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THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY, JANUARY 8, 1842.
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fe 3SeaHfv& sntr c^r^ponl^wtjaf*
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THE LEEDS MAYOR, AND THE LEEDS
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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KOBTH LANCASHIRE DELEGATE MEETING . TO THE CHARTISTS OF NOBTH IANCASHIRE . Gkstlehes , —According to a rale made at the Erst delegate meeting , held at the Temperance Hotel , Blackburn , it is particularly stated that delegate meetings shall take pkce every bis weeks , for the purpose of transacting the business of the district ; a delegate meeting "will therefore he held at Acerington , on Sunday , 16 th Jan ., 1842 . Business io commence precisely at one o ' clock . Now my friends , let every place send a delegate io this meeting , bo that every place may be properly represented : and have their opinions laid before the
anpeting . I find that there has been some dissatis faction existing in the towns connected with the district that proper notice -was not given of the l&st delegate meeting through the columns of the Northern Saw ; and , thereforej they had no means of either knowing when the meeting would take place , or of sending a delegate . I beg leave to assure such places that I sent due notice to the Stw ; Jbut . on account of leaving home in a hurry , to atiend a discussion on the Corn Laws , at Barnoldswick , on the Monday evening , I forgot to pot tho letter in tile Post Office before I left . I wroto the letter on Monday at noon , and just at that time a person cama up from Barnoldswick for me , to go ih&t afternoon to the meeting . There was no time to be lost-for it was then after one o ' clock , and . the
distance we had to go was upwards of seventeen miles , and a rough road ; toe meeting was to commence at sevea o ' clock . I , therefore , in the hurry of the moment , forgot to post the letter on the Monday , but on the Tuesday I wrote another , and sent it , along with & report of the meeting , taken by Mr . 3 fooney "; bat neither the report of the meeting , nor tie notice of the delegate meeting , appeared . This caused % great deal of dissatisfaction . The people of Barnoldswick : were hurt that such a triumph over the Plague , in an open discussion , and the cowardice of the Plague advocates , in running off the platform , and out of the Chapel , and leaving the meeting in the hands of the Chartists , who had defeated them not by blows , but by argument , should have been left unexDOsed .
The different towns expressed their resentment at me , for not sending notice to the Star , . so that they might have been able to seed delegates to the meeting . I am as sorry 33 them that they did not appear is the Star ; but I have since received a very kind letter from Mr . Hill , the Editor , expressing his regret that the letter had been mislaid , and , consequently , non-inserted- I expect that we shall this time have a full meeting of delegates , for there is a good deal of business to transact ; and there will be the business of the Convention to settle , I am sorry that a misunderstanding should / exist between this district and the Executive with regard
to the election of members of the Convention , it l > eing the opinion of North Lancashire that it should fend its own member ; but tha Executive have decided that it cannot- —it must be in connection with Sooth Lancashire . I am sorry that I should have been elected by the different towns in North Lancashire to represent them in the Convention , but when I consented to become a candidate for the Convention , 1 knew sot but that Noith Lancashire would send its own delegate ; but it having been decided differently by the Executive , I beg ieare to have my name withdrawn from the nomination list , for -this reason—I cannot conscientiously allow myself to be elected for South Lancashire . I know nothing of them ; I am not persoaally acquainted with them ; I do not know their feelings , wishes , desires , and determination with respect to the
Charter becoming the law of the land , only from newspaper reports ; I have never been amongst them at any time ; I have never attended any of their private or pnblie meetings , with the exception of three or four ; and therefore , being totally ignorant of their circumstances , I should not be justified were I to allow myself to become the representative of those whose condition I am unacquainted with . I have not that ambition to want to become a member of the Convention for the Bake of its name ; we have had too many of that description already . I would rather be at home in my own district , increasing the number of our Associations , and spreading our principles into every village and hamlet , so that by any means I might be doing good , and assisting in the bringing aboat the political redemption of our common country . I am , Your humble servant , In the cause of Chartism , WlLLIAJt BeESLTSY District Secretary .
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TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAXD . Pello-w-Cocststhes , —In my recent letters to the Lord Mayor of Dublin , I pointed out the neces sity of a union betwixt you and the Chartists of Great Britain , and answered objections which were raised against thai body , bothmerally and physically . I have also shewn that the prejudices of country and sect are passing away and stated that Englishmen were worthy of your confidence and desirous to become your friends ; and whilst I thns stated my opinions , I most anxiously wished yon would be led to think and inquire for yourselves , and shake off that confiding credulity which has ever been your greatest political fault , and with your own senses examine calmly , reasonably , and dispassionately your present position in the field of political
strife , I wil ] , now , with your permission , clearly prove the fallacy of these objections and prejudices , wMcii cause you to stand aloof from the struggle in which the people of England , Scotland , and Wales , are now engaged , and which they are so nobly suit fining , not only for their ovra " sake but for youra . I am vrell a ^ are that it is not in the nature of Irishmen , to be either pusillanimous , or ungrateful , and that it is for want of a proper knowledge of the piinc ! ple 3 of the Charter , and an acquaintance with the character of the people of England , that you hesitate to join in the contest . Know , then , my fellow countrymen , that ibe
People ' s Charter contains nothing that is illegal or unjust . It seeks for nothing ? ave that natural and political liberty , which every subject of these , kingdoms ought to possess , and 10 which he is consti intionally entitled . It aiir . 3 to redress those griev ^ auces and remove those bnriheDs "which overwhelm the manufacturing and commercial interests of the country , and to give the people a voice in the making of the laws which govern them . It seeks for Ireland ' s rights as -well as England ' s rights , and it is Ireland ' -s cause as much as it is England ' s ; for do not be deceived , a repeal of the Legislative Union would net be worth accepting , unless yon were ia possession of Universal Suffrage . I have every reason to believe that
by far the greater number of tho people of Ireland look forward to a " Repeal of the Union , " as the end of their political sufferings . In this they will assuredly find themslves disappointed ; they should rather look to it as a means to aa end , for , unless & * Charter become the law of the land , they will t > aly have benefitted themselves by bringing -f tieir iyrants nearer home , to witness the abuses which existed heretofore amongst them . Bat suppc .-e a ** Repeal of the Union" would confer all the benefits and blessings which you so fondly anticipate . Task , why are yon so inactive ! Why do you not bestir yourselves to obtain it 1 You answer , " so we do , " — " we have a Repeal Association "—we have meetings—we have our cards—and we have at our head
the Lord Mayor of Dublin , who premised to obtain it . for us . "—" vThen ! " When the young Prince" of "Wales becomes Vice Roy of Ireland i" But suppose his little Highness should never condescend to visit yo ^ jWaec , then , are you to get it ! Has not the ** . Liberator * told you ? Oh , no ] the conning Fox ; he is too wise to do so ; but he has not forgot to tell you that Chartism is synonymous with violence acd jnfidelity , and that the people of England are yuur natural and hereditary enemies . Now , I am as much an Irishman as his Lordship , and as much of a patriot as to feel the necessity of yonr adopting a more speedy and certain method to obtain your politicalregeneration , tnan the " tortoise" -like course \ on are now pursuing ; and yet , I unhesitatingly
iav , such assertions are false and unfounded . I have already , in my letters to his Lordship , refuted the charges of infidelity and violence , and will now show that Englishmen are not yonr enemies , and that th prejudices which have long existed are not to be traced to the people of England , but to an interested-portion of them . I know you have many reasons for believing that the English are opposed to your interests ; but , were yon to reflect , tnat in so opposing you they would only increase their own burthens , 50 awould at onceadniit . they woaldnot , for their own interest sake , continue it . The fact is , the aristocracy and elasa . interests are that oortion
cf theEngiish , who not only oppose yoa but their countrymen . Those are they who first insinuated themselves into tha green fields of Ireland , and who afterwards deluged them with the blood of her cMdren ; those are they who hold all offices of trust sjid power , and monopolise the resources of the country , and who , likelocu ? tg , devour the fruits of your industry , and compel you to drag out a wretched existence in want and misery ; those- are the leeches who snek the life's blood from the hearts of the wretched widow and the famishing orphans—who drink felicity from the fountain of a nation's misery , and who build up their ft > rt \ int 3 on the ruins of-social happiness .
They have always known that you possessed an unbounded love of liberty , and therefore they used stratagem E 3 well as force to suppress ana curb your . independent spirit ; they taught their dependants to believe that Irishmen were little better than Ea ~ ag ? s ,-snd lnus the people of England were imposed oa by thosa vile and contemptible wretches who trafficked in jcvt blood , and made a merciiaiidiie of yonr country ' s liberty . ' ¦ Yes , my countrymen , it was the aristocracy who first sowed the . seeds of skYtry aiid oppression
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amongst you ; they established laws and systems which were intended to grind and coerce you : it was they who forced a " State Church" upon you , and compelled jouto pay for prayers whichwere offered contrary to your notions of worship ; it was they who introduced those hypocritical monsters who came amongst you armed with a Bible in one hand and a sword in the ether—who spoiled and devastated the homes of your fathers—uprooted the foundations of peace and literature , and who , with the words of charity on their Iip 3 , but the daggers of political assassination concealed beneath their hypocritical disguise , awaited the opportunity of plunging them into their unwary victims ; and it is the same aristocracy which still lords it over yon , and ate
even now crying out for " coercion for Ireland . " It is not , my friends , the working men of England who are opposed to you ; they have no prejudices against you , and if ever they had any , it was the effect of misrepresentation , and not otherwise . It is not because a man is an Englishman , that he is your enemy—he suffers as much as you do , and even more . Nor ia it because he has the moral courage to assert his political independence that he is to be looked upon with an eye of suspicion—he sees that all classes of the aristocracy are leagued against the poor man ' s interest , and , with a laudable zeaL . he advocates the liberties of his class against the tyranny and misrale of his oppressors , and holds out the hand of fellowship to you , as it is your cause
as well as his . Can you then as Irishmen refuse the proffered friendship ? Will the blighting influence of prejudice or party keep you aloof from a contest in which your interests are so deeply concerned ? Remember the enemies you have to encounter are the same , who once trampled oh the graves of your fathers ; they are the same who persecuted you for your religious opinions ; who hunted your unhappy clergy into mountains and caves , to perish with want and misery , and who offered a premium for the head of a Catholic priest equal to that offered for tha head of a wolf . ' The same parties who plundered you of your birth-right , and insulted you by calling you " aliens in blood and country , " are still forging chains to fetter and bind you to their will . Is it not time , then , that you ask yourselves—shall we be free ? Is it not time to ask yourselves—are we pursuing the right road to liberty ? or are you in possession of
that spirit which animated your fathers when " liberty" was tha watch-word ? Yes , it ia time you asked those questions ; vour political position , and tha duty you owe to your country , demand that you liot only ask , but act . Weigh well the principles of the " Charter , " and if you find that they are such as I have stated , come boldly forward , and show the men of England that you can accept and receive them as brothers ; join your moral strength to theirs , and convince your tyrants that the working men of Ireland and England are determined to obtain that " ¦* liberty which is their birth-right , and that " justice" to which you are entitled . Let unity be your motto , moral agitation your only weapon , and you may rest assured victory will crown your efforts . I have the honour to be , Fellow-Conn trymen , Your most obedient humble Servant , W . H . Clifxos .
The Northern Star Saturday, January 8, 1842.
THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY , JANUARY 8 , 1842 .
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THE "WORKING PEOPLE AND THE PRIME MINISTER . This day we publish a portion of one of the most important documents ever presented to the British public , —a document which will Reread with avidity and absorbing interest by every working man in the kingdom . ' Labour has been to head quarters , to tell its wrong ? , and to ask fer a remedy 1 Its statements have been attentively listened to , its representatives
courteously received , and a friendly discussion had upon the measures of relief it had to propose J Working men have been in conference with the Prime Minister , telling him the truth , and demanding from him , in respectful but firm language , measures which will tend to place them in their proper position : and their statements have been heard , and a more than ordinary interest manifested by -those unto whom the tale of woe was old This is a new era in the history of English Legislation and Government .
The Deputation that waited upon Sir Robebt P . EKL were not coolly and politely "bowed out ;" they tvere net received in a mere formal manner , and got rid of a 3 soon as assumed politeness would admit ; but they were met with cordiality of manner , ( and we hope we may add of feeling ); and the startling truths they told , as to the operation of our present commercial system upon the happiness and well-being of the operative community , both infant
and adnlf ^ made such impression upon mind of the Prime Minister , that he , himself , gave the -Deputation introductions to others of his colleagues , that they , too , might hear frcm the lips of the working men in person , the statements which had so forcibly arrested his own attention . No greater proof than this could be offered of the interest excited in the head of the Government by this mission of T 7 orking men .
And not less has been the interest excited amongst all classes of society by the publication of the Report of this important interview . It has appeared in tha columns of a great portion of the newspaper press . Nearly all have noticed it , either in one shape or other . The Times has had three " Leadees" devoted to its consideration , in the course of "which it has brought forward into more particular notice , the more important points of the very important conversation . The Standard and Morning Post , too , we hear have also commented on the document , and so has the Morning Advertiser . Their ariiclea
we have tot seen ; bui understand they are like those of the Times , exceedingly favourable to the purposes and object of the Deputation . The Chronicle has not yet appeared openly against the document ; that is , it has not jet either attacked ( in its " leading" columns , ) the members of the deputation personally , or even defended those principles of political economy which the deputation have impugned and assailed , and which principles are the Chronicle's stock-in-trade . Sir John Easthopb has not yet openly " come out of his shell ; " fcn : he has written a letter to the
members of the deputation , and inserted it m his Chronicle , where it appears without date or address , other than the assumed signature , " A Working Max . " Sir Jon * attempts to make it appear that the interrievr with the Premier tvas " a farce , " and rcspresents that the whole thing was got up for " dramatic effect ' "' ! This will not do , Sir John ! Thiswillnot "answer your purpose ! You must meet and upset the positions taken by the Deputation , ere you fake away from the " effect" produced by the interview
^ aiid statements . Meeltnem 5 man ! Youcaaeasily prove the Deputation to be ignoramuses . " Do so ; bu : do it openly , Sir John ! Do not assume to be that which yoa never was— " a working man . " Yon have no conception of the character , Sir John : you cannot play it . The " dramatic effect" is wanting . You betray your ignorance , Sir John . Give it up , or do your bubiness openly , and in your own character ; that of a defender and apologist of tho most horrible and cruel system of humaa slavery that ever existed .
The " effect , however , of that Report upon those who plead so earnestly for another " extension" of our commerce , for the purpose of filling the money bags of the " great" masters yet more fully , is prodigiously disheartening . Whether it be dramatic " or not , we leave Sir John Eastbops to determine bat , that it has not put them , in very good humour , is evidenced by the following strange production s addressed : —
TO THE EDITOR OP THE StW . . Sir , —After the amusing description which has been given of the interview of the Ten Hours' Deputation vrith the Minister , it remains only to antics rate the time when the manufacturing capitalists shall present themselves to the Grand Vizier of the honr , with a corresponding request to have the evils of the agricultural management looked into , and repressed by the strong fingers of the law . ,
When this ume conies , how pathetic will the rgpionstrants be ' , on the evils physical and moral , v . iiich always arise from agriculture where the manufacturing interest has not a controller on the spct ; . To say nothing of the toils of harvestwomen , and the total absence of care for the fbgers of iemaie and infant weeders when the thermometer" is below 40 , the moral view alone Trill bo t&rrible and sad . Our popular poetry 13 full of little but the moral dangers inse-
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parable from the encouragement of an agricultural population . The bush , the brako , the " rigs o * barley , " and the " rushes green , " have each their several temptationsjleading all due way , and calling for pensive reflection on the legislator and the parish officer . Shall there be no balm for this , while an active superintendence on the part of a moral and religious manufacturing public might do so much to prevent the apprehended evils ! Why not appoint an inspector of hay-fields 1 , Do the landlords properly box off all dangerous places f Are these matters to be left to adjust themselves ; or ought the law to interfere to ensure the doing r ig-it ! Therequirementsof humanity imperatively demand it . v < ' •¦' .
The landlords may find out some time , that it is just aB easy for one set of men to plague and vilify another , aa was the converse . Of course it will be understood , that if tho question has been treated here with levity , it was in the full persuasion that what is called the Ten Hours' question , after making the needful reservations for well-meaning blunder , is a fraud directed to tbc preservation of the evils it pretends to remedy , and by the active operation and encouragement of those who made and maintain the evils for the sake of their own personal and dishonest gain . ; , ' Yours very sincerely , . T . Pebbonet Thompson . Blackheath , Jan . 3 , 1842 . ¦ The " effect" must have been very galling upon the party with whom Colonel Thompson
fraternizes to have drawn from Atin ,- —a , generally goodtempered and quaintly humourous man , —such a piece of petty malignant Bpite and gratuitous insult as the above ! Yes , petty malignant spite and gratuitous insult ! The letter contains these , and nothing else ' . The fling at the landed interest , which nothing but spiteful maliguity could have prompted , is petty and paltry enough , God knows : bat the insult heaped upon the manufacturing operatives by the Colonel is not so easily got rid of .
The operatives engaged in factory labour have felt the woeful blasting effects of the factory system upon their household comforts and domestic happiness . They have had to submit to the power of iron and steel , which has dragged their infant children from their poor resting place , and demanded their close and constant attendance for eighteen hours together , with only thirty minutes intermission for rest , meals , education , and recreation ! They have seen their little ones murdered before their
v « ry faces : and , because they have complained of this ; because they have demanded protection for the infant ; because they have asked for a curb to b& placed npon the power which works Buoh murderous effects ; Colonel Thompson , of all men in the world , insults them by representing that they have no more to com ^ plain of than the agricultural labourer , the " harvest women , " and "female and infant weeders "! He represents their efforts as a " wellmeaning blunder , " and M * fraud directed to the preservation of the evils they pretend toremedy" !!!
The operatives know that their tender offspring have to attend upon the machinery of the factorymaster for twelve or fourteen hours , in an atmosphere artificially heated to seventy , eighty , ninety , and even ninety-four degrees , when the thermometer in the open air stands at twenty-five ; they know that this ia destructive to the health of the strongest-formed men brought within its influence ; they know that their children have , by its means , become " weakly , emaciated , stunted in their
growth , dull , sluggish , and diseasedr and yet Colonel Thompson represents that they have no more cause of complaint than " female and infant weeders" who follow their occupation in the open air , " when the thermometer is below forty" I He represents their efforts to obtain a modicum of protection for their children , as the efforts of one set of men determined "to plague and villify another" set of men , the millowners ! The insult is grossly outrageous 1
" The Ten-Hours question is a fraud directed to the preservation of the evils it pretends to remedy . " So says Colonel Thompson I He only says so , however . He does not condescend to Bhow how the enacting of a law prohibiting the working of any child between the ages of thirteen and twenty-one more than ten hours per day , with two hours for meals , will " preserve the evil" of working him eighteen hours with only thirty minutes intermission , which was the evil complained of . He does not 6 how how the bringing out of the mills , the daughters and wives of the working people , and sending their
brothers , and sons , and husbands to supply their places , instead of their walking tho streetsworkiess and penniless aB they do sow ; he does not show how the doing of this would u preserve the evil " complained of . He does not show how the keeping of the wive 3 of the working men at home , to attend to their domestic care 3 and duties ; to keep the poor man ' home cleanly , and prepare his foe d , and mend his clothing , and nurse his children ; he does not show how the accomplishment of this " would preserve the evil" complained of , which evil is that the man has to do the duties at home , while the wife works in the factory for his
support . He does not show how the keeping of the daughters of the poor at home with their mothers , to learn how to make a pudding and broil a steak ; to learn how to make a shirt , and knit a stocking ; to learn how to bake and boil , and mend , and darn ; tho Colonel does not condescend to show how the accomplishment of all these things would " preserve the evils" com plained of ; and ail these things , and many more , are involved in that " Ten-Hours' Question 1 ' which the Colonel designates as " a well-meaning blunder" and" a fraud direcied to the preservation of the evils it pretends to remedy" !! !
The fact is , the "Free Trade Party , " as they call themselves , are stung to the quick , at the exposure of the hollow sophistries and baseless " principles" upon which they have built their superstructure of fraud and deceit , in the hope of " gulling the natives" into another " extension" of that system which has given '' millions" to a few , and taken comfort and plenty from the many ! They aro mad with rage at the fact , that the working people have detached themselves from the car of Malthusiamsm
to which they were chained by tho Whigs , and have set up business on their own account ; sending , cf themselves , to the Prime Minister in person to detail their wrongs and grievances , and to set forth their requiremoats , as a distinct party in the state . LABOUR never before could get to head-quarters , only when capital chose to let it . Now it has been there personally and by itself . Is there
nothing in this ? Do not the " great" masters see , in this proceeding , the prostration of all hope of their being able to deceive the Minister , or humbug the people ? Their power to do these things is gone ! Well may they rage and rave ! and well may the cautious and prudently-calculating Colonel Thompson forget himself , and heap insult upon the heads of those who have disappointed a factio n ' s hopes 1
In keeping with the Colonel ' s pitiful spleen are the malignant lies of the Weekly Dispatch . That " friend of the poor , " whose knowledge is so extensive that he stands in need of no information ; gravely informs the public that " the Deputation included the President of the Executive Secret Council of the Chartist National Association , and another noted Chartist orator . " No matter that the Editor knew there never was any such body in existence , as the " Executive Secret Council of the Chartist Association ; " no matter that the Editor knew that Mr . John Leech , of Huddersfield , was not Mr , James Leach , of Manchester , the latter of whom is
the President of the "Executive Committee of the National Charter Association , " ( with no secrecy ); no matter that the Editor of the Dispatch knew these things ; he knew also that the " effect" of the Report of tho Deputation would not be to serve the interests of the class whose prejudices he panders to ; he knew that the statements and arguments used by tha D . pntaticn were irrefutable ; he knew that nothing but enormous lying , which would stir up tho class and party prejudices of the upper and trading classes against the Deputation personally , could avail him ; he knew the worth of the b . ugbear , Charthm , amongst these
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classes ; he knew thai lies were wanted to conjure up his man ofstraw ; sohe top lies , and created a President of a body that never had existence , for the purpose of representing him a 8 composing one of the Deputation ! Ol ^ i ^ Ti ^ e'U to wiiat despicable shifts art thou reduced I The Ttoaoioua 2 % wte ^; who is bo ^ Wry knowing as to know every thing t informs the world" Tharthe tanjtou ^ its legs by one of Sir Robert Peel ' s own colleagues , who went to Leeds with lots of gold , aftar the General Election was over , to got up a counter agitation to the Manchester Corn 1 / avr moreiment , and to cause the manufacturing system to be vilified and misrepresented by bribed hackney spouters . " .. ; v . ; . :. * - ¦•¦¦ . " :. ;• ¦ - ¦ : :. ¦ . ; ¦ ¦ :, - . - ¦ ...- ^ ¦¦
? The Ten Hours' Cominittee 1 " the "knowing one *' does not know that there is a Short Time Committee in every town , in the manufacturing district , both in Yorkshire and Lancashire I "The Committee was set on its legs by one of Sir Robebt Peel ' s own colleague ^ who went to Leeds with lot ? of gold . " Which of Sir Robert ' s colleagues was it , Mr . Wisdom I Lord Ashley is the man pointed at , who did visit Leeda ^ after the election , to inform the Committee that he should still persevere in his efforts to obtain from Parliament a measure of justice for the infantile labourer in the factories ,
notwithstanding the altered position of parties , which altered position the patrons of the ) Weekly Dispatch had predioted would alter him ; and yet Mr . Wisdom does not ; even know that Lord AsHtET is not a colleague of Sir RdBEKTiPEEi , !—nay , he doe 3 not knowj what all the world knows besides , that Lord A sbjxy refused office > jinder Sir Robert Peel , because that Minister had not made up his mind ou the question ' - ' of the "Ten Hears ' Bill" ! Verily , Mr . Wisdom , your "knowings ^ are very extensive ! But tho "Ten Hours' Committee was then set upon its legs . " The Leeds Ten Hours' Committee has beentin existence ten years ! Really , Mr . v Wiseman , the " world is ignorant I "
Asforthe"lot 8 ofgpldi"all we have to sayis , we hope the " Ten Hours' Committee" got them . They will need them 1 The opponent is rich and powerful—his length of purse is such , that it can manage to get the Weekly Dispatch on itsi side . Monopoly is a bad thing , ; eaya the Dispatch . Don't letit want to have all the "lots of gold" to itself The Short Time , Committees have as muoh right to be" bribed ? ' as he has . ' v
Leaving the press for the present , let us once more revert to the interview with Sir Robert Puel . The Deputation spoke with , a truthful boldness which makes the whole Report of their conversation interesting in the highest degree . No doubt every one of our readers will peruse the entire document , as far as we give it this week ; but we cannot forbear from quoting the solemn appeal made by these working men to the Prime Minister of England : — :
" You , Sir Robert / ' said they , " are now placed in the most important and commanding position of SHy individual in Europe , perhaps in the world . At the head of a strong Government , with a powerful ; majority in the Commons , and an influential portion of the population thinking with you ; unfettered as you declare yourself to be , Bavo by your own convictions of what is right and useful ; the resources of an empire on which the aun is said never to set—an
empire unparalleled in its natural and : artificial appliances—at your ' command , and a population whose enterprise , industry , and genius is proverbial , looking up to you ; a grave , an awful responsibility rests upon you , Sir Robert I The means for producing national well being are superabundant ; the population is but limited . Broad and comprehensive views , vigorous and decided action , are all called for by the exigencies of the times , and we earnestly hope that suoh will mark your course . "
This is not the language of sycophancy or of prostitution : It ia the honest but eloquent appeal of labour to power 1 May it : be responded to as it deserves ! ¦ .. '"' " . ¦ , - . ¦ . ' : ¦' >¦ ' ' . '¦'¦ :-. \ - •¦ . ' ¦¦'¦ . ; ¦¦ ¦' ¦ ¦ In' the second portion of the Report , which details the interview the Deputation had with Sir James Graham , the reader will perceive that the " question of the land" is fairly set before the Government , as a remedial measure for the manifold evils we endure aud are still further threatened with . The end of the present system , whether we " extend ' - it or restrict it ,: without giving a new
direction to the energies of our population , is there truthfully depicted ; and an awful and Bortf end it is ! Government , howeyer , have now the truth before them . If they dare to act on it , and fairly grapple with the difficulties , the nation is saved ! If the Prime Minister has ; not moral courage to do this ; if he adopt a faltering temporising policy j he submits his own judgment to the cautious and tardy movements and , desires of others ; if he be not fully prepared to take the bull by the horns , and fling Awn , his Cabinet will speedily ^ go to smash ! and he himself sink below the level of the
would-be-statesman . ¦ j " . . ... - . ¦¦ ; ••¦ ¦ ¦ : . ¦ . ¦¦¦ ¦ : ¦ Time will speedily decide ! The battle will shortly commence . On prudent energy and firm determination the Minister ' s existenpe depends : but , "whatever may be his fate , the cause of the people jb surd They stand aloof from the " rich Oppressor , " aiid persoveringly and successfully ji > rosecute their suit , as the " poor oppressed ^ " in the court of public opinion . Neither bribes , nor threats , nor vilifioa "
tion , nor calumny , nor intimidation can turn theni from their course J Their motto is , "Onwardj and we conquer ; backward , and we fall" The cause of the people is safe ! whatever becomes / or "^ theMinteter ! Cabinets may smash ; Parliaments may be broken , up ; Governmental difficulties may increase aad abound : they do so because they are Not prepared to do justice ! The Minister who dares to do this will be the Minister of the people , and Will stand : all others must fall !
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WAGES OF LABOUR AND * ' EXTENSIONS "
OF COMMERCE . The great demand upon our space this week by tha RepoTt of tho Short Time Committee ' s Deputa * tion , and tho proceedings at several meetings , and of ibe Scottish rDalegatos , will prevent us from giving , in the present paper , the observations we promised on the last mooted infernal " scheme" oi the " great '' Cotton Masters of Lancashire , to get rid of the poor unfortunates they have inveigled and : trepanned from the agricultural distriots , ¦
now that they have , no further "' ¦ -use for them . Those observations will keep , however ; and though wo are prevented i just now from giving them , the world shall kuow the nature and sincerity of that " sympathy '' with the operatives which the " great " masters now pretend so feelingly to entertain . Their sc / temtn ^ , both to got the agricultural labourers here into the manufacturing districts , and to get them back again now that they are worked to death , shall be laid bare ! 0 ! yes ! we will know the value of their " sympathy " . ! . .
Meanwhile , wa cannot but congratulate the country upon "thefix" in which the"great" masters are placed . Tho gauntlet has : been fairly thrown down to them ; ithey have been challenged to show that former " extensions" of commerce have had the effect of adding to tho wages of labour and tho profits of the master ¦ '; they have been fairly told that if they will but do this , the working people will join them in demanding another " extension ; " and they have also been told that if they fail to do this , the working people will still continue to stand alo of from ••' the extension offor / ei gn trade agitation , " and go on in their own way , on
their ovm account , and for their own object the " ¦ great" masters have been invited to a fair encounter ; and they shrink / roth the contest I Not © no of their organs or advocates have dared to answer or notice the questions we have recently put to them . , Neither the Chronicle ^ not the Sun , nor tho Globe , nor the Manchester Guardian \ not the Leeds Mercury , have dared to accept the challenge wo have given them . Nor has Mjr . Cobden or Mr ; Plint dared to attempt to shew that our " extended " commerce and improved machinery have added \ - \ o tho comforto of the coitage and tho till pf the shopkeeper . Nor have they evenvenfa ' redjLo attempt to shew thai they have not taken from both , They darenot
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thus attempt ! They will ehirk the questions we have raised , and affect to treat them with contempt This , however , will not do ! Those questions must be met , and satisfactorily answered ; or the working people will never : join the" great" masters for "Corn Lair Repeal , " as a meana of farther " extending" commerce : and the " great" masters are powerless for this purpose until th « working people do join them I-.:,- v ¦^ ; ' v ' ¦' , ¦ ¦ ' ¦ ' ¦ ¦;['¦¦¦ -: ¦ ¦ : ¦• ¦' [ ' -V /; . ' a ' c . '
We have before dared the " great" masters to open their ledgers , and tell us the exact amounis they have paid as wages for the same description of work , every year from 181 Q to 1842 . Wb again dare them to do this , ' and wo tell them they will bare to do it ! The nation must fathom this thing . We must know fell about it . No measures pan be safely taken until we have this information . We must know accurately what the past effacts of our " commerce"have been , with all Its ** extensions , " before we can judge what ia likely to accrue from future and further " extensions . " The information must be had ! ; :: '¦ - ¦ - ¦ ' , ' ;> - ' ¦ : ¦ ¦ . '¦ : i : - ; - - ¦ ¦'¦ ' ¦' - ; ' ¦ - ¦ . ¦ ¦' ' "¦
Tho' tlje greai" masters dare not , voluntarily , give this information , the Working people dare I The reason for this conduct on the part of both master and workman , is obvious ! It is the interest of the one that the truth should be concealed ; it is theinterest of , the other that it be blazoned forth ! Accordingly the operatives are at work in all parts of the kingdom , preparing the tables of wages we have asked for . To those who have written , apprising hs that they are so engaged , we beg to tender our best thanks , accompanied again by the request that they will take care io be very exact Be suaE of every thing you set down ; and then we will defy the devil , with all the ' < great" masters to boot , to upset our positions . ;
Perhaps we cannot do better than close this short article with two specimens of the •* honour" and "honest ^ of the "great" masters in the woollen and worsted districts . These personages make lf great * ' pretensions to these two qualities : let us test them . - ' - ¦ ¦¦ . ; .-.: ' ' - ^ ¦¦ .. ¦ - /¦ : ,. ¦ : [/ ; - ¦ - ¦ ¦ ¦' '• '; - ' ' ¦ :. The woollen merchants , then , wa boldly arer , are so "honourable" and so honest ^ that they do not pay a single penny for the "finishing" of their cloths ! They cheat out of the clothier the finisher and the puchaser more than pays for the entire cost of dressing ! ^ Here is the operation . "
It is well known , now , that none but " great " masters have any chance in the market . Those of small capital are done up ! There are nono left now but a few of the " great" ones , who are known to be " great : " that is , they are known to possess "immense capital . " These go , thenj say into the Leeds or Huddersfield Cloth Halls , amongft the clothiersi who have their " baulks" there for sale : that is ; cloths in an unfinished state , —just as they have left the weaver , and scourer , aud fullery The clothiers who attend these Halls are men of small means ; men who reside in the country villages so thickly studded throughout the West Riding of
Yorkshire , and who are just able to make one or two pieces , and bring them to market for sale . But they must sell . The small capital they have , and the other pressingsf of thei system , render it necesaary that their money should be turned over . The man with the purao knows this . He fihakes tho purse in the poor clothier ' s face , wheu he bida him a price for his cloth . $ he clothier is at his mercy . He must sell ; he is forced to do so in many instances , at lesa than prime cost : and , in almost all instances , at a sacrifice of the greater portion of the profits his class used to got . The consequence is , that the race of clothiers is rapidly declining—the little master sinking into the rank of journeyman
weaver . -. ^ . - ¦ ¦ . ¦ . ,.. . - ,, . . , ¦ . ¦ . ¦ . .. :., ; : . •¦ ¦ . ¦ Next follows another ?• process . *' - The clothier , when the price is agreed on ; takes his pieces to the *' measurer-in" for the "great" masier . Thisisgenerally an important , fussy , stand-out-ofrway person ., age . He knows what he has to do . He has to cheat in the measurement ! He will do this , to the extent of two yards in each piece , spite of all the clothier
can do ; In vain the clothier measures it fairly before his face . TheMEASDRER " can make it into no more ? The clothier is forced to submit to the robbery , or take his piece back again . But he must have money ! He cannot eat : his cloth ! He is compelled to accede to tho zneasuremfifnt of the ' measurer'in , " though he well knows that if he had to go , the ; next hour , to purchase the piece back again , the . " measuring put" would be quite different !
Those two yards , thus cheated , robbed , from the poor clothier , will in most instances , pay for the after dressing ! But the cheating does not end here . In the course of the dressing the cloths have to be " tentered , " after they are " wetted" and " raised . ^ ' These "tenters" aTe formed of long horizontal bars fixed upon upright posts , and made of wood or iron . The bars are filled with hooks , on which the cloth is hung by the "lists ; " The uppermost bar i 8 generally a fixture to the top of the upright posts ; and the lower bar , in 6 hoft lengths , with joints something like those of a turnup bedstead , is formed so as to slide a certain distance in " slots" made in the upright post . This i s done to accommodate the " tenter" to the different
widths of the cloths , and to stretch them to their proper width when affixed to the hooks . When " master croppers" were more life than even factories now are , these " tenters" might be seen occupying the fields around their houses in almost every direction : for then th © '' drying" was nearly all done in the opeu air . Now , however , these have nearly disappeared , along with the " master cropper " himself ; and the " drying" is mainly done in the " stoves , " or "dry-houses , " attached to each factory . This prevents the process we are now desscribing from being seen , as it would be , were the
"tenters" in the open air ^ as formerly . When the " piece , " then , goes to be " tentered , " it is first affixed by the " yead-hend" ( head-end ) to the topmost , or endmost post , but not to the bar 3 , other tb ^ au loosely , on some slight pieces of wood that turn down from the posts to keep the cloth from the ground . When thus hanging loosely in front of the tenter , the mea all get to the "hinderend" of the ' * piece , " and pull it to the length required . Now , this is a hard task ; and a rope and pair of blocks ( sometimes with three sheaves ) are provided , to enable tho men to stretch the cloth to the " extent "
required . Formerly the manufacturer or merchant was prohibited by Act of Parliament from stretching his piece of cloth more than a yard , beyond the length stamped upon , it in the "baulk" by the supervisor ; for the stretching it beyond this point injures the ' texture of the fabric . No ^ v , however , that law has becomo hitched off ; and the pieces ^ are stretched two , three , four , and five yards longer than thoy measured when in the " baulk" ! The
length thus obtained will more than again pay for the whole process of "finishing , " including the new schemes of "boiling" and " steaming " resorted to to make Coarse wool into fine . All this is to the manifest injury of the conaumer . Tho texture is injured by the " tentering " and what ia left short by that process is finished by the " boiling ' and " eteaming j" for after the cloth has uudergone these seyeral processes , it is more rotten than . it used to be after many years ' wear ! ^
And the men who thus systematically bob and cheat , are ' ' honest" and ° honourable" men Quite " respectable ! " And they want to repeal the Corn Laws solely to ensure the operatives' " cheap food , hioh wages , and Plentt to pi > . " No doabt they do ! Had they not better give up cheating the clothier , and thus allow 7 i »' m to have a modicum of wages , before they make euoh " great" pretonsions about the interests of tho operatives ? ; Notv , " then ; lor tbo Stuff Trade , •'; Honest" and "honourable '' and " respectable ' men are engaged in this . department too ; The following is aBamplocf their practices .
Tho standard length of a Stuff Piece is twenty-* 3 ght yards . It is so posfod up in inany places in Bradford Sfuff Piece Hall . No manufacturer has
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any right to make a piece one yard longer . If he does , he infringes upon an establisbod rule of the trade ; The Stuff manufacturers , almost universally , set this principle at sought ! They are too ** honest" io Jbe bound by rnlii ' . | They make their pieces from 36 to 29 yards : J < ihg I And they del not pay one single penny more to the weaver for weaving the 39 yards than they paid for the 28 11 ! They do not . pay one single penny more to the printer , or dyer , or finisher 1 And when they iBenfl them into " our foreign markets , " they send them , and pay dut ? for tbek , as though they were
of the standard length , 28 yards ! I ! I Their w ii 0 H 0 U ^ ' and " honesty' ' first ; teaches them to rob the weaver and dyer at home ; ani then to defraud the foreigner abroad , to keep and " extend" whose custom we are to ruin the British ^ farmer ; and agricultural labourer T * H ^ give ofac robbing and cheating before yoa ask ; the working people to ? extend ^ your commercial system" ! u Honourable and respectable" men !; a Repeal of the Cora Laws to enable you stiU further to Atfa / and- ro 6 would be of infiiita aervice ; would it not ! " Don'tyou wish you may get it" ! i v V
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Again have the public been most grossly insulted by the hew Whig official , who stems deteriainei to eclipse even the old woman who sat in the civio chair last . year . A requisition , signed by six members of theiTown Council—the bodjr who elected Aim to be the . wearer of the gold chain "—and signed , too , by not less than fifty borough voters , and by more than a hundred municipal voters , , was presented to him last week , asking him to call a public meeting to consider the propriety of memorialising her Majesty for a free pardon for Frost , WiHiams , and Jones . The parties who presented the requisition ; so signed , to his worship , were also instructed
to ask him , if he felt the least hesitation about calling the meeting , to grant the reqaisitora the usei of the Court-Honse , and they would convene the meeting themselves . But no ! Both these requests were refused ! His worship " could not : recognise any other party in the town than Whigs and Tories . " 'Tis true ; That was his reason ! FitmantbbeaMayor ! Well : the parties whom he had thus grossly Insulied learned that a public meeting was to be holdea in the Music Hall on Tuesday evening last , at which it was announaed the Mayor was to take the chair . Many people were curious to see what sort of a thing it ( the Mayor ) was ; and so determined to go ! But no time was fixed for the meeting . The Bills calling it HiiItt ankfnrth ihaf if « vs . a nhdAi" tlift allsniflAfl : i \ f «¦ ftf % ¦ b / ww
m V ^ n mw j ^ v * ^^«* - ^^ r ' ^***»^ 4 v * van * «« s *^^^ r ^ ^* ^ v ^ m ^ . w ^ ^ v . nm ^ the " Society for the Extinction of the Slave Trade ; " and they also pompously announced that ^ Prince Albert" was "Pitroh and President ;" but they announced no time for the meeting to commence ! No matter ; the time was learned ; and , though the doors were opened so early aa five o ' clock , and though all means had betn used to get together a meeting of the Mawworm , Cantwell , and Praise-God-bare-bones sort , yet when the business was proceeded with at half-past five , it was found that more than three-fourths of the meeting were of that party which the Mayor had refused to ; recognise 1 '¦ y ¦ ¦ ' .-: ¦ v ;' -v- : - ' '¦ - ¦ ¦ ¦" : ' ¦ '¦ ¦ ¦ ¦' . ¦ '¦ ¦¦' '' : ¦¦ ;" " : . Alderman Tottie moved that the Mayor should
take the chair , which was seconded by a broad-cloth gentleman near him ; and the Mayor was proceeding to seat himself without a vote . He stopped short , however , when he heard a deep sonorous voice in the body of the Hall moving , " as an amendment , that Mr . William Brook should preside . " This was duly and promptly seconded and . put to the , meeting , when it was carried unanimously , not a single hand being held up against it : The Mayor and his few friends , —after Alderman Tottie had sillily enough bawled out "this meeting is dissolved ! " precipitately rushed from the platform
at the very moment Mr . Brook took his seat in the chair ! A number of policemen were in attendance at the meeting ; and ¦ Aiderman "' Captain" Tottib was so frightened , that he took a number of them away to guard him home ! When the Mayor and his friends had departed . Mr . ' BB 0 OK opened the business of the meeting , and introduced Mr . Jones , and several other gentlemen to address it , and move the resolutions . A real good Chartist meetisg was thus had . The room was more than ordinarily lighted . The glass chandeliers were filled- with wax candles ; an d these , in addition to the gas-lights ; gave the splendid room a very elegant
appearance ; . . ;• - -, . . ¦¦ / A memorial to the Queen for the free pardon of Frost , Williams , and Jones , was unanimously passed ; and several resolutions were also passed , as will be seen from an advertisement inserted in another part of © ur paper . ' V *
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The National P ^ etitioit . —Our publisher , Mr . Hob ' sohyhas printed the National Petition for 1842 , ' on a neat sheet , for the purpose of being exlenr sively distributed amongstthose from whom signatures are asked , that ( hey may know for whut they are signing . He is ready to supply them to the Associations and to individuals at the following charges . '—1 Q 0 . copies for'is ; ifiMfor 15 s . Petition sheets , of good strong paper , ruled in four , ' columns , and holdingtwo hundred ' nameswhen filled , may also be had , price 2 d . ; each . The Petition and sheets may also be had from Mr . Cleave , London ; Messrs . Paton and Love , Glasgow ; and Mr . Heywood , Manchester But in all cases the money must be sent in ad * vancc—the price being so low as to preclude credit . ¦ ¦• ¦ -. ¦ ' - ' : ; ' . - ¦ ' - ' : r .-. : ¦ : ¦ ¦'"¦ . ¦ ' ¦
Brief Rules for the Goveenment op all wh » write For Newspapers . — - Write legibly * Make as few erasures and interlineations as possible In writing names of persons and places be more particular than usual to make every letter distinct and clear— also in using- words not . English * Write only on ; one side ; of the paper . Employ no abbreviations whatever , but write put every word . in full . Address communications not to any . particular person , . but to "The Editor . " Finally , when yint sit down toiuirite , don't be in a hurry . Consider that hurried writing makes slow printing . ; ¦ : The Poets—Our poetical friends hicyebeenas usual exceedingly beutileous : we have so large a stock
of poetry and apologies for poetry on hand % arid our friends supply us constantly so liberally , that we shall not henceforth particularly notice this department in our "Notices to Correspondents . " We shall select from the mass sent us as much as we have room for , with as natch impartiality as possible . Accepted pieces will , therefore ^ be known by their appearance in the paper ; and authors whose cdyimunications do not appear will not , therefore , conclude that they are rejected because of demerit , as it would be impossible , for us to find rooni for half of even . the readablepoetry ' thai'comes to vs . ¦ -.. ¦ _ . Z . A . —The landlord cart distrain for twelve mpnths % if so much be due , but riot for more thanis due . More Chartist IUkckivg — If the patriotic effort Of Mr . Pinder to raise a fund for the Executive , without'taking anything front any one , have done
nothing else , it has aton < ed a spirit of competi-: tion among blacking manufacturers , which niqy Se turned tojjood account if the people require it . Mr . Wm . BrelBfoTd , of Burnley , now offersa like means-for ' raising a fund for the Convention He offers to give : threehalfpence out of every shilling of his receipts to the Conventionfund % and to pay carriage to any part of Lancashire on orders of lOs : value , accompanied by cash * William W . Tipping , BiHGlnw- ^ - yVe cannot insert his communication : the lawyers would call it a libel .. ' ¦ ¦ - . - ¦ - ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦; - .. - . /¦¦; ¦; v : ; . :- : ^ ¦ ' ;¦ - ¦ . ^ v - ' ¦;¦ ; Henry : Bates .-- We believe the Huddersfield Poor Laic ' Guardiansmeet at their Botird-Toom , Buxion-road , every Friday . ] : ' . "¦ : '¦ : Thaddeus CAFFEnKY , of Ballaghadsrmne , Ireland , sends us the following note , which we publish : — " Billaehadernlne , Jan . 2 , 1842 .
My . Dear Sir , —Owing to a matter whleh I am sorry ¦ I cinaot publish , I am obliged to tell my friendsiny generous frienfls of Britain , that I must declino their oorrsspondenoo , as also all communication with them in future , v ¦ . ¦¦ •• -. ¦'¦ ; I ani-youra , " . .. ; ¦; / , \ :- : \ . ' ; ¦ ¦ -.. ; v '' TUApDEVS CafFERKY . " ¦ ¦< A Poor Man , Bristol . —George Julian Harney has received the twelve postage stamps—will the donor be pleased to say whether they are for ffolberry oniy , or for Holberry and others ? George Julian Harney has received 3 s . 6 d . from the Nottingham Chartists assembling at the King George on Horieback , for Mrs . Elisabeth Taylor . The money has been handed to Mrs . T ., veha returns thanks . v John Crowther . —TKe have no room .
Henb y Johnson is \ - ' afool , and something more . He is rightly served . V : Mr . Skkvington . — We have not room for the letter intended for the Coinmonwealthsnian . The Newton Class , Bishop Wearmouth . —The uo ' knowledgement by Mr . Campbell of the receipt cf the lOsi is Hfjht enough . >¦ j . M . ^ Th e nominations of many localities for the Xitiicral Council have , nlready appeared ; others wilt Le published as fast as we receive them . In reference to the other point of hisenquiryitce be / feveXh& usage to be fortheirfunctionstcycedse intlanicr ; but we fear the general orghnisatioii t . s not generally -wdll carried ouL j G . S 2 . J ' AKTLKrr . —// js leltct hasbeen received ad shall 6 e forwarded the first opportunity . .
Fe 3seahfv& Sntr C^R^Ponl^Wtjaf*
fe 3 SeaHfv& sntr c ^ r ^ ponl ^ wtjaf *
The Leeds Mayor, And The Leeds
THE LEEDS MAYOR , AND THE LEEDS
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4 . : ; TH ; E \ . Nq ; B ;^ ¦•¦ -,: ¦ . V- -:. ^' . > .. / ' :. " : ' . : . . )' : r ^ y r ^ : ' : ' ^
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 8, 1842, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct581/page/4/
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