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MR. LOVETT AND THE MEMORIALS
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#rt«nal Corr^jjontrence
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" *" ~ ^ MOUNTAIN OF FACTS . " A plain tale is best , being plainly told . " " Come one , come all , this rock shall fly jtoid its firm base , as soon as L . " « , THE FUSTIAN JACKETS , BLISTERED gA >*© 3 , AND UNSHORN CHINS OF ENSjAXD , SCOTLAT fD , AND WAXES , AND TO THB BAGOHU ^ ACKEP , BARE-FOOTED
IRISH . ¦ g FXIE 5 D 5 , MT DEiE . f RIEKDS ; ip OSiT ^ I £ yDSi Has I am In solitary cosfljneim ' wit , in a jjjaal cell , in the twelfth month of my e < mfineg » nt j TSjjsEoken in spirit , unchanged in priaeipU ; iaad though ^ jjj gsd in constitution , yet unshaken in purpose , ^ jjj i sm once more assailed by the oldes-foe . Does jjuja ^ present » similar instance of resolution upon & ose land , or of treachery npon thB other ? . 33 a foll owing declaration of Mr . O'Connell places jbj jb » position , which , to hare otherwise assumed , T 0 Bid h » ve been presumptuous , but -which to leave -noticed , would be cowardly : —
» Be understood that there was an Association about v jisl formed , at the head of -which -were Messrs . Lovett , CMjO , and Cleave—three of as good men m -were in fc commu nity—having for its object Household sjgrtie and Shortening the Duration of Parliament , " g ^ perfectly unconnected with Feargus and his wild iss a&i&- " gareTer , in commenting upon this declaration , I *» D it as liitte egotistical as possible .
] a the outset , my friends , let me say tkat I fully , pee with Mr . O'Connell , that the principal object of j £ j u » more" is to destroy all that has been done , T % te I dissect from the inference , that " getting rid of ff , al though a primary object ) -would have the effect & Tiaaing the free minds of Englishmen to the sup-^ ik d the treasonable project No , no ; for in making to isiepend ent of ethers , I hare laboured to make ^ b iBfiepeudeiit of myself also .
My friends , before 1 proceed to the detail of circum-BB tsl facts , allow me to cheer your souls by the v-Tfal announcement , that although mine enemies itrs laid a snare for me , and although , assassin like , bey h » Te aimed a deadly blow at their Tictim alone Odin the dark , yet has the God of justice and of rci , the neTti-forsaking sentinel of the prisoner and is captive , deliTered mino enemies into my bnnris . In . ' 07 comrades , the tricked hare been caught in baa own sure , and the blow aimed at me in the ist , will recoil upon the beads of the censpiaiar * :
• Mj Mends , is it not curious that while thus secluded bsffl the world , I should haTe been made the instru-293 } of bringing to light one of the deepest laid Ehsaes era hatched by man for the destruction of his isflo-n ? I hm the evidence of a gextlesca * , of a gentlebjb of wealth , of honour , and of station , that this " k * more" was concocted at Mr . Hnme ' s , by MtHume tad Mi . ? utt * * Place upon their part , and by some si i » Bgaea of the new prospectus upon tots
I bare it , that" it was to be done while I was in prison , u ii eoold so . ' be effected if I was at large . " I have is , Sfcii ia ofcject wa » to' effect a ' fusion' of the middle si the working classes for the attainment of House hold Ssfesge . " I haTe it , that after the Leeds meeting ii m considered necessary to hold the promulgation d ste acheme in abeyance , until & " suitable name " m decided spon , and until the principles were agreed JJWB . I wu in possession of these facts u early as Jeirarrlut , but knowing that my communication -with Sa TBrid eould be only surreptititasly accomplished ,
ad fesSng the abiolute necessity of being upon the ijot ted it liberty to meet ereiy counter statement , I m compelled to hear all in silence , until facts had m Bs&plkd u to narrow my correspondence to a mere feetioa of yora mijids to those facts which , in my liaraee , must speak fer me , and from which the people sat dr » w their own conclusions . For the present , Ssb , I rely cpaa circumstantiAl evidence , and upon fttt ikae ; pledging myself , upon the expiration of my nqHUOEmeat , to submit direct testimony upon the subjot ta 1 committee of seren persons , chosen by working
OSl TEO WOEE . Ko » , my friaids , I proceed eaJmly to a . consideration rfwM hat been the object nearest the heart of the Ei&le eka leaders , and some of the London Chartist laden , from the moment that the first unh&ly alliance Tufunnsd between those parties- I pass over , for the piaatt , lie treatment which 1 hiTeinrariably met with temriat was called the London Working Jfen ' s Asso-^ ioa ; Iforpre iht ingratitude with which "the p * or D&tiiester labourers" were compelled to treat me upon tbarrstoin ; sl-ways perched up in public , between two af tla eonaaitiee snd neTer allowed to say so much as
Sack yoa , " to Uie man who built the house of tJeh Mr . Wakley had merely to open the door for Siaa . I pa » o-rex the many attempts of this body * JKreat me frosn speaking at their meetings . I pass r «? the resolution entere * into by the committee for ^ j ? ** !^ the Delegates agitating England on * 5 alf of the Glasgow Cotton Spinners , to the efivet * at 1 -ns not to speak . I pardon the ingratitude of the « oa Spiaaers ia obeying the instructions of Mr . Akj &nd Mr . Place , in not " coming to see the *» » ao traTelled 2000 milas in the depth of winter * Iin them courage in the dock ; who roaeed England adSa * 5 aad , sad spent £ 2 * 0 of Ms own money in
"b ? so . 1 forgrre those men for not coming to see me , |~ f witfcia an hour ' s journey -ot my solitary cell . 1 - * ? sot being incited to any one of the numerous e& ! aiinnaits -which I myself haTe proposed and been ^^ na tor of in London . I par don the London men for f *« wheedled me oat of my rnirersal Suffrage Club , J ^ J . 1 forgrre their non-co-operation to defeat the J ^ ^^ H ^ r the erection of monuments to the f * i pairiots , vrhen they , one and all , refused to « M * o amendment declaring f * r the principles for Ji& ose inartyi died . I forgive their eTery act of ^ Ma dhtinst body ; and I now proceed to a ^« ation of the treatment -which I hare receiTed ^ *« smMgjmated crusaders .
** 1 & 3 , they jtarted to ScoUand . Messrs . Attwood , ^ Doagks , snd Salt , as representafiTes of the _ e elsaeg , sad jojjn Collins , as a Hnd of working ^ fcrfaee . AU traTeUed , fed , and lodged at the ^ ° f the Birmingham Tnion . [ I haTe never been j ^ ~^ st *»* account settled yet—I must hare it ] ob jected , in committee , to my being in-nted to 3 ° » - lhat looked rery like a device to yei rid
£ ^ at , 1 S 3 S , they feeTd a great meeting at Hol-~^ Had , Birmingham , to which many persons J | ^ ' * - I was not When we went to the ^* S I - »« eompeued to listen to a parcel of old spouting nonsense ; and I asked the chairman £ Jk * IlldliaTe an opportunity of speaking , and I «» t I was to return th » nW to the cfiair , or to E * tjye * ° hltion to Vhat effect J & ^ took ( he v '' W mtef linine TO- VSfelf . nn » T ^ narvn ?^ at , * b ^ a-B-mir
^ iterf 7 hiei fOr : *^ "gutted tx&X obliged to e ataem out . Mr . Steeleaaid he came there to Ptj TJ * **»* leader , tihe Liberator of Ireland . A ^^ t !?^ ^^ ^ ^^ *• meetill « ' wben p ^ T * ~ a at ^ r Dan ; and , upon a genUeman j ^ ep to reply , Mr . Muntz , the chairman , whose * fck *** "aer little dumptiness , the Queen , " but ** to Mayw rf Birmingham , called the genUe-J ^ jJJ " ' tod aid that politics -were not to be •*** & * JP ** EOt " ^ book ; b « I rose ^* hT - ' " ^ " notfOT ^^^ y ' bntfor ^ " » l toessed the tilt between Mr . St « ele and fc ^ Z ** it * *» d the best of it When I sat ^ «* wood took me by the hand and said , " Well , ^ tttoj ^^ * e TEI £ D ^ ^ twtt ^ ai yew , bui ice ** £ ? **** meeting -vras in London . My ap-^• i ^ ^ Mettt P * * * 1118 ! " ^ x 8 0 t l ***« J * teDUl " Plaoe m «» H * ¦* * wUz « , J « tB ^^ " ^ PP ^ d in , the question was always ^ tl ^ **• O'Connar , irould you allow this per-N , u ^^ ? " ** " P— ^ tak 6
pre-^ l «» c *» "" nnny ? " Mr . Dillon Brown , * W 2 J ^ l UliBk ' ^ ^^ P ^ . ^ e re three *>» t uT ** *** ^ tox 111 ^ . » bo had not decided * % ] !* ^ O « y saw the iniportanoe 0 the L * ' ^^ "was the ground-work . r % ^^ ° m f ° r *• C ^ enfion were orer , and < JZT to the Sfa , , , jeeonunendaaon , so many % ^ ° ^ * wi appointed , the crusaders became r ^ iWbT ^ « ' " 38 , two months before ^ & rhW ? ' r > DailCaD ' iVhom 2 ieartily ^ si bscquent career , ) and Brewster , moTed
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in Scct ' aad . Salt , Douglas , Edmunds , and Collins , m 6 Ted at Birmingham . LoTettand his party mored in London ; and O'Connell moved in Dublin , as if by magic ; all at one and the same moment Frazer and Brewster called npon the people to denounce me ; Collins and his party called upon the people to separate from me , as I wa an Irishman , and had , in Mr . Collins ' i opinion , done much mischief by declaring that
the Charter should be law fey Michaelmas Day , [ which opinion I maintain would hare proved correct , had it not been for the treachery , treason , and rillany of the Birmingham delegates . Nothing could have impeded us , but Attwood dreaded It Lovett and bis party denounced me in London , and O'Connell Bald that tbe , jnj ^ i 4- £ oTce respectable Radicals of Scotland and Eh ^ khI had denied all conn ection with the torch-anddagger men—Stephens , Outler , and O'Connor .
The Birmingham men charged me with acts of omission for not haTing denounced Stephens ; while an Executive Council of some sort or other , at Manchester , summoned me to appear at their bar to answer for my misconduct in not baring more fully defended Stephens at 'Riyivitn ghnTp . Now , observe , as Executive at Manchester , of -which Mr . R . B . B . Cobbett was secretary , summoned me to plead to a charge of not defending Stephens ; the fact being , that I did defend him . In August of the same year , when I attended the most
eloriotts delegate meeting erer convened at Glasgow , consisting of sixty-four noble fellows , Mr . Arthur O'Neil was most indignant with me tor submitting to the meeting the justice , prudence , and propriety of forming a committee to procure subscriptions and petitions for the release of Lovett , Collins , M'Douall , and Vincent ; and yet it -was done , and some short time afterwards , the treasurer ¦ wrote to me to know to whom he should pay £ 100 which had been collected . Thus was I situated , from time to time ; wrong if I did not defend , and abused if I did defend .
-well , in the depth of winter , I went to meet the foe -at Edinburgh ; I remained their pleasure , and I conquered . I went to Paisley , and "went alone Into a ticket meeting of ilr . Brewster " s friends . I was tossed from head to head over the meeting into a kind of boxed-up cock-pit , where Mr . Brewster and his bottle-holder were ready for a victory . We sparred for about half an honx , -when Brewsttr meved an adjournment from his own friends to the largest church in Paisley . There I went , but there he was afraid to follow ; and there I triumphed over his own flock , in his own town . He then challenged me to meet him in Glasgow . 1 accepted it ; -we had seven thousand hearers ; and he was obliged to fly , like John CHlpin , leaving his hat and wig to follow after .
I then proceeded alone to Birmingham , and met the enemy there , and broke up the most rotten Association of Whigs ever yet known—the Council of the Birmingham Union . I then went to London , although George Henry Ward , M . P . for Sheffield , dared me , and Void me the police would seize me ; however , I went ; and after attending many meetings , and not finding the enemy present , I then went into their own quarters , to a meeting at the Hall of Science , -where Messrs . Lovett , Moere , and a long tail ot mj acsusers made their appearance . I was placed in the chair , and gave them all the most perfect fair-play , and insisted upon an attentive hearing fer each , which each , had , and then the meeting delivered a unaaimous verdict in my favour , and a unanimous manifestation of reproach against my
accusers . Thus 1 had triumphed over three of my four foes ; and it being difficult to meet -with the old " dodger , ' I addressed him publicly through the papers , and challenged him to meet me in Dublin , and in parts of England , to substantiate his charges ; but he was too
wise . At this time the Chronicle , the Sun , the Honing Advertiser , and the Greenacre Chronicle , and the whole of the EngHhh and Scotch press joined the conspirators against me ; but I beat them all , and did the people's ¦ » rork at the same time . Well , that did not cost my enemies anything ; but , in faith , it cost me no trifle , and bear in mind that it never costs ths enemy one fartliing to assail me ; nay , tiiey make money of it ; ¦ while the defence costs me hundreds , as mj hand only goes into nsy own pocket
Kow I pray your attention . to the pre » vl mote of the same parties . Fraser and the True Scotsman and Brewster , renewed the attack and opened another fire on me and the physical-force Radicals , simultaneously with the Fox and Goose Clnb , and when the twin 3 fetropolitan Association was in course of formation , but too young to join in the battle . The True Scotsman died with Feargus O'Connor's ghost before it ,
upon its death bed . Collins , at Birmingham j Lovett and Co ., in London ; O'Connell , in Dublin ; the Chronicle , Sun , and all the " establishment ; " in fact , the whole batch of the former conspirator * , have opened upon me simultaneously within the last fortnight Why do I say upon me ? because I can prove it ; beeause O'Connell admits it ; because my friends of Mansfield , in their personal reply , throw it back upon the idoi&tors .
BatJet me go farther ; I call upon Messrs . Hill and Hobson to say , on their word of honour as men , whether or not I informed them of this precise move , aod of the precise parties who were to make it , months ago ; and -whether 01 not I put Mr . Hill npon his fcaard , before Christmas . I know it was before Christmas , because it was before the Inspector deprived me of the poor privilege of seeing friends in my yard ; and I mentioned it to Mr . Hill in my yard . I told him that the move at first could not be for less than the Charter , like the Russian more , in which the conspirators
were " Chartists and something more ; " but that it was to dwindle down into a Household Suffrage anti-Corn Law move , -when it got strength . I told him the men in the three kingdoms upon -whom we bad to depend ; I ask him , upon his honour , i s the name of one of them upon the list appended to the Association , with the single exception of Xeesom , and -which I regret to see . I ask him if I did not tell him the names of the prime movers , and the very plan which would be resorted to ; and that O'Connell would then " fire away at me in Ireland : "—those were my words .
Now , then , my friends , for a bit of plain reasoning . How did Daniel O'Connell know , in Dublin , of this move for Household Suffrage , -which "Lovett , Collins , and Cleave were at the head of , " before it waspublished in any paper ? and is it not strange that he Bbould have been put in possession of the facts of 'which I informed Mr . Hi ll ? that the document should have been published in the Chronicle , with a leading article , and in the Sun ? and that George White , my paid reporter at £ 52 a-year , to whom I have not written one single line since he went to Birmingham , beyond' the following : —
" Yon will make arrangements to procure the result of the Walsall election for the first edition , if possible ; but if not , and if necessary , express it for the second . " Yours , faithfully , " F . O'CONKOS : " is it not , I say , curious that that consummate fool , Mr . Arthur O'Neil , should confess that he had called my excellent Mend and impartial reporter , [ a man whom gold could not purchase , } " » spy , " just at the same time ? It is a curious system of spying , where the employer in his heart and soul regrets the course of the employed , but fears to interfere in ignorance of facts ? Yes , I regretted that White published so much of their accursed blasphemy ; but I never once complained . Let White answer on oath , if required .
Now , my friends , let these facts speak fdr themselves , and couple my warning upon the " isms" which were to take place with the " Urns" -wh ' -ch have taken place , and take all in connection with the manifesto of the new Association , the Birmingham move , the Dublin move , and the Chronicle and Sun move ; and then doubt , if yon can , the existence of as deep a conspiracy as ever was hatched in hell . But , my friends , above all , bear one fact in mind ; when Dan had procured my imprisonment ,- he -was satisfied and silent : for eleven months he never
mentioned the dead man's name- From January to April , for thirteen -week ::, he even bo •© the I * eds defeat ; never hinted at it ia London , on Ihs Curragh , or in the Com Exchange , till the new meve was announced , and until 1 had " drawn the badger . " Thi-vk , my comrades , that for nearly four years I have been trying to make him fight , but he would not ; ne , I never could bring him to the scratch . Star after Slar has challenged him , but all in vain ? until , until , until , ( hear it , ye Chartists , ) the voice of the prisoner in the felon ' s cell , bid gone through the land ; it
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bad passed tte channel npon the bre * z « , > nd been lisped by every tongue in Ireland— " the Liberator ihbnJd fight or surrender . " O ! it was gall and wormwood to mention the Star ; but what conld be do ? The letters to O'Malley , aa the Editor truly said , had found their way to the Irish hovels . The Associations—fonr Chartist Associations were in existence , and what was to be done ? For eleven months he had the delicacy not to mention my same ; but upon the twelfth he « aw that
my triumph -would be insured by his silence , and then , for the first time , he opens npon me , the Star , and the Chartists , and at the aame time prematurely exults in the prospects of aid to be derived from the new Association , of which he was long aware , but would not even then have mentioned , but for the purpose of infusing hope into the drowsy spirit of his creatures , wfeo know that they are only '' patriots" upon sufferance , and that union among the people is ruin to them .
But , good heaven ! how does the Liberator meet me ? How does the friend of frqe discussion—the man of the people— proposeto putdown Chartism in Ireland ? Why , by the spy system ; by setting the police to watch them ; by threatening them with hanging , and transportation , and persecution ; and he says they are but eighteen . Ah ! by Jove , they are tailors then ! for theughnine tailors go to make a man , yet are the tailors the most enlightened and best patriots in the kingdom ; and our eighteen tailors make just « ne hundred and sixtytwo Chartists .
But mark the folly , and the sophistry , and the humkng of this Liberator ; he says , " Whtre ia Loughcrea ? can any one inform me where Lougberea ia ? there is no such place upon the map . " But next day be finds there is such a place , just leaving out the C ; and then he wants to know who Barnard M'Donald is , and because none of the kid-skins know him , foraaoth , " Barnard is no one , and Feargus is the lady . " New we have no secrets ; and as to this said letter , it was sent by a lady to Dr . M'Douall , and , at her request , thinking that its contents would give me pleasure , it was sent by M'Douall to me , and given by me to Mr . Hobson to hand to Mr . Hill , and is , I rejoice to find , still in existence ; so Dan , your " delicacy about the lady being in the case" ia wholly overcome—your modesty is quite overpowering .
But how will Dan get over the letters of Francis Mellon and Richard M'Cartney in last week's Star , detailing the Eegltct of poor aged Mrs . Mellon , by the compensation to Tenants' Act Ah ! Dan , I nave you there . It is now quite clear that Chartism in Ireland is to be persecuted . Let it work . The first man that is brought to the bar ef justice shall have the ablest counsel that the Irish bar affords—three of them . And , if I am at large , though not among the ablest , I will make one .
We have feur Associations in Ireland ; put them down who can . Dan admits two , —one in Newry , and one in Golden Lane ; but he says , " Ogh ! that ' s where the Orangemen meet" What humbug ! What child's play ! I > on't all parties meet at all places to which they can procure access » and . ia faith , it now appears curious tinder such a reign of despotism that the poor fellows were allowed to meet even there . But would one of them drink the glorious , pious , and immortal memory of the man " who Saved them FJROM
POPEBT , SLAVERY , WOODEN SHOES , AND BHASS mo . net , " ( the Orangemen ' s oath , ) as the Liberator did ? Would they , one of them , sit , though starving , between an Orange hari Mayor and Barney M'Cleary , the Orange tailor , and pass resolutions to break up their unions , as Dan did ? Would one ef them call for a tally-ho , and three cheers for the Orange Beresford , the Marquis of Waterford , aa Dan did ? No , not one of them , to save his life , would do it And then another mare ' s , nest the fool finds , in " infant Chartism , " and he Bays , " I pray you mark
that , the infant Chartism . " Well , what of all that ? Bah ! humbug is gone . What next ? Why , we shall have a Lord Burleigh ' s nod from the Liberator ' s head , and the patriots will cry "hear , and loud cheers "; or , mayhap , the Hon . Gentleman may place his finger once again upon his sagacieus nose , amid astounding applause . But talk now of the dark days of Catholic sufferings , when in barbarous ages the people ' s priests were compelled to preach b > stealth : is thti not &s bad , or worse , when the people in oar civilised times are not to be allowed even to meet ?
However , I have been trying in vain for fcur years to bring Dan out of his hole . He knew that to mention me would be death , so he abstained till he conld no longer do so with safety ; but now I have " drawn the badger , " and he must either show fight or give in . If he shows fight , I will back myself singlehanded against him and ilia bottle-holders , every man of them , at ten to one ; and if he gives in , then on goes the cause ; so in either case Dan is done . Now , observe my friends , I don't blame Hume , Roebuck , and Place , at all . They are consistent They say , " we think Household Suffrage would do every thing , and that with a good agitation for that we
could Repeal the Corn Laws , which in our estimation , is the greater evil complained of . " What can be more just and fair then , than for those persons to recruit their forces from all ranks ? There is not a shadow of a shade of charge even of inconsistency against them . But what must I say of those who would dare to offer such a list as that now before me , of nearly SO names , as the persons to form a Provisional Government to direct oar movement , upon the ostensible grounds of advocating the Charter , but in reality for the purpose of establishing a -working class aristocracy ?! What must
I say of the insolence , audacity , and presumption of the wretches who dared to insult me-by sending me one of their invitations on the 30 th of March , to bec « me one of an acting body for the next six months , when I was to be seven months and twelve days in solitary confinement ? I venture to say they sent my friend , my dear friend and countryman , O'Brien , one also . No doubt they did ; but did they send the headsman with it , with his axe , to say " sign this or take this ? " as nothing less could procure his signature to the traitorous deenmenfc .
The Editor of the Star could not do everything ; and he has omitted , in his multiplicity of work , to analyse the question as it bears upon the principle of equal representation . What then do we find ? Not one man for the hive . No , not a sonl for Lancashire , glorious Lancashire—not one . While for Yorkshire ¦ we have W . G . Burns , ( I give them in their order from the list , ) W . G . Bums , Edward Thorp , John Peck , William Martin , of Wakefield , ( not the Irishman , ) William Bar rer , Themas Wild . Now , I ask , do those gentlemen—all honourable men , no doubt—represent the working classes of Yorkshire ? Then , for Birmingham , John Collins , Arthur O'Neil , and Brown , the authenticity of whose signature is denied by his friends . And then for Glasgow not a single one ; but they got a bit about the edges , and put down two gentlemen from vear Glasgow .
But let the working men look the list over , and judge for themselves , and aak whether ft was not insolence to us to invite many , nearly all « f those who have joined , to take the management of our cause into their hands ? Just look at the Russian rump pinned to their tail ! Now , then , I come to the close . ' For years I have beaten you , one down and the other come on , and sometimes altogether , and now from my lone and solitary
celll challenge you , with your master , O'Connell , at your head , the Treasury at your back , and the "Establishment" at yeur command : I Bay , "come on , I am ready for you altogether . " I charge you with the design of destroying the people ' s cause . I charge yon with having conspired with our enemies to do so . I hurl detknee at you , and ask you to chirge me , ii you can , with one single dishonest set , one inconsistent act , one ungentlemanlike act , or one act tending to injure
our cause . 1 have a letter in my possession -which came to me while I have been here , telling me that I was to be beught or ^ assassinated . Bought , I may be ; my price is Universal Suffrage ; I abate sot an hour of mj claim in the age of the elector . If I am assassinated—ia twentysix hours after , England , Scotland , and Wales would be in ruins , and then you would have that social equality for which ycu profess to contend .
I give you leave to search all my letters , and advertise for them , which I have written since September , 1835 ; ard I eefy you to find one sentence of secret , one word calculated to create distrust in any man , who was doing his duty ; or indeed one line that was not to heal some breach . * You may say that you are not charging me ; but I say you must charge me with some act tending to injure or dishonour the cause , before you can prevail npon the people , as your master says , " to get rid of Feargua ,
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I haunt the ruffian ' s dreams ; he curses me after his prayers : I have hint dead beat , though in solitary confinement . I knew what the effect of the little hidden rocks would be upon sober Ireland . . You do charge me and my whole party with incompeteHcy , fcy your audacious attempt to ride over us . Now , my friend * , "these are th « timea to try men ' s souls . " Perhaps I have lost your confidence also ; if so , speak out like men , and let me retire from drudgery , incessant labour , danger , responsibility , and poverty , to ease , comfort , security , irresponsibility , and
Independence , I require but to be " disinherited by the people to be more wealthy thaa I couid desire . To me the cause is slavery and expence , but an honour to suffer for it , if I hold your esteem . If not , say so . You have but to command , I will obey . But so long as 1 am trusted * , so long will I defend my infant with all the courage of a fond father from the assassin , in whatever shape he presents himself , even at the hazard of that life which I would hold as not worth preserving if dishonoured by being a traitor to my principles .
You have the guarantee that ia dismissing me you lose no friend—you make no enemy , because my battle is for principle—not for man . I will neither turn Whig or Tory . I will never accept of place , pension , or emolument from any gevernment , or under eny laws save those made by the whole people , be your judgment what it may . You have now but one alternative : you must either throw me and those friends with whom I have acted , and who will not act with traitors , overboard ; or you must throw the traitors overboard . No mincing : to the thing at once .
The leaders that I allude to are O'Brien , O ' Connor , M'Douall , Moir , Boss , PHkethly , Williams , Binns , MarBden , Deegan , James Taylor , Leech , Butterworth , Higgins , Duke , Martin , White , Ball , Boggis , Spurr , Dover , Vevers , Burnett , Arran , John Leech ( the glorious John Leech , ) Skevington , Jack , Thompson , Boss ( Lambeth ) , Sankey , Cullum ( Glasgow ) , John Duncan , ADuncan , Rankin , Arthur , Charlton , Bowman , Hanson , Robert Wilkinson , Bairstow , Cooper ( of Leicester , a host in himself , editor of the Young Star ) , Seal ,
Markham , Sweet , Ashton and Hoey ( my two noble countrymen ) , Frost , Frost , Frost , Peat , Heywood , Hobson , Rider , Lettnie , Watkins , Bolwell , Owen , Worsdell , Cameron , Parker ( London ) , Parker ( Leeds ) , Jones , Gardner , Mason , Shorrocks , Dean Taylor , T . P . Green , Bartlett , Robert Kemp Philp , Neai , Shellard , Edwards , Greaves , Wheeler , Cartledge , Carrier , Bell , Campbell ( not Sir John : he belongs to the other list ) , Morgan , I Simeon , Allen , Page , Flowers , Healey , Hick ( our poet ) , Duke , Benbow , Fenny , and Hill .
Now , I have given you eighty-seven names from the old list , against the eighty-seven in the new ; and to taeseaddthenearly Beven hundred , already published , of real working men , from which the Council to OUR Charter Association is to be chosen , and choose between us . I have give ^ n you the first eighty-soven that crossed my mind . I have left out hundreds , thousands , ot as good- men , but I wanted man for
man . Now then , let us have no child ' s play about so dear a stake as life and liberty . You must , and shall decide . The question is not O'Connor and O'Connell ; that has been often decided ; the question for you is the new or the old list I am in the old , my enemies are in the new ; declare for one or the other . I cannot aerro two masters . I must know whose servant I am . I am in prison ; my conditions are , I think , but moderate ; I require a strong , an instant , an unequivocal verdict for one of the lista ; should it be in favour of the new list , I surrender my office .
The Star never shall be turned against you . It was established upon the condition that the working men were to subscribe £ 800 , to which I was to put £ 469 . You only raised £ 670 , to which 1 put several thousands . I have paid off above £ 270 of the £ 67 t . I will pay the remainder , and will handover the Slar , l ock , stock , and barrel , unencumbered , with the best stocked office out of London , and by far the best property of any provincial paper ia the empire , to my successors to advocate your cause , as your chosen leaders , [ the £ lar is national property : it never shall be made the organ of a faction , or the tool of an individual , ] and I will walk from my cell into my wig and gown , and like Quintus Cincinnatus , return to my plough .
My friends , let no man be disheartened ; this attempt to divide ia but the beginning of the end . The desertion of such trumpery will strengthen us . Any man who has watched those Malthusian Whigs tot the lost six years , must confess that they haunted my every step by day , like an evil spirit , while I can assure you they sat upon my slumbers as a night-mare . They hated me with a deadly hatred , because I was opposed te subscriptions . Nothing troubled them so much as opposition to the Poor Law . I dragged them after me like a dead horse . Thank God , I am now released from the burden . O , what a relief !
Now then , we commence with the beginning of the end . We shall be well tutored when taught temperance by men intoxicated with pride , educated by men who don't know half bo much aa those they profess to teach ; and religion by men who would rather rule in Hell than serve in Heaven . I assure you that these men would not allow us to carry the Charter if they could help it Recollect , I do not speak of all who signed the list ; as many of them have , ere this , repented . I speak of those who concocted the scheme , and not of those who signed it in ignorance of the facts I have stated , aa to the compromise .
They want " to get rid" of me , their leader says ; faith , they have accomplished it nicely , by taking themselves out of my way . ' But let them be assured that whitevtr they may think , my name is of same value to any firm , where principle , honour , and integrity are to be discounted ; and with all classes , even the enemy , it will go farther than the whole firm of the new jobbers . Some people may think this letter too long ; perhaps it is for them , but not for the occasion .
Lot us now have the country ' s voice upon the two lists . I have given you eighty-seven followers of your will and leader * of your cause ; they have given you eighty-seven leaders of your will and followers of their decrees . Cato , it appears , calls them the New London rat-catchers . I call them the Old London-DaMN-Nations , because they would break up that cause upon which depends the happiness of many nations .
I shall be a new man when relieved of the dead weight , and live till Saturday in the hope of seeing a Slar full of decisions , one way or the other . My motto ever has been , " Never trust a man a second time , who has deceived you once ; " and I require to be judged by the strictest lines of my own rule . It iB folly to say , " We have not charged you . " Dan says the object Is " to gel rid" of me ; and the whole manifesto breathes an angry , jealous , sneaking , cowardly , under * growl snarl at every project I have recommended . Cover their treachery how they will , they want to get rid of me first , and O'Brien after ; and then they would deal very summarily with all the others , in succession , flown to my fustian jackets , who would be sold all in aheap . *
I can be banished , bnt I never will betray yon . These are my conditions—till they are decided upon , one way or other , farewell . I am , your Friend , FEARGUS O'CONNOR .
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TO HER MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY THE QUEEN . Madam , —I am well aware that la this enlightened age of so-called Reform , to consider the man who has broken the laws of his country , er those enactments of a class-legielature which have assumed the name of law , as entitled to the considerations of humanity , and as forming a link in the chain of human beings , will be
deemed by the " liberal" and " enlightened" as the height of folly and the daring of presumption . Yet , even in the teeth of all that modern philosophy , falsely so called , may say , and in spite of the dicta of Interested selfishness , I am ready to maintain the claims of all who have been formed in the image of God , however fallen and defaced that image may have become , not merely to justice , bnt also to the kindly and merciful consideration of their fellow-men .
I contend that the principle that until a suspected person ig proved to be guilty , he must be presumed to be Innocent is one that , is equally accordant with natural equity and sound policy ; and that , in accordance with this acknowledged principle of right , no hardship should be inflicted which is not absolutely required for securing the safe custody of the person accused . In al
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cases , where the well being of society does not imperatively demand the contrary , hail should be taken ; and the amount ef each bail should be regulated by an act of the Legislature , and duly apportl » n « d to the nature of the crime and the station and circumstances of the aecuaed . Jnstead of being left to the caprice or even deliberate judgment of the presiding magistrate . And , even in those cases where the good of society imperatively demands that a restraint should be put upon the personal liberty of the subject , no system of prison regulations should for one moment be suffered to inflict a hardship which could be dispensed with , in accord ance with snob safe custody of the prisoner .
That the principle laid down above , is one fully recognised in theory by all our writers on criminal jurisprudence , no one possessing the slightest acquaintance with constitutional law will venture to deny ; butuow stands the practice ? Just the very reverse of this so much boasted principle . We have prisons erected , In which the system of regulations is such as to make scarcely any distinction between' the safe custody of an accused party , and one who is enduring the penalty awarded by the judge aa the just consequence of hia offence .
The injustice of this mode of procedure will be the more apparent if we take into consideration the fact , that it is no uncommon thing for the judge to pass a more lenient sentence in consideration of the previous imprisonment which the prisoner had undergone . I am not disposed to find fault with this procedure ; it is in many cases one of the utmost propriety , but it evinces , in a very striking point of view , the injustice of those regulations which doom the accused to the endurance of that kind of treatment which the law has appointed as tie proper and legitimate punishment of crime .
If the law say that six months'imprisonment and hard labour is the due reward of a given class of offences , and the Judge say , that as the criminal has been in confinement two months , he is to be imprison * ment and kept to hard labour for fonr additional months , it is clear that part of the penalty awarded by law is omitted , namely , the bard labour for two months ; and this , as being in compliance with the dictates of mercy and forbearance , is perfectly justifiable , inasmuch as it is far better to remit a part , of the punishment due to the offence , than to act with the severity of vindictive justice . But suppose the party accused to be acquitted , what compensation has
he or can he have for the two months of suffering and of privation ,. of punishment in fact , which he h » s been unjustly doomed to endure ? During two months he has endured , with the exception of the hard labour , all that the convicted criminal has endured , privation of liberty , loss of employment , separation from family and friends , the consciousness that to some extent his character must have suffered , and the knowledge in many cases , that those dependant upon him have been subjected to numerous hardships , which they never -ought to have endured . Now what compensation does the law offer to one so circumstanced ? Just
none at all . It may be that none can be offered ; it may be that such were tke circumstances that every mind- must feel convinced that the deprivation of bis liberty was most essential to the common weal ; bat will any body pretend that all , or that any of the regulations which apply to the convicted offender , beyond the bare confinement under lock and key , were either necessary or proper to be inflicted , before a jury had pronounced upon the guilt or innocence of the party suspected of a violation ' of the law ? and if not , then is it not clear that this portion of our system of ^ criminal jurisprudence is just anything but what it ought to be ?
Again , let me draw your Majesty ' s attention to the fact , that while the bar requires magistrates in numerous cases , to liberate an accused party , upon security feeing given for his appearance to answer t » the charge made against him , this wise and salutary regulation is often rendered merely a dead letter by the mischievous operation of the discretionary powers vested in the hands of those whose duty it is to administer the laws . I am not prepared'to say that in ordinary cases this discretionary power is abused or misapplied ; but I do say that recently , in reference to « ne class of offenders , it has been most shamefully degraded to the furtherance of the purposes of party . We have seen criminals ef a
certain rank , and who had been guilty of crimes of no ordinary turpitude , held to bail in sums , which , to them , were of a merely nominal amount , while persons of a humbler class , -whose only offence was thinking justly , and speaking honestly , but which thinking and speaking were high crimes and misdemeanours in the estimation of aristocratic and middle class magistrates , were required to find bail to an amount , which it was well known then * humble connections Were utterly unahie to furnish , and which therefore it was only an insult t » require . I know that in the eyes of these parties a political speaker and thinker is one of the vilest reptiles in existence , and I also know that the glitter of a noble name is capable , in the world ' s esteem , ot gilding the most odious vices ; but I ask , ought these things so to be ? and I am sure that your
Majesty must answer " No . " Suffer me , then , to point out the only remedy for this part of the evil of which I complain . The power of fixing the amount required in any given c * ae must not be allowed to continue where experience has shewn us that it is so liable to be abused . Those who make the laws ought to apportion the security required to the nature of the offence and the quality of the offender ; especial care being taken , that in no case should it be such as might be fairly presumed to be beyond the means of procurance by the accused party . This is clearly what ought to be done in this case ; this must be done if justice is to be secured to the whole people , and this will be done , when there is a oneness of feeling and of sentiment between the nation at large and those entrusted with an authority to enact the laws by which the affairs of the social family are to be governed and regulated .
I am , Madam , Your Majesty's faithful and obedient ' subject and servant , NVMA London , April 13 , 1841 . <^^^^ ^ jlj-ww-j-m-M ^^^^ IJ ^ M- _______
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CHRISTIAN CHARTIST CHURCH , BIRMINGHAM . TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAB , Sia , —For these last three months I have regularly attended , and , to the utmost of my power , supported the Christian Chartist Church , " Newhall-street , Birmingham , hoping that great-good would be done in arousing the people of Birmingham from their lethargy , and stimulating them to a united action , for the attainment of that great object , namely , the Charter . During this time I have closely watched the leading men , and am able to form some little idea of their designs and intentions , ao far as regards the carrying out the principles of the Charter . At the formation of the Christian Chartist church , these men were quite aloof from the
Charter Association , because , as they said , of its illegality ; and ever since the plan h& | been remodelled , and made legal , so squeamish were these nobleminded men respecting its legality , that they formed a committee , for the purpose of investigating the plan , and said , should that committee decide in favour of its legality , they should have no objection of immediately joining the Charter Association . Upon these grounds many of the people have been anxiously waiting to hear the result of the committee , so as they might join the Association . This committee has been forn ) ed upwards of six weeks , and has written to Messrs . Colonel Thompson and Roebuck npon the subject . Colonel Thompson has been hi Birmingham since they wrote , and been in conversation with some of the committee . Still the people have not had any definite answer upon
the subject , although several inquiries have been made ; and hence we have a complete division among the peeple of Birmingham . Messrs .-White and Martin have waited upon them on their weekly meeting night , and endeavoured to impress npon them the great necessity of their joining the National Charter Association , bnt these men have been received with every other spirit than that of a Christian spirit , which they talk so much about Therefore , it ia quite evident to erery man , who is in possession of the smallest particle of common sense , that these men never will , nor never did intend to join that Association , for the very reason of the new move , which , in my opinion , if adopted , will cause a complete division among the working classes of tbis co untry , and throw the Charter
completely in the back ground ; and it is with these impressions acting npon my mind , that I am Induced to lift up my voice against them , and , as a working man , I do feel it a doty incumbent on me to make their actions and conduct known to the country . On Thursday evening , the 15 th instant , a lecture was delivered by- ¦ •¦ Mr . O'Neil , on the science of phrenology , the churchwarden In the chair ; he opened the meeting by saying that no person would be allowed to make any remarks at the close of the lecture , for they had come to a determination not to have their meetings disturbed by any man , or any body of men , and as they had placed him in the chair , he hoped they would stand by him and support him in the performance of his duty . Mr . Editor , this appears to me to be v < ry like the proceedings of Vaq Corn Law clique .
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la this the liberty of conscience ? Is this the carrying ont those precepts which their Divine Master laid down , wherein he says "Do unto others as yon would others do unto you ? " Ia tbis the pure spirit of Christian charity ? No ; it is tyranny , and that of the worst sort ; it is just that sort of tyranny which Feargua O Connor , Esq ., speaks about In his letter of the 3 rd inet , where be speaks of a Christian Chartist Church , whilst , though ^ nild in its name , { and tolerant and sycophantic in its infancy , would gain presumption as it gained strength , and increase in tyranny , as-it
increased in power ; it is a true spirit of vindictiveness , which I have seen manifested , and if not eradicated , no good can ever be attained towards the forwarding of our object Then let us , as working men , exert ouraelves , and endeavour to mould the broken spirits of Uw people into one united feeling of love , and persevere onward , towards the attainment of our great and noble object , the Charter ; for I , aa an individual , am determined never to join any other plan till the National Charter Association has completely failed . Then onward and we conquer , backward and we fail . YouiB most respectfully ,
Richard tompsok 3 Court , i House , Hurst-street , Birmingham .
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TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAB . SIR , —As there appears in the Star of last Saturday , appended to your threat , that " should the sword be drawn you will throw away the scabbard , " a paragraph in which it is stated that you bad been informed by Mr . Pitketbly , that Mr . Rogers had declared his signature had been attached to what you call " the Lovett and and Collins Document , " without hiB knowledge or consent ; accompanied by Mr . Lovett , I waited om that gentleman this . morning , and in my presence Mr . Rogers declared that such statement was untrue , and wrote and delivered to Mr . Lovett the following letter .
COPY . " 58 , High-street , 19 th April , 1841 . " Mr . W . Lovett , «« Sia , —I am Borry to learn by your application that it is supposed that you appended my Dame * to the Address to the Political and Social Reformers of the United Kingdom , ' without my consent Such is certainly not the fact . I promised you to sign the document , and I fully approve of your having appended my name . " I am , Sir , yours very truly , «• George Rogers . "
In another part of the same paper , headed " Mr . Brown , Birmingham , " it is stated by " Mr . Samuel Davis , " and others , that Mr . E . Brown ' s signature " must have been obtained by party statement , misrepresentation , " &c . &o . I have to state , this also is untrue , as I have in my possession two documents in which he requests his name may be added to the Address , and states his entire concurrence in the objects proposed . Your insertion of this letter will be but an act of justice , and oblige Yours , &c . Charles Westerton . IB , Park-side , Knightsbridge , April 19 th , . 18 « . [ In reference to this letter , we can only say that we gave oar authority for the statement in regard te Mr . Rogers ; that authority was Mr . Pitkethly , who can probably set the whole matter right With regard to Mr . Brown , we do not think the inferences of the Committee , as to the means by which be was induced to sign , have been at all attempted to be met by the statements in this letter . —Ed . 1
Mr. Lovett And The Memorials
MR . LOVETT AND THE MEMORIALS
TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Sir , —Having seen in the Slar ot yesterday Borne expressions of regret that I did not sooner make known my intentions respecting the presentation of Memorials to the Queen for Messrs . Frost , Williams , and Jones , I beg you will d » me the justice to insert the following letter , which I forwarded in reply to Mr . T . P . Green , of Birmingham , on the 22 d of February , and which onght to have been sent you when it was stated that I had refused to present the Memorials . I am , your obedient servant , April 3 rd , 1841 . Wm . Lovett . To Mt' T . P . Green , Corresponding Secretary to the Birmingham Committee , for Messrs . Frosty Willfams , and Jones .
Dear Sir , —I received your letter of the 21 st , in which you wish to know whether I am prepared to act in presenting Memorials to the Queen , according to the plan laid down in the Northern Star . In answer to which , I beg to state that I have never seen the plan referred to ; but from enquiries I have made , I understand that it is contemplated to present these Memorials in a court dress . If such is the case , I beg to state that I cannot consent to be a party to such farcical proceedings ; for , with every disposition to aaaiat ia nestoxiag John Frost and his unfortunate colleagues to their families and friends , I will not wrong their feelings in their absence by memorializing for them in dresses so ridiculous as bag-wigs , swords , cocked-hats , and comedians ' , embroidered coats . My notions on . this
subject are not new to you , neither are they now set forth for the first time as an excuse from presenting the Memorials to the Queen , for if she will consent to receive them from persons in plain dresses . 1 will most willingly assist in their presentation . But considering that a departure from principle ia involved in yielding to such a ridiculous ceremony , I cannot do bo ; for it is presumed that none but courtiers can approach her Majesty in dresses' eo expensive ; therefore I will not assume the garb of a courtier to obtain as a boon , that Which every citizen ought to obtain as a right , namely , te approach her Majesty on all reasonable occasions
when grievances are to be told or wrongs redressed . This right , I am satisfied , we shall never obtain by a departure from principle , in comply ing with a barbarous and foolish custom ; and little is to be expected from memorializing the Queen of England till she has the wisdom to set aside such absurd usages and become more acceptable to her people . Indeed the Queen of Christian England might , in this particular , learn a profitable lesson from a Turk , when she learns that the Sultan will readily take a petition from the meanest subject hemay meet with in his walks- Hoping you will excuse me from a ceremony so repugnant to my feelings ,
1 remain , your fellow citizen , Wm . Lovett 183 , Tottenham Court Road , Feb . 22 d , 1841 .
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TO DANIEL O ' CONNELL , ESQ ., M . P . SIR , —Having seen , a speech of yours , spouted to a set ef your hungry , gaping , place-hunting crew , in the Corn Exchange of Dublin , on Monday , April 5 , 1841 , in which speech you charge an English Chartist with corresponding with parties in Dungarvan , with a view to act treacherously towards them ; I therefore take this opportunity of informing you that I am the person to whom you alluded . Now , Dan , I am not an English Chartist , I am an Irish Chartist , and one who is proud of the appellation ; and one too , who has , for a length ot time , , watched your every move ; and , after viewing your conduct in the most favourable light , I am compelled , for truth ' s sake , to pronounce yousw " miscreant of the deepest dye ; " for did you
not , for the sake of political power , sell the last remnant of Irish liberty , the 40 s . franchise , and thereby send adrift on the world 300 , 000 families to famish and starve ? Did you not , " Demon like , " betray the Dorchester Labourers , by declaring to the world that ; they were illegally convicted , and then go to the House of Commons and there justify the same conviction 7 Did you not , for £ 1080 , sell 35 , 000 factory infante , by voting against them , and thereby , in your own words , committing" cold-blooded murder ? " And did yon not sit silently by and see the Canadian patriots butchered by wholesale ? Did you not oppose a mitigation of the sentence of the "Glasgow Cotton Spinners ? " Did you not also advise Russell and Co . to withdraw the troops from Ireland , to put down liberty in England , and ,
at the same time to raise a police force in their stead , thereby committing an act of two-fold " villanyt " And have you not set the blood-hounds of the law on the Chartists of England , for doing less than those with whom yon now associate , but whom yon once designated , and truly too , as base , bloody , and brutal ? And have you not boastedjthat it was a set of " Irish boys , " with an " Irish Serjeant O'Daley" at their head , who defeated the patriotic Fiost , and his unhappy companions , who , had yon been honest , you might have saved 1 And have you not represented to the people of Ireland , my noble and warm-hearted countryman . Feargua O'Connor , as being a traitor to hiB country ? But would to heaven you were like him I Had 70 a
but one spark of that warm-hearted devotion to your country ' s cause , or one single feeling in unison with his , you would not be as yon now are , despised by aU honest men ; whilst he , though locked np in a dungeon , there are millions whose hearts pant to show their devotion to amanwlroie name will be lisped with feelings of veneration and honour , when yours shall be justly execrated as the foul betrayer of . a " nation ' s confidence ;" andas ta me , to -whom you have dared to attribute traitorous intentions , I beg leave to say , that my motives in writing to Dungarvan was to give your dupes in that town « n opportunity of judging for themselves as to the feeling entertained towards them by the English Chartists , and also that they might notice— ¦ . - ; . ¦' ..
" Stern oppression ' s iron gripe , And mad ambition ' s gory hand , Sending , like blood-hounds , from the slip , Woe , want , and murder through the land . " ¦ I will now , Sir , take my leave for the present , ? assuring you that—r ^ " Your name shall live ; Amidst the traitors ' not a few , ' Who have sprung from Hibernia ' fi !•" ¦ ¦• There are none so base as you . " JlH * I have the honour to be , Thomas f . An Irish Roman C . , nv ~ - ^ SS ^ aTdB * 10 **'
#Rt«Nal Corr^Jjontrence
# rt « nal Corr ^ jjontrence
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__ ^ - ^ ' THE NORTHERN STAR . a : , 7
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Northern Star (1837-1852), April 24, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct546/page/7/
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