabooism , wkat are we to have next ? That ' s a nica question , and one for Ireland to answer .
Confidence and hope may , for a season , produce calm and reconcile suffering ; but , once destroy that , and public wrath bunts forth like a volcanic eruption , and sweeps away all befora it . The gam » played in Ireland has b * en one wholly subversive of popular liberty and right Moral force has been preached , whilst a standing army of spy police has been established , in readiness to suppress that outburst of general indignatitn which is sure to follow the disappointment that now threatens Ireland . You may take my word for it , even the Repeal wardens and pacificators , association patriots , and the Liberator , will shortly be dragged before the tribunal of enraged public opinien , and then the object of estabiishiag the spy force will be manifest ; it is the reserve of the last hope of the moral force patriots .
Now , my friend , while I am uptn the subject of physical force , relieved from exciting scenes of misery , produced by its unjust application—while I have time for deep reflection , and after having well considered the subject , apart from the -world ' s controlling power , either one way or the other—not afraid of losing popularity by denouncing , upon the one band , nor of incurring the censure of slaves by advocating it on the other : with suxh preparation to meet my subject , then , I unhesitatingly pronounce the man who denies a people ' s
right to use physical force , as a means of redressing grievances , when the majority agree that such grievances are beyond the honourable endurance of freemen , and when they have ineffectually tried fair , continuous , and constitutional moral means for persuading their rulers to redress those grievances—the man , I say , who upon sneb emergency , denies a people ' s fight to purchase freedom at the riak of life , is a coward , a tyrant , and a mere sales-master of broken hearts and subdued spirits .
IsnoitheEnglishR « volntionofl « 3 S called" glorious ?" and was it not prteaded . by -all moral appliances before the csurt would yield ? Mark , O"iIaHey , in my letters , the distinction which I snail always draw between the court and the monarch . Every monarch who has lost station , throne , or head , has been the victim of the court , and never of popular fury or revenge . Has not the French Bevolution of 1792 and 1793 been called " glorious ? " and was not all moral energy and persuasion exhausted npon the noblesse , before physical force was ressrbed to , or before the monarch , and many of the court more justly than the monarch , met their doom ?
Did not petition after petition , remoastranee after remonstrance , and warning after warning , precede the first shot fired for American Independence ? Did not Ireland , from 1782 to 1798 , laud the English Constitution and her Monarch k > the skies , and merely demand , oi rather beg to be admitted , inside her pale ? Well , then , if Washington had subscribed to any and all the moral means contrived by the Cabinet of London and Lord Cornwailia , would it bave procured American Independence ? and whether is Washington considered a revolutionist , destructive , torch-and-dag . ger-physical-force man , or a patriot ?
Although undigested opinions allowed a tyrant , in th « turmoil of unsettled and sectional conflicts , to mai the benefit of the , French revolution , yet have not some of yoor greatest statesmen and patriots , approved the principle and the r&voiutie * ? and , had the Irish been successful , their revolution would haw been considered as a noble and patriotic assertion of right and principle against might and despotism , while failure has given to it the 7 """ a of treason&blefrebeUion . Such , O'Malley , are my opinions npon the question of physical force . I have roared them in the storm :
I now write them in the calm , while I still persevere in the opinion that oar moral force is sufficient to carry every just and reasonable object , if not weakened by treason , or frittered away by art Th » lashing of moral doctrine * produces a political whirlpool , which irresistibly drags good , xsalous , &nd sanguine man into it ; they undertake projects as plots to meet counterplots , which they never would have thought of , bat to meet treason in their own camp on tht threshhold ; in fact , like the orchard man who plucked his apples before they were ripe , lest the thieves should be beforehand with him .
Physical force seldoms breaks out until the people l » se all eonfidsnee in their moral leaders , and until they find that they have either taken the first step in betrayal , or have actually betrayed their cause ; they then lo * e the benefit of their moral energies by being
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compelled , by thieves , to pluck the fruit before it was ripe ; but who is to blame , the orchard man or the thieves , the betrayed and outraged people , or the betraying and outrageous leaden ? . : " Cum dueee / aeiutH talia , qaidnon mUites facto * . " " When generals do such things , what may not the soldiers do ?" O'Malley , I think this is long enough for " one letter , so I shall conclude it and set about considering the Irish mode of gaining redress , with its expences ; and the English mode and its expenees ; and then we shall see whether Cha ^ Lnn , reviled Chartisa , or royal . loyal humbnggism is most likely to lead to peace and universal liberty , and make Ireland what abe tmght to be . . I am , you faithf » 1 friend , FeaBgps O'Cokxob . ¦
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TO HER MOST GRA . C 1 OUS MAJESTY THE QUEEN . Madam , —In entering upon the important branch of the subject which now claims our attention , viz . whether , and to what extent , our present system , of prison discipline is calculated to promote or binder the designs for which it professes to exist , it will be necessary for us to bear constantly in mind , the cause « f crime generally , in order that we may discern , with certainty and clearness , the defects , if any , of the present system , and be able to provide a proper and effectual renedy for such defects .
We have seen that the various classes of criminals may be divided into three strongly marked anil distinct classes , and we shall discover , if we look well at them , that no attempt at reform can be reasonably expected to succeed which goes ipon the principle of applying one and the same system to all classes of offenders . Thi * proposition might be demonstrated by a thousand arguments , but at present I will only mention one . In a uniform system of prison discipline , the moat gross injustice will , and must , in the very nature of things , continually occur . Even in felony , we can discover
broad lines of demarcation which call for , not only a difference in the duration , bnt also in the kind of punishment ; and this is still more apparent in cases of misdemeanour , yet , at present , hardly any difference exists as to the pwaishiheat Of crime except in the term of its duration , and , even in this case , as I shall prove before kriDging these letters to a close , the duration of the penalty is made to depend not upon the moral turpitude , but frequently upon the rank or station , of the offender , and that , too , in a manner at utter variances with the dictates of sound policy , honesty , or common sense .
Not unfrequently have your Majesty ' s Judges condemned , for fee high offence of daring to think for themselves , some of the best members of society , to a worse than felon ' s " doom , placing upon a level with the dregs of the community , » en whose characters as husbands , fathers , sons , brothers ,, workmen , and friends were unimpeachable ; and who only stood at what , under a better system , would be their country '! bar , toi opposing light to might , the claims of the Whole to the claims of a faction , and the practical religion of love and good will to the covert infidelity of hireling priests and Pharisaical profession .
This is a fact , wkich no one will dispute who has paid the slightestattention to public matters since youheld the sceptre—I dare not say swayed it , for that has been done not by yo 4 , » ut by the Ministers in whom you have placed your confidence , and who being as they were the advisers of the late king , it was , perhaps , not to be wondered at , that you should , for a time , at least , continue in the station which you found them , but who are known by the country , however ignorant you may fed of the fact , to be the meet base and wretched ministry ever permitted to blast the prospects , and ruin the true interests « f a great empire .
Our whole system of criminal jurisprudence is based upon wring principles ; and to the eye of caqpful observation presents in every part of it a uniform want of uniformity , and a vagueness of definitive end or « bject , to which it is not easy to find a parallel . Thus it is impossible to say whether the intention of the system is to reform the criminal , or to maintain the omnipotence of the law , ( it is rare , indeed , when these two objects are found together , ) bat be which it may , nothing can be less calculated to effect either object , li it is principally designed to make the law respected , then its cabinet enactments , by which a great , that is to say , a rich transgressor , may
easily effdCt bis escape , while be who wonts gold , though he may have innocence , character , and moral worth , may be crushed to death , are especially calculated to bring it into contempt' But if the prime motive of the various statutes for the regulation of prisons be the working out the reformation of the criminal-population , then matters are infinitely worse ; and we may safely declare that for one delinquent who leaves his cell a wiser and a better man , a thousand are let loose upon socitty , improved largely in their accomplishments most calculated to fit them for a renewed career of crime , to be terminated in a penal settlement , or ended at the drop .
The reason of all this blundanug is , that we only contemplate man , as a machine , and not as the wiser ancients delighted to represent him , as a miniature world . We have became , so perfectly sensible to the value of individual character , so entirely absorbed in the calculation bow each is to be made a producing portion of the working mass who are employed for the purpose of keeping up what is called national greatness , and the meaning of which is the keeping up of class superiority ,
no matter at what sacrifice , that we entirely lose Bight of the fact that the flash and blood machines are not mere lumps of organised matter , but recipient forms of' life , from our infinite Creator—that they were made to become images and likenesses of him , and that it is in the departure ef the human race from this end of their creation , that we must look for tht foundation of all those crimes which desolate and mar the fair face of creation , and reduce our beautiful world into the condition of a desert .
We need , Madam , and by and bye we shall have , a system of prissn discipline adapted to the exigencies of the cise ; and possessing , amongst its multifarious details , a oneness of purpose , and a uniformity of plan . This -would secure great and manifest advantages ; ¦ we should then see mercy and truth meet together , and justice and peace embrace each other . Things would not then be as we find them now , when the law is indefinite , the executive often vindictive , and the sentence arbitrary iu its character , &Hd not uniform even in its application .
Before proceeding into more minute detail , I will shortly explain the precise sense in which I employ the word made use of above—a oneness of purpose , and uniformity ef plan . By our present system , aa I have already shown , it ia impossible to know what object is principally sought by the operation of the law . Judging from facts , I should say that the specific object is the infliction of punishment , from a vindictive feeling towards the offender , as a sinner against the the idol , the dominion of wealth . But the one solepurpose of all laws should be the prevention of crime ,
and the one end of punishment the correction of the offender , in proportion as this object is kept steadily in view , in the same proportion shall we be likely to legislate for man as a rational and accountable agent ; as a being of high powers , and vast capabilities of improvement , and on whose individual perfection and happiness depend the general perfection , and ' happiness of society . And , in proportioniu we deviate from this pristtipte , wb shall even fail in honest endeavours U do good , and shall adept measures which can only increase the mischief they propose to remove . This is what I Intend by oneness of purpose .
By uniformity of plan , I mean such a well arranged and judicious system of Prison Discipline as sbAll secure to all the due measure of security ; and of correctional suffering which the lav has awarded to their offences , no matter what the rank or connections of the culprit may happen to be . Thus , if a man is convicted of a crime , he should know with certainty the punishment that will inevitably follow , aad he should have no nope of a remission of bis aentonae ^ or any part of it , except In certain cases provided for by tha legislature tkosen by
aad acting for the whole people . The Tmyrimnm of punishment should be in all cases defined , ; . frequently every shade of it should be accurately marked ; sometimes the measurer of the penalty might . be left to the discretion of the Judge , but in no case should any punishment be inflicted other than what was pronounced in open court . With this system of uniformity the details must be and ought to be extremely varied , but this would not militate at all against that uniformity . Every crime would be thus accurately defined , that is , every class of crime : an * i the nun who shed the blood of bis fellow ,
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T" V ? ; * v - - % ! : " , ~~ ¦ tola a sheep , or attended an illegal meeting , would be at once sensible of what he had to calculate upon , in ease of detection « nd conviction . He would be punished according to law , and not according to the despotic regulations of local magistrates , or the petty tyranny of turnkeys and gaol governors . Pterroifcme now to invite your Majesty ' s attention to various authentic facts , Illustrate of the state Of ow prisons as they at present exist , In thta « o called Christian land . I am , Kadam , ipoar MaJMtys faithful aid dbfdient subject atfi sorvamt , WUJfjL London , March II , 1841 ,
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" THE CHARTIST LEADERS . " TO THB * KDITOB JDF . . THB . ' * SDK . " Sib , —I find by your paper of Friday last , that you have got a new Correspondent in an old admirer , who « fgns his name" Caytes Ba £ e well . " * You head the docume » t" The Chariitt Leaders , " and the first paragraph of your correspondent ' s let tar runs thus;— - ¦ - | ¦ " ¦ ¦ ¦ . : .. ¦ ¦¦ . " Sir , —The truly independent character of your own writings , gives me a hope that you will find a corner for this communication . " . Now , Sir , that ome solitary sentence damns your correspondent , because there is not one working man in England who looks upon your -writings in any other light than as so much yarn twist ( and bod twist too ) for sale . . •¦ . •
Your correspondent makes a wholesale" attack upon O'Connor , O'Brien , H'Douall , Leach and Co ., because they will not allow Young and Co . to humbug the people ; and , amongst other things , he charges Feargus O'Connor with making a profit of £ 1 , 6 * 0 a year of his paper . Naw , Sir , if he was a nan anxious for the liberty of the press , he should rejoice that we had so good a bond for the honesty of the Star ; because , as to that , or any other paper » now duping the people , it i » all out of the question . i hoped , Sir , that the profit of tbe Star was nearer £ 5 ttO & year ; because , approving of its policy , good support would give me increased confidence in its existence .
But , Sir , for many years before Mr . O'Connor had any paper , be advocated the self-same principles and ia the self-same way , and , especially , with respect to the Corn Laws ; and , in tiuth , it is rather hard to blame Mr . O'Connor for opposing any alteration of the » C « rn Laws in 1834 , unless accompanied with a complete revision and alteration of ouf whole system of taxation and representation , and to blame him in 1841 for defending , in his paper , what , In 1834 , he supported in parliament with his vote . * But , Sir , in touching upon the Question of profits , you have stepped upon most awkward ground . I recollect , in the spring of 1839 , Messrs . O'Connor , Rogers , and Whittle -were appointed as a deputation to wait upon you to aGrbe upon terms for the insertion of the Convention ' s repoita in your iruly independent paper . I was tken a meiuber * t the Convention ^ , Sir , and I sball never forget the " heavy blow" which Mr .
O'Connor gave you in his report of the interview . He said that you had agreed for so many columns of matUr , on condition of Hit Convention taking so manypapers dmiiv at such m price . " But , " said Mr . O'Connor , " lest tbis should appear to savour of compromise apoa Mr . Young ' s part , I am bound to say thai h © contended for his uncontrolled right of comment ; however , " continued Mr . O'Connor , " toe have a good guarantee against violent abuse , mud , perhaps , " a couple bf hundreds more per day mail work a consdtntious change in the Proprietors judgment in favour of ourprinciplet . " Now , Sir , did you ever refuse a three guinea ^ advertisement , because adverse to your principles , and the refusal of which was sure to lose you a powerful advertising connection ! I doubt n « t ; while I can inform you that Mr . O'Connor refused such a one from the Cora Law League , who sent it with great pomp .
Now , Sir , just one word nitre and I have done . — Whether have the people best security in the integrity of a paper -which is able to pay its way , or in » journal , a part of , whose daily expence is the wages of a prowler for stamps , who one day runs to the city to negotiate loans upon a prospectus of principle ^ another day runs to Downing Street with a message that a change of politics weuld better serve the purpose of the drooping paper , and insisting uponcornpenaation for past services as a guarantee for future support fob . a consideration ; upon another , bargains for advertisements and their price , as the condition of advocating the advertiser ' s principles ; and , upon another day , offers to take poison , even Chartist poison , at so much ptr column ? Sir , of course I only charge the Sun with the latter venial offence , but are you not aware that the others are of frequent occur rence ?
Now , Sir , I beg to tell your admfring correspondent , that while many professed liberal journalists have made as much as from' £ 5 , « 00 to £ 2 » , » U 0 a year , Mr . O'Connor , of all who have ever yet appeared upon the stage , has been the only one Who bak devoted any of the proceeds to the people ' s cause j and , while you Lave never given a penny , aid insert comments . upon kis profits , he has given thousands . And , Sir , knowing more about the whole concern than you and your admirer , T beg to state that my greatest confidence iu Mr . O'Co » - nor consists in the fact that , if he made £ 1 O , H » a year by the Stmr be would spend that amouit , to the farthing , upon the cause he advocates , while I regret to say that over liberality upon his part , even when the Star was at its highest , proves that the greater the profits of the Star , the greater are the difficulties of Mr . O'Connor .
Now , Sir , you publish that of which you know nothing I write only that to which 1 oa » swear . In future , Sir , mind your own affairs , and begin by getting rid of your long primer type fur leading articles , and , above all , and before all , as your friend , Mr . OConnell , 'would say , write something that Bome one can understand . ¦ I am , Sir , Your obedient servant , William Kioer . Leeds , A p ril 5 th , ISU .
P . S . Sir , while thousands of prostitute hacks ate making millions annually , by pandering to class prejudice and party interest , it is rather hard that you ami your faction should deem seventy-eight weeks of solitary confinement in . a felon ' s prison , too slight punishment for the only man who has ever successfully fought you with your own weapons , and in your own camp ; and that , in addition , you of all men , or any of your corrupt confederates , should cry out £ 1 , 5 ## a-year made of the people , oh ! shocking . Sir , two columns per day of your shopkeepers' advertisements would far exceed that sum , and which , ugainst their will , the people are compelled to pay , as they truly pay for all . 1 trust , Sir , your admiring correspondent falls far short of Ms mark , and in-future that you will mind your own business . W . R .
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LETTER FROM JOHN JONES , ONE OF THE BIRMINGHAM CHARTISTS , IN « TAN DIEMEN'S LAND . TO THfc EDITOR OK THB NORTHEBN STAR . Sir , —You' would iuu < h . oblige . the . friends of the unfortunate young man , John Junes , convicted for the late Bitadnjihata rhta , by insertiag hie letter . Hobart Town , Vim Dlemen ' s Land . Kind Friend and affectionate Bkotheb , —1 have taken the opportunity of writing these lines to you , hoping , with tlie blessing of God , they will find you in a good state , of health ; but , dear brother , I write to inform you , ami all ruy friends , of the great difltreetffhat I am in , and all ihy * fellow convicts , and I do sincerely hope tbat you , or some kind frJenii vriU take the trouble of lttting Government know of my
situatioa , which I am not deserving of , as yon well know that I am here fot a crime that I knew nothing of , and ; if X bad but justice on my side , that villain , Rose , who swore false against me , would be in my situation fei per jary ; but if I bud been guilty , why should I uot have had the same trial as Dimes , who was tried for the Bristol riots , and was charged -with the same crime aa myself , as Government DBd the publicmust know that I am suffering for another man ' s crime ? and as writing to you , my dear brother , I hope you will not take it as an ottonce by me writing , to let you know a little of the usage which We po « r convicts have to undergo , while we are . fur away from our nappy homes . ;
t Dear Brother , —Ih the flrat place , what little meat We do have is what is brought from other colonies , end of the animals that have died on the passage . The next is our Water , which is not fit for a beast to drink ; and then there are our overseers , who are over us , tiiey will hot allow us even to stand upright , nor to turn our , heads during the time we are at work * Which is froW six' o'clock in the morning till half-past five in the evening . We hate our breakfast before we go out U the morning to work , which is a drop of wheat water , aad » a pound and , a half of brown bread , that Serve * us the whole day , and If it rains all day , wo must endure it till it ia time to leave off work , and then we come to our barracks , and when we are
mustered together we march off to bed , which is a bed of ta » W £ < with ode blanket and one rug to cavisr us . ¦ Oar shoes , which are supposed te > last us four manths , will not , with the greatest care , last us more than two months ; then we all go barefoot the remainder of the time . The * there are the clothes that we wear , which have to last ns tix months ; ' they are all off oar backs in a deal less time ; and every morning , when we rise from our bed of straw , we are in danger of getting into tronble , as if it is but the look , it will mak » as liable to the severest of punishment , as that is all they look for , on purpose to keep us as long as they can on Government hands , and in the greatest of misery .
Dear Brother , as I am well convinced did Government know the misery and punishment thafc we undergo , they ) would do something for us , I hope you will get my letter published , and perhaps , with your exertions , and those of a few ifriends , as I hope they will not
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forsake me , will try to get some of my time off ; for , in the first place , I have got to aerjre two years in close confinement , and then I must serve a master four years longer , and then for the next two years I shall have half of what I earn , and then I shall gain an emancipation for four years , that Ib , my freedom in the colony ; and after the expiration of that time , J stall , with the blessing of God , the greatest care , and the best of conduct , Bee my happy home once again ; but , as I say , it must be with the greatest care } as there are but few that can return . . ' ' . ' .. - ' ¦ ' ¦ - ¦' ¦ ' T . . " . ' ' - ¦ / tf conduct Will doit I am determined to return ; and aa I hope my poor aged and distressed parents are well , tell them not to mourn for me , for they know that I am Innocent ; bnt God ' s will be done , and may he pour down Mm vengeance upon him Who has caused my misery ; .. : ' V . ¦ ¦' . . - _ ' : : ' 7 . - ' ; . . •¦
Give my . best love to my sister and brothers , and tell them from me , that I hope they will not forsake their aged parents ; and , Dear Brother , I hope you will not take it as an offence in asking you to send me a little money , as It would be the means of saving my life , for I believe I cannot live without some assistance . Though you have been a kind friend , and I cannat expect but little from you , but if yon would take the trouble of gpiogto my ahopraates , and my friends , perhaps tool may cbllect a trifle for me , and do let me beg
of you to send aa soon as you can . Aa I have wrote a letter to my parents and bave nol sent , it in the some way as l . have yours , so I am doubtful they will not receive it . I hope yon will allow them to see this , and that both you and them will not forget a poor unhappy convict , who can see nothing but misery ; as I have sent you the picture of the ship , which bronght Us to our destination on the 6 th day of July , 184 * ; likewise . * few Verses wbich I composed , I hope you Will let n « V mother have them to keep in remembrance of me . ¦•¦'¦'
My dear friends ; as my paper Is full , I must bid you adieu , good bye , and may you all meet with better luck than me ; this comes .. ' ¦¦ .. ¦ ¦ . ' ¦' . -..-. , .. - , From your affectionate but Unfortunate brother , John Jones , Convict of the ship Mandarin , Hobart Town , ; . ' .. - , Van . Diemen ' s Land . When forced to part from those we love If sure to meet to-morrow , We feel an anguish in our breast ; We drop a tear of ^ sorrow . If what we feel is so severe , . When we part for months or years ; Oh , what words can paint that tear When we part , perhaps for ever ..
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"JOHN FROST " -A CHARTIST DRAMA . " I'll fight , till from my bones my flesh be hacfe'd . Hang those that talk of fear . " Macbeth . - This drama is not bo much intended to Illustrate the characters of the dramatis persona in it , nor the insurrection at Newport , on which the plot turns , as it is an attempt to illustrate Chartism itself . Nevertheless , the writer has selected the chief Chartist victim to be the hero , and , so far as one not personally known to him could know him , he has endeavoured to make a true portrait of him , likewise of Shell . The character f Albion was originally meant to be a sketch of Vincent . Melbourne , Risasell , and Normanby are caricatured ¦ but a Socialist , a teetotaller , a Cora Law repealer , a
parson magistrate , a policeman , and ota * B , are all brought in as representatives of their pecumr classes .. The Mrs . Frost of the play is not , however , the real Mrs . Frqet , nor intended to represent her ; the character is purely fictitious , or , rather , it was partly drawn from a near relative of tha author . In short , the whole piece is a composition , in the artistic meaning of the Ytord , made up of characters , incidents , and events taken sepaijltely from the whole history of the Chartist movement , and dovetailed together . I chose the dramatic form , because I agree with my friend Elliott , that the theatre ( yet what theatre will bring this piece forward while the present censorship exists ?) might be made the " most powerful of state or gans . "
Ignorance , prejudice , and apathy are the three great foes of Chartism . The Queen , Lords , and Commons ace but petty foes , when compared with these . Until the fiist ia enlightened , the second removed , and the last awakened , those who are clear from all , or divested of all , will continue to be the victims of those who ore not The pen , the press , is more Wanted , and must be more used—had in greater requisition . It must be applied in every variety of form and manner with novelty . If one shaft fail , we must shoot another with more " advised aim . " It is no | in " much speaking "it is more in writing to benmt the cause . The vices
and tyranny of the aristocracy caused the French revolution ; but the writings of Rousseau more than the speeches of Mirabenm , were the occasion or it I would not decry speaking , for some must hear , because they can't read , and some speak better than they write —speech , too , has a more electrical effect in rousing sympathetic action ; but the people are mot yet prepared for that . It is easier to speak than to write , and w « like it better ; but writing is a kind of engraving On paper . " Words are but wind "—when we give them paper wings , they become birds of the air , and carry tbs matter farther—keep it longer .
Nor iait money we want so . much-as ' spirit ; if money is the sole sinew of war , our enemies will win the battle , for they possess more of it than we do . Enthusiasm , would supply the wut of money , and be more than a match for it . But the people are mere backward in their ewn cauae than others are for them . The leaders have been forced to fall back—they were greatly in advance . The sympathies of the people for tb « mselves are not sufficiently roused ; they don't rise for their rights—they lie supine under the feet of tyranny . They require to be incessantly appealed to—their feelings and understandings are incessantly appealed to ,
and what do they answer ? It is not yet time ! When , British slaves f—when will the last point of endurance be reached ? Will the time always serve for you to be slaves ?—never to be free ? You all do know that the Charter is just—is your due ; you are fully convinced of that—instruction has done its office ; what do you want farther ? You want sentiment , p . iasioi , action , or you would never see your benefactors taken to prison , by your tyrants , before your eyes Engrave the Charter on your hearts , and let us endeavour to persuade the country as we would persuade an old , fond father , to hi * own good an * to ours .
The play is dedicated to the " Frost , Williams , and Jones Ueatoration Committee , " to show them that , though I refused to become an * honorary member » f their committee , it was not from indifference to the fata of Froat ; but fcom a conviction of the uselessness , nay , the despicableness of petitioning those who bad banished him . What I would not stoop to do for myself , I would not do for him . Shame on the people of England , tbat suffered such a man as Frost to bo banished for loving them , to be banished by the things that hate them ; hut more shame would it be for us to kneel to those mocking creatures , and beg of them to let him come back . Oh , we are
fallen indeed ; or could they blinder him ? .-frost must thiuk u 3 not ; worth . paying . When Rie » zi , "the last of the tribunes , " was banished by the aristocracy , the people made tbeni tall him back- ^ -nay , placed him ovlt their heads . But Englishmen are surely sunk somewhat ; lower than Italian eunuchs . They are noi -merely indifferent to the sufferings of themselves , their wives , and little ones ; but what is more , they are indifferent to the sufferings of thoso that suffer for seeking to-remove •• their sufferings—they lack gratitude ! well may they want generosity . AJ 1 that was English in their chonicUr is gone—can they be called men ?
Tyrants are kept in palaces—patriots are kept in prison , — »
" Shall it , for shame , be spoken in these days , Or fill up chronicles in time to come ?" But the deeper our ( Usgnice , the more honour there will be in " redeeming ourselves . In the meantime— - " Bleed , bleed , poor country ! Great tyranny , lay thuu thy basis sure , ( For goodness dares not check tiee \" ¦ I would asK , why should being a friend of the people lead to suffering and . sacrifice ? Why should being their ^ enemy lead to honours and emoluments ? Let the people answer . As for myself , I have had to fight both friends and foes , and I have ever found the jealousy of the former , though flattering , more fatal than the hatred of the latter . I appeal to the people , nay , to tbe parties themselves , if I have not always
preferred my brethren iq honour ; as , indeed , I might well do , for I have been an Idle * Chartist ; but net willingly so . Yet aim I not a disinterested Chartist—I avow myself a most self-interested one ; for tfao cauSO is nay own , as well aaniy country ' s ; seeing that I must relinquish trutb and justice ; I must relinquish honour and honesty , my nature itself ; before I can thrive under the present system . On the contrary , I must relinquish home , parents , brethren , all for the Charter , and be an exile , without the sympathy that reaches Frost across the ocean . But if tb « » $ a 3 ie fail here , it may bold for hereafter ; and , in the meantime , a virtuous roan will seek no other reward , wiU aeed no other than what his own virtue affords him . : .
2 ' John Frost" has been written , some time ; but could not find a publisher . Tbe ohief Chartist pub ' lisherin Loh&on shrank : from the respatutbility , and that is the reason Why the author has taken it upon himself . ' He has pat his own name upon the title-page , because none other dared let bis stand there . This most plead his excuse for { he awkward manner in which the work ia published , both as regards his own convenience and the purchaser ' s . Honours and profits he seeks not—he has refused them wtoen offered to him—he seeks but the interests of truth aud humanity . ¦ ¦ . ¦ : ¦ , John Watkins . London , No . 22 , ChadweU-street , Middleton-aquare .
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BIRMINGHAM . —Chartist Mshisq at Frebman's-street . —The weekly meeting bf the members of the National Charter Association was h « ld at the Chartist meeting room , Freeman-street , on Monday evening last . The roem was fitted up for the first time with seats , and well-finished restrain , chiefly through the praiseworthy exertions of Mr . Burratt , of Whittall-street , and added m »« h to the gratification of the ladies , ' for whom comfortable seats had been provided , close to the platfown . At eigkt o ' clock , Wt . Thos . Goodacre was called to the chair , who , after briefly addressing the meetiae . ir ^ roduced Mr . Martin , late of Norfeallerton House « T CoweotioB . Mr . Martin delivered an able and soul-8 tirring address in his usual quaint And humoroua style ; in the course of which he drew * vivid piclur »
of the eufFering * endured by the working classes or this' country , and then proceeded t * « oxnmea t •* the letter signed ' Ftargus O'Cofiadr , pubbah ' -Ml in last week's-Star . " He'Stated that he had no intention of interfering with any man ' s religious opinions , but from all that h * had seen since he had eou . e to Birmingham , he taoHghfc Mr . O'Connor ' s loiter peculiarly applicable to the present state of uffairs . He thought that a Christian Chartist Church wM liable to ail the objections made to it in itiao able letter ; or , at least , the . Chartist Church at present existing at Birmingham , for it had proved itself a greater stumbling-block to the Chartist oaus * than any other church existing in the town . Ha thought that there was a greater necessity tor tha people to unite for the purpose of delivering them '
selves frem political bondage , than doing that , as a Christian Chartist Chureh , which no other body of men could accomplish , namely , causing division and animosity , ' when union of principle had previously exiBtad . But although ever ; man had a ri # ht to worship God according to ' the dictates of his ovm conscience , he would ask them if they could point out a single instance in which the liberties of a nation were established by prayiDg or preaching !* If the Chartist Church was used as a means for extending the principles of the Charter , and that funds were appropriated t » the' dissemination of the political gospel ; if they exerted themselves to organise and unite the people against their oppressors , then ha should be inclined to give them credit ; unfortunately , that was not the case . But , on the contrary , thosa
professed Christian Chartists not only objected to join the -National Chatter Association , but sat up the howl of illegality * , in order to deter others from swelling the ranks of freedom . But he understaod they were applying to Mr . Roebuck for his advice . He would rather go to the greatest Tory or Whig in the country , than , seek the advice of Roebuck , Warburton , Molesworth , and the other sham-Radical emigration mongers . If the people of England —the toiling , suffering , and oppressed milliona—intended to be free , they should set about it like men , and not begin to form another Beet , to be added to the thousand and one already in existence . He was one who never had , and never would , blink , his sedtiioents . ' He would prefer seeing the blood-red banner of Revolution luted * on high , rather tban
behold the misery to which the honest , virtuous , and iudustriouB people of this country were subf jected . ( Tremendous cheers . ) He would uot williagly injure aay maa , or hia property , but he was determined to lift up his voice against oppression , and gain freedom at any cost . ( Hear , and cheer * . ) Let jtfl inen , then , who loved their fellowcreatores—who loved their wives and families—* rally round the standard of liberty , and join the National Charter Association . They had met , then , that evening not to find fault with any man ' s religious creed , but to unite men and women of all creeds in one common bond , in order to deliver themselves from the present murderous system . Mr . Martin continued for upwards of an hour , in a strain of the most impassioned eloquence , to bhow
up the horrors and villanies to which the labouring classes were subjected , and sat down , amidst euthusrastio applause . A resolution , passed at the Christian . Chartist Church , was then read to the meeting , in which it was stated that the Church party rtquested the assistance of the Association for the carrying out of the resolutions agreed to at the public meeting held on the previous Monday . A iong discussion took place on the subject , Mr . T . P . Greea stated that the monies that might bo collected in the Chartist Meeting Bopai would be forwarded to Leeds , in conformity with' the plan laid dow « by the letter of Mr . O'Connor , which had been agreed to by the members Of the National Charter Association . He thought it would bt vary itifair to make the funds of the National Charter Association go to the support of men who did not belong to that body . The fallowing resolution was then unanimously agreed to : — " Resolved , that no person shall be recognised as the representative ot
this Association who is not a member-of the same . " A dieeussum took place with regard to the refusal of Mr . Collins to become a member of the Association , and it wa * s ultimately agreed that as Mr . Collins would not agree to become a member of the National Charter Association , he cottld not be recognized as the representative of tb « members of tbat body residing in Birmingham , and that they would atill hold the election of Mr . Martin to be valid . Mr . T . P . Green stated , that as Secretary of Frost's Committee he could state thaj ; Mr . Martin wus their representative , being chosen by them ; Mr . Martin was also an honorary member , whereas Mr . Collins was not . A subscription waa then entered into for the purpose of assisting the fund at Leeds , and a determination expressed to forward their / share , on condition that Mr . Martin should be the acknowledged delegate from the Chartists of Birmingham . The members of the Charier Association are rapidly increasing in numbers since they entered the room at Freeman-street .
NEWTON ha'ATH , —Conduct of the Middlm Class towards the Wo « kjes . —Tiie Chartists of this place about a fortnight ago , invited Dr . P . M . M'Douall to deliver a lecture on the" New Poor Law as contrasted with the old one , " to which he consented . The committee of management finding that their room , would be too small for the occasion , applied to a certain cotton master who had repeatedly declared his detestation of the New Poor Law , for the use of an empty , mill for the purpose . He promised them they might hare it . They ( tire committee ) thanked him and left with an understanding that all- would be right . Butalas ! How changeable is man . They ordered a number of placards to be printed " and circulated , giving publicity to the intended lecture , and also sent a notice to Uie Star
which was inserted . The consequence was that ; the excitement was great . All went on very well for ten days ; just two days before the day on which the lecture , was to hare been delivered , the cotton master sent for the committee to inform them they could not have the large room which he had promised . They told him that they had been at considerable expense in announcing the lecture . No matter , he had had with him some very intelligent men who had assured him that the meeting was illegal , and therefore he could not allow it to proceed . This completely frustrated the" afrangvmeuta of the working men , for then it was too late ,: either to procure another room , or announce to the public their disappointment . Sunday came , and people came thither from Droylsden ,. Openshaw , Ashton ,
Stalybridge , Hyde , OMham , and Aiamuifster , to the number of more than a thousand . They repaired to the mill , but it was closed , after which they , adjourned to" the ' poor " man ' s church , which would not holrf more than an eighth part of the people aftsemblfcd . Mr . Alahou , an Irish . . Cbavtist of the right sort , was called upon to address them , which he did in a very sensible and eloquent style , and the people were remarkably peaceable and attentive , until-a banditti of police came up and bellowed out the most insulting language , and ordered the-people to disperse . They seized one by the collar , and displayed other tokens of wishing to breed a row ; and had the people been the same way disposed , these blue bott } es would have got a nice little dusking in the canal . Mr . Mahon said , he did sot wish to act illegally , and would , therefore , conclude .
They-gave out a hymn , and sung , and then dissolved . The police , finding the ' man whom they had collared , offered no resistance , but on the contrary , told them he would go with them , let him go . The committee are per-fcotly-aware how the trick has been managed . Tho middle aim have been with the cotton master and his son 'likewise , to the magistrates , prevailing upon them to prevent the meeting taking place ? , -And these men are those who want , or at least want us to believe such , to cram a large loaf down the people ' s throats whether or not 1 Tha cotton master , his son , ' and the middle class , never interfered , until they heard it was M'Douall , th « Chartist ; and had it been some canting parson , no oppdsltroh would , have been Bhewn , or bad it been for a meeting for a one-sided view of the <^> rn Laws , the middle-class would have been the foremost . Bat it is all bf a piece with middle-elass sympathy .
BOX . TON—Prisoners' Rklkasb CoNvfeNrtoN . — On Monday week , at a public meeting held m tht Temperance Hotel , Newport-etreet , Bolfoni Mr . John Lowe in the chair , Mr . Rifehard Marsden was duly elected * candidate for delegate to the above convention .. , ! New Association Room . —The Chartists hare taken a commodious room , No . 4 , Oxford-atreet where they in future purpose conducting the business of the Association . At the first meeting held in the above room , on Monday evening , 'during a desultory conversation , the conduct of our , Bradford brethren , in attributing despotic intentions to the disinterested and sufFerin ? patriot . Fear / rus O'Connor , for merely
suggesting th& propriety of selecting a certain number from those he named as fit persons to form a convention , was freely animadverted on and justly censured , particularly a * he had left it entirely optional with the country to choose' whatever othen might be deemed more proper .. It was eubseqoently resolved to appoint an agent from amongst the members for . the sale of the Northern Star , Chartist Tracts , fee , the profits arising . therefrom to be applied in furtherance of the cause—suoh as defraying Alissionariea' expenees , « fec . It is intended to Sell these papers at tha loom No , * , Oxford-street , where the members and others friendly to ill * cause may have their trdew attended to .
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THE NORTHERN STAR , . 7
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Jew * t- Christian . —On Tuesday week , Mr , Emanuel , a Jew , waa elected councillor for the ward of St . Thomas , Portsmouth , by a majority of 33 ; the nnmbers for Mr . Emanuel being 117 , and for Mr . Price ( a Christian , and of the same liberal polities with his opponent ) , 84 .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), April 10, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct544/page/7/
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