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20 USE OF COMMONS . —Pbibay , Juke 3 . v . BsKltf . reported from ib * Nottingham Election ^ itjee , « 3 ta » Ihonuur fiisbome , jno , Bsg ., was iSTgeclBd ~ Tfea Hob . Member moved that the IJS ^ shonM he printed . He » id the ground rfifa L * a -nx , that dwomrfancss had been disclosed zSZfrled fl » fi Committee to think Qal aconrseisaa ^ pnrsned kj thejaifies for Qiejrarpcie of procnr rH (| aenee -which -was Teiy dgecSonable . 51 a evidence "was orderedto hejninted , xpdiSon "was presented iy lord J . Bbsseel from ^ jmh iteetors of- 3 > nrham , complaining of bribery r ^ rnption ^ Jke late relectieiL
jit Bras gave nobce that tin Tnesday next , or on gg esifieEfc posnhle Say after , he dionld prepoBea l ^ Bjiom to the effect flat tie payment of a pension jgBjjnaependent foreign sovereign from tie fay ^ of * pUjjttedEnfdom-WBaa-warte « f pnWic money and ffl iqnsSte to the people of this country , and that Wore &e pennon of j £ 21 , 00 D a year granted to the jjfce rf £ nmberland ; ongbt to be discontinued while he jgjjined Xing cf fianover . { Cheers . } It haling oeen rumoured that a message from the ^ , 31 jonchiDj thestale ol Ireland -was to be delivered , gg naoost simety prevailed amongst lhB members and i ^ nseffpresent . *
grE- PE 3- appeared at the tar , and announced gjjflafss thBbearer ^ of amessage from the Queen . On . ^ fls& expectation -was intense , and each manheld jjilresJh for lesr of losings -word . Themesage -was jgpg&DgHhB marriage of the Princess Angusta . fbs disappointment of those Tiho expected another ^ s crf&xenl kind of message tfm anfficiently lndigga . Ber Majesty ' s message , -which * was received jBb deen , tob ordered to be taken intoeonsiaeration a 3 tonaay . In reply to questions , Xord Eliot explained the j ^ ai riots at Dnngannon , and said that a atipengajBig istrate had been sent doim to investigate the
ioa Jocsrrx asked if Government -were taking ggt So hare . parties arrested -who committed asj ^ Bi on persons assembled to petition Parliament jgjjuri ihfr Beptal of the Union—the case at DanjfflDDD ? Xtad Eliot answered , that the Government-mmld , rf course , lot Jhey had bo information at present on jiichtodoso . lard Eljoi explained , that the movement of troops ^ e £ p seat irom Dnhlin to Ifaterfard , and immegsle ^ ifteorards ordered back again to I > nblin , -sra 3 fa eonsegnence of information ^ received ly the ComjqaagrroChief , -wtiixsh £ ord Eliot declined to state . 5 ba Honse -went into committee on the Canada ¦ jpiffitand Hour Bill , after a protest from Mr . Q . ^ jjjaa against it , as a measure the most mischievous ta iBriiJsh interests , and a notice from Colonel Sibgsrp to divide the House t » n it upon the third
Sevsal eanaes -rere agreed to , and progress reissted . The Honse -vent into committee on the Poor law jjp ^^ mtmt ( Ireland ) SOL Mr . BED 15 GI 05 mored that the bill be referred Siaaelect « anmitteej bnt -withdrew it , after a disj upiirm . Qa ^ sa one , two , and three , were , after one dmsioB , greed Jo . and progress reported . - 3 he House adjonmed at a quarter past twelve .
Ma-roil , Jitke 12 . Jiasiant to an border of the Honse , a copy of the oMence taken before the Nottingham Election Comaflies -was piesented at the bar and laid on the Jilfc . - J 5 x . Gtsbvb&b presented a peHfion from certain isetoa of Xottinghsm , in . -which they took notice of Se proceedings of the late elestion for Nottiiigham lhsy stated , lhat after the election certain persons TOOTere named in the petition had « ecnp ! ed themxJrafora long period of time in sending ronnd their wnwgTfii and distnbuttng money for the purpose of jEiting up Bnborned eTidenc © against the rsturn : they iitesi that such corrupt practices -were calculated , nn . to exposed and punished , to bring the proceedings
tears election committees into contempt ; and in their gamon -were a gross breach of the priiSeges of this Ins :. They prayed fhe Bouse to insfitute an earnest ad strict irqniry into the allegations made hj them , as £ bey stated that they-were in a sitaation to procure fridence to substantiate them in the fullest manner ; &j prayed that a committee might be appointed to aqnire into tha facts alleged in the petition , before ignrh they -were -willing'to grre evidence on oath lela-5 TEt » aIl the proceedings in -which they -were engaged hmng the late election ; and farther , they prayed for . JK&TEJief , &e . He moted Qai the petition be printed l nlh the Totes , as it -was his intention to call the at-3 saian of the House to it on a future day . Ordered .
. The Hon . Member then moved that the proceedsfs before the late ^ Nottingham Election Committee Bpnnted . She Sari of Xntcoia—Hay I ask the Hon . Member TbeUier It is his intenSon to bring the petition under 2 a csnnderaHon of the House ? 2 Ir . Gisbobsb—Undoubtedly , I hare given a notice Jo that effect 1731 the Noble Lord allow sue to ask a fKEtian of him in return ? Had the Noble lord any nnnoaon "with the proceedings before the committee ilneh lately inquired into the allegations made lpfme ^ , the return for Nottingham on the late occa * SB ?
TbflTOT of ttscoui—Sir , I am aware that I should JeMIy justified , and should , perhaps , better faifli my tejasaMember of this House , if I declined to be ateeWwed by the Hon . Member —( cheers }—and declined feasswer a question that must be considered extraer Snaiy xnA immimii —( cheers ) . Sir , I am sot only not afeioed , bnt I am fully prepared to defend the part ltodi I han taken in any election , sot only at 2 ? otfngbam , but in any xme in -which I have been concerneai . J the Hon . Gentleman is inclined to go tkrongh a series sf questions , and -win concede to me the same pri-vilege —{ bear , hear )—and Trill promise me that be-sriD give ifsji snd inir ?; ^^ ' ^ answer to every question I pro--ymxi to Wirij as far as I am concerned , I am
perfectly prepared to go through the ordeal—( loud dieea ) . The Hon . Gentleman has given notice of his atenSon to move for a committee ; if that is granted ima , aod if he thinks I have taken any steps hi any steitm = which -were incompatible "with my duty as a aaaber of this House , or the conduct of a gentleman , ia "wifl have an opportunity of calling me , and I proxise Mm tT »» t I viil give as full answers to every Sas&jn put to me as 2 did before the committee Sand far by the Hon . Member for Bath ? Mr . Boebnck ~| d > aers . ) Sir , I ^ m fuDy sensible that my duty Aonld lead me to leave the question as it stands , ki as my refusal to answer the Son . Gentlefcnuughi leave an erroneous impression on the * nfl » of Hon . Members , I trust the House -will excuse
aelor departing from -what I feel is my duty , and fiow-meto answer -the -question "which . has been put * ae—{ Hear , hear . ) Sir , I irall state at once that the Ctsaerrative f- ^ fctnTs © f 2 fottingham did rn upon me & advice after the termination of the last election . £ nr Knee I entered upon public life , they have done Ss the honour to place great re-iasce nppn my opinion , Ed have frequently been guided hj my advice . After ^ 6 iak eleeiion they solidted my advice , and having ^ rsEnted to me that the election had been obtained ^ Hffifiswinl xneass , I did sdvise them to present a JStion against tha Hon . Gentlemaii * 8 ifctuni , and to Jfcafccnte it before the House—and further , it -wax upon JaSrice that ^ fl » legal . assistance -was retained . Oallte question being again put from the chair ,
• ME-eiSBOKSE said , that the 2 foblB Lord { the 3 &rl tf Ianc&ln ) had misunderstood the motive -with which * had pat the question to him . It -was generally *® ET 6 d by a larg-e-body of the electors of 2 f ottinj ^ iam « the Xoble J&t& -was cannected -with the party ?» raS-wMch corrupt practices had been charged ; but * fc ( Mr . Gisborne ) had % efrae received such an answer * flat now gfren by tteJTobleiord , fcB -wonldhave 'feitbB'fclfictois'rf Nottingham , -with "whom he-was ^* cted , ta dismiss from their minds any sonon that ** Xotls Lord -was in any -way a party to the practices tasJ » lainea of ; and he hoped the Koble Lord -would ** ffimk lhat he had departed from Parliamentary ^? b in having put fhn question .
3 hs fiai of Iaseoxs repeated , that he had advised sspsrfies -who had consulted him to petition against ** Ben . Member ' s return ; but -with any corrupt prac-_ J *^> if any such ever existed , he seed hardly say he f ** 3 K > connexion . Indeed , from all he learaed , he ^ frsay ihe corrnpt practices existed on the other ** i ad it -was in that conviction he had advised the ^ Sa-who consulted bvm to petition against the late i saan . ^ tenu ^ ion -was then agreed to . * t S . Cea-btobd said , he had been intrnsted with * Je ^ oh aguga by 2 , 000 inhabitants of the borongh *^ otan | ham . " They complained of corrupt practices I ^ alsteas -wdl as at &nBer elections by 3 dr- Walfer , "te&r , and others , and She petitioners prayed the ? j ** 5 iD institnte a strict inquiry into the "whole of *** corropt practices . - „ ^^ pefifion ( as -we imderstood ) iras ordered to be Wntei
_^ 2 srl liscom said , aat he had to present a 5 ° * 6 om Messrs . darks , ryBmore , and Badgate , ^^^> , tie agents | os the petitioners against the late ^^ feSottingham ^^ laj . complained of a eonspi-3 ^ y aeans of -which tie ends of justice had been ^^^ din the late proceedings before a committee ol ^^«« e , and also the pefiaon -withdrawnj and they I ^ W for anliEqnirjinlo Hie -whole of these prooeedj ^^ ti ttoTiew of havingjosace done to tteparties ? * ed , an 3 also nf Tmniii > iinff Wia -nartieB enTBFed in
jw ^ ksaaetiona . ThepefiSoners also complainBd , that ^ "aaadprivjlegaol thatHousehadbeenviolated by ^^ in& gase evidence before one rfitscommittees , ^^ . tampering -with other -witnesses in order to j ~* t !* tfcm to give false evidence . The petitioners Tftto ^ S ? KoHe iDia ) made ^^ y eft £ r allegations ^^ os ^ aaia ^ iey Trero ready to prove , and they ^ Sr ^ hyagaHi praying that Jhe "whole of tne matters ^ j ^^ d in ffcs petition mighi be dnly inquired into ^ PeSSon tos ordered to be printed . ^" -e ^^ iligavesotiKjthiton the sext stage of the ^~™» tu eiaad ) B 31 , h 8 -wbuld move the appoinaneBt o ? v - ™ nattee to inquire Brhefi « &a long dniation of
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ttoselaws » hich deprived the people of one or the ** ogn « ea righto of British OT bjeeto , namely ! ttatof SLTS ^ r defenoe ' not teaS to QnSsssst&r- ** * - * ™ irr ? aa ^ « K ? xn ] if ^ r C 0 mpen 8 ati 0 D toth 08 e ^ ° » arms « flOB ^ be branded for any loss theymightsustain by that
THE PRINCESS AI 3 GCSTA OF CAMBRIDGE . ' * J 5 ? ^ J ^ , 1110 ^ that the message from Her Majesty on Friday last beread . n ^ -J ****^? meBsaS ° »« then read by the clerk at the table , as follows : — " Yictokia Begisa—Her Majesty ttdnkB it right to wgoaint the House of Commons that she has given her consent toa marriage between her Royal Highness the Princess Augusta Caroline , eldest daughter or his Royal Highness the Dnke of Cambridge , and his Royal Highness . Frederick , Hereditary Grand Duke of Meckfinbnrgh Strelitz . " The manyproofs which the Honse of Commons has afforded of their affectionate attachment to Her Majesty ^ s person and &afly leava her Msjesty no doubt of their readiness to enable her Majesty to mako a suitable provision for her Royal Highness on this occasion .
Sir R . Peel then rose and said—Before I move that the House resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House , to take into consideration her -Majesty ' s most gradons message , it -will be right to move a formal address , thMrtring her Majesty for the communication ¦ which she has been graciously pleased to make to the House . Of eonrse to that formal reply to her Majesty ' s message I cannot anticipate the slightest objection . I am sure that the Honse feels obliged to her MBjesty for her gradons communication , and will be glad to hear that a princess , of that illustrious house of which her Majesty is the head , is about to ally herself in marriage -with a prince -whose high character and amiable personal conduct have endeared him to every one -who has had the honour of being acquainted with him . He
is already connected by more than one tie -with the throne-of this country , and , so far as drenmstancea can form any guarantee for the happiness of an union of this nature , there is every guarantee for the happlDgss of this ; - and I cannot forbear to express eTery wish that every happiness mBy attend the illustrious princess and her consort in the union they are abont to contract—icheers ) . I move that a humble address be presented to her Msjesty , offering the thnTiTra of this House to her Majesty ' s most gradons information of the intended marrioge between her Royal Highness the Princess Auensta Caroline and Kb Royal Highness Frederick , Hereditary Grand Duke of Mecklenhurgh Strelitz , and assuring her Majesty that thiB Honse -will immediately take into consideration her Majesty ' s most gracious message .
The question having been put , Mr . Hume said , that no one could wish happiness to the illustrious Princess more . than he did , but at the same time he must say that the Right Hon . Baronet seemed to have omitted -what was very important He did not object to one -word that -was in the proposed address , he only -wished to add two or three lines -with reference to -what it was the duty of the House on some occasions to attend to . He thought the Right Hon . Barenet could not expect that the House should go into Committee before he had given notice of his motion to that tffect He presumed that the Right Hon . Baronet ought to state on this occasion that on a future- day he would name the precise sum which he should ask the bouse to vote by way of income for the
Princess . On the 3 d af May , 1797 , a message came down from the Crown announcing the intended marriage : of the Princess Royal , = when the Honse only voted the . ; Address , and did sot go into committee . He believed there were other precedents to the same effect ; but , ; whether there -were precedents or not , the House was in a condition to make precedents for themselves , and : they onght not to go into Committee immediately . Heobjected to a part of vhat had been stated by her Majesty . { A laugh . ) He -wished to add to the words of the address two lines , -which he thought it was theduty cf the House to insert , and to which he presumed the Right Hon . B&ronet could not have any objection . ' His amendment went to pledge the House ;
to consider Her Majesty ' s message "with reference to a due consideration of the condition of the finances and the diminished receipt from the ordinary sources of revenue , and to the state of many of Her Majesty ' s subjects , and the depression of trade , and especially to that suffering and destitution -which had so long prevailed , -which her Majesty ' s gracious speech from the thione delivered by the Commissioners on the 2 nd of February had so deeply deplored . He wished her Majesty to take these subjects into her consideration ; he -wished it because he believed that her Majesty -would not "wish that any step should be taken in this matter -without due consideration of the dreamstances -which had been stated from the throne in February last —( hear , hear } . He wished , therefore , to
propose these words in addition to the address , and he could sot conceive that the Right Hon . Baronet could : have objection to them —( cries of hear , bear ) . He could not conceive it . He could not think that the Right Hon . Barenet -would consider it proper to take ; any steps in the matter -without taking into considera tion the state of the Hnn . n& > u which the Right Hon . Baronet himself had stated were in a very unsatisfac-J tory condition . All he -wished was to add to the address that to -which he could not conceive there could be any objection—( cries of hear , hear ) . When that mo- ; tion -was disposed of , he should propose that the Right Hon . Baronet should state in the House , and before going into committee , what sum he meant to propose . Mr . Williams -was not surprised at the manifesta
tion of feeling 00 the other side of the House . He did not doubt the readiness of Hon . Gentlemen opposite to -vote away the public money without , as be believed , any knowledge of the state of the country , or the ability of the people to pay the taxes . { Hear , hear ) He rose , therefore , to second the motion of the Hon . Member for Montrose , and if Hon . Members would listen he would give *> iptp some information to which they ought to attend . Within sine years they had added by then- votes £ 42 , « 00 , 000 sterling to the permanent debt of the country . Within three years they had added by their votes £ 8 . 000 , 000 sterling to the taxation of the country . He would like to know whither they were going to drive the country ? If they fancied they would not have some day or other to answer for this they were Tnbtfaken . Upon the question and amendment ,
Sir R . Peex said , —I hope tha two Hon . Gentlemen ? will allow the House to go into committee to enable ! me to state what is the proposal I have to make . 1 have acted sot only in conformity with strict precedent , * ' tut in correspondence with those rules which are dictated by common sense and reason , without reference to precedent . ( Hear , hear . ) The proposal I have now to maie commits so one to approve of what I may state ' : in committee . { Hear , hear . ) The proposal is only an assurance to her Majesty that we thank her for her ! most gracious communication , and consent to the
consideration of the message—nothing more—it u not the , adoption of the message . ( Hear , hear . ) Now , surely , in Committee of the whole Honse there will be a much } better opportunity of my explaining to the house what is the nature of my proposal ; and though I cannot accede to the Hon . Gentleman's wish that I should ; state it now , yet I cannot help confidently hoping that : the proposal I have to make will be one that will show ' that the Government have sot disregarded the varions : considerations that , in the present state of the country , enght to be duly considered .
Mr . Agijosbt : felt much in favour of the proposition of-his Hon . Friend the Member for Montrose , and at a fitting period he should support it ; but be would suggest " that that was not the proper time for it—( hear , hear ) . The best time would be in the next stage of the question . Mr . Bttke—I cannot do that . Mr . Agljokbt—If that were so , then he should vote with his Hon . Friend , though he felt unwilling to doso now . Mr . T . Duscombe asked whether the Right H « n . Baronet intended to take the vete that evening ?
SirR . Peel—I hope the proposal I have to make will meet with general acquiescence , because , it must be remembered that there must be a bill to carry the vote into effect ; it is founded on the assumption that there will be a marriage—( hear , hear . ) Xord Howies pressed on Sir Robert Pesl the propriety of not asking the House to agree to a grant of money without giving time for consideration , thereby following the precedent adopted in . the case of Prince Albert . Sir R , Peel was not disposed to resist pos ^ onement , if it were the general feeling of the House ; but still thought that his statement , if suffered to be made , would prove satisfactory . Xord J . Russell considered that it would be more respectful to the Crown to go into committee , in order to hear the proposal of the Government
Mr . Hume raid he shonld not withdraw fcjs-amendment . He wished her MajeBty to know the truth , u far , at any rate , as he was concerned . The House then
divided—For the motion ... ... ... S 76 For Mr . Hume ' s nTnypiTtnent — 52 Majority 224 Mr . Hume called om Six Robert Peel to make his statement before going into committee ; but after a few words iron Six Robert Peel * he withdrew his opposition . The House then went into committee , and Sir R- Pebi . rose and « aid , he would sow state to the committee the precise nature of the proposal he was iuthonsed t » submits to them . In the first place , he siightstate that he did sot mean to . call « t tte
committee to affirm any proposition that would effect an immediate addition to the burdens of the people . In proposing a provision for her Royal Highness the PrincefisAngnsia he did not intend to call for an immediate vote of money—( hear . ) The general irale wife reeaxd to the provision for princesses , whether the dansbters of the reigning SoTereign or © f members of the Royal honse , be found to have been , that the parents of such princesses had undertaken the provi . Son forthem during their lifetime , either ont of the dvfl list in the one case , or out of the provision voted from the consolidated fund by Parliament in the
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other . To that piinciple he proposed strictly to adhere ; on the present occasion , and he therefore did not mean to propose any absolute rote jof annuity , But one contingent on the death of his Royal Highness tha 3 > oke of Cambridge . In factibis proposal amounted to the devoting of a portion of the annuity , now received by . his Royal Highness to the use of the princess in the event ¦ of his Royal Higness ' s death— ( cheers ) . He was not going to enter into all the cases injwhich provisions of this kind had been voted for princesses of the blood Royal ;—it would be sufficient for him to refer to one or two instances , in order to guide the House hi coming to a ¦ decision in the present case . J The prindple to which he had referred was adopted in the year 1778 . when jhis Majesty George 111 . was enabled to allot £ 30 , 000
a-year , as provision for five princesses ; and it was again recognised in the case of her Royal Highness the Princess Sophia of Glftcester , on whose behalf a pro ^ vision was made , which was to take effect on the death of her father . It was in strict accordance with the practice adopted on the latter occasion , and with the principle that regulated the other case he had referred to , that he should now propose the vote for her Royal Highness the Princess Augusta ; and , notwithstanding the course which the Hon . Member for Montrose and those who acted with him had , from a sense of their public duty , taken , he ( Sir R ; Peel ) confidently felt that they did cordially participate with him in wishing every possible happiness toher Royal Highness and the Duke of Mecklenburgh Strelitz . The amount he proposftd for her Royal * Highness' was one which he hoped would satisfy the House that every consideration that
ought to be borne in mind in ; making arrangements of this kind had been attended to . He proposed that , in the event of the propesed marriage taking place ( a c ' ause necessary as a matter of form ) , the sum of £ 3 , 000 per annum should be settled on her Royal Highness , to be paid in the : event of the death of his Royal HighnesB the Duke of , Cambridge —( hear , hear ) . He did not desire to draw any contrast between this proposal and that which had been made on a forirer occasion ; but at the same time he might observe that it would be found- to be less . He hoped the House would bear in mind that nol money was immediately to be voted , that his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge would still " provide for the princess during his life , and that it was only in the event of his death , that the public would become chargeable with the proposed annuity of £ 3 , 000—( hear ) . The motion having been put ,
Mr . M-ACKisjfOX proposed an amendment , that the annuity should be reduced to £ 2 , 000 , to be granted from the day of the marriage . He entered into some calculations to prove the superiority of hia proposition to that of the Government , but he was greatly interrupted by the impatience of the House . Sir Robert Peel Baid that the amendment , though ostensibly a reduction , was really a proposition for &n increased grant , inasmuch as it was to take effect from the day of the niarria # a He , therefore , submitted that the Committee could not entertain the proposition . After some discussion on the point of form , Mr . Mackinnon withdrew his amendment
Mr . Williams wwhed th ^ t Right Hon . Baronet , instead of referring to precedents established in this country , had followed the practice adopted in the case of those numerous German princes and princesses who had from time to time formed alliances with the Royal Family . He would have found very little difficulty in discovering that no member of the Royal Family in this country bad ever , in forming alliances with those German princes or princesses , received ene farthing of fortune . He should like to know what pretence there
was in the present state or the country for adopting a different rule in' favour of German princes or princesses seeking alliances with the Royal Family from that which was pursued towards the Rsyal Family itself ? The Duke of Cambridge bad ample allowances of the public money to enable bin to provide for his own children . His Royal Highness was now in the receipt of £ 27 , 000 of the public money per annum . He was colonel of two regiments , each having two battalions , and he had recently been created head ranger of two of the parks .
Sir R . Peel—His Royal HighneBB derives no emolument from that situation—( hear , bear ) . Mr . Williams—That was perfectly marvellous—( a laugh ) . He was uncommonly delighted to hear that his Royal Highness had undertaken a duty without emolument . In that respect he had shown a noble example , worthy of being followed ; but he was afraid his followers would be " few and far between "—( a laugh , and a cry of " The Duke of Sussex held the same office" ) . He thought it must be admitted , looking to the immense amount of public money which his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge had received , that the exerciBe of proper prudence and care would have enabled him to make ample provision for . bis children . His Royal Highness had peculiar opportunities of doing so , having
for a considerable number ! of years been Viceroy of Hanover , when the emoluments of the office must have been sufficient to meet bis expenditure ; and , if common report spoke truly , his Royal Highness had , in consequence of the numerous appointments and emoluments he held , been enabled to amass a very large fortune . On what ground then could they justify any allowance out of the public money to the children of persons in his axalted station , who had ample means of providing for them ; when in the New Poor Law , they had laid down the principle that these poor wretched beings who received 7 s . 8 s . or 10 s . a week , were in duty bound , nay , were forced , to provide for their families , however numerous they might bfc ? That law made the property of a father , say , of a grandfather , liable to provide for
children and grandchildren unable to provide for themselves , if they became chargeable on the public . Why not apply the same same just rule in cases like that sow before the House ? There was one very remarkable circumstance connected with the present case , —a Duke « r Prince of Mecklenburgh , as he was called , some , relation of the Prince who was about to marry Princess Augusta of Cambridge —be presumed either his father or grandfather , had been in the receipt of £ 2 , 000 a year out of the public money of this country ever * since 1798 . That family , therefore , had already received sums which , with interest , amonnted to £ 300 . 000 out of the hard-earned monies of this country . Was it not enough , then , that the father should be . a pensioner , without placing the
son on the pension list too ? The amount ef public money now allowed to German princes and princesses , who had formed alliances -with the royal family , was £ 200 , 060 a year . Surely , in all conscience , that was enough , without the addition new called for . On what pretence was this new demand made ? The Right Hon . Baronet had offered no explanation , and he could only conjecture the reason to be the relationship subsisting between Princess Augusta of Cambridge and her Majesty . If that were the ground , and be could imagine no other , they must , in consistency , provide for all relations of equal nearness to htr Majesty . They
would then have a long list of them . There were some even nearer in blood to her Majesty , and was the principle to be laid down that ail these should be provided for ? There would then be no end to the taxation of the country for the maintenance of those German princes and princesses who found it so very profitable a thing to form alliances with the royal family . Looking to the state of the country , the suffering and distress which so extensively prevailed , the grievous complaints they had beard of' oppressive ttxation , and looking especially to the state of the revenue , he must on public grounds—on principle , and without any disrespect to the Duke of Cambridge , oppose the motion .
Sir H . Dox- 'GLaS contended that alter the grandfather of her Royal Highness the Princess Augusta had surrendered the hereditary revenues of the Crown , the immense patrimony which the Kings of England formerly held , a great moral and political obligation rested upon the House to make tha provision now required . The Hon . Member for Coventry was mistaken in supposing that his- ; Royal HighneBB the Duke of Cambridge derived emoluments from two regiments ; his Royal Highness derived none whatever from the 60 th . Mr . Hcme pressed on Sir R . Peel the propriety of postponing the consideration of the subject . Sir R . Peel could not now think of doing so , seeing that discussion had been raised . Xord Howick thought he ought to do so , in conformity with former precedent ;
Lord John Rcssell , ob ihe contrary , was of opinion that as discussion had begun , it ought to go on . Sir R . Peel , however , yielded , on condition of the committee being resumed the next day , provided Lord John Russell would give way -with his motion on the Com Laws , which stands for Tuesday . Xord John Rcssell waa : reluctant to lose hia only opportunity of discussing so important a subject-After some further conversation it was settled that the discussion should be adjourned until Wednesday . CoL Rtjshbeooke then moved the issue of a new writ for the borough of Sadbury .
Mr . Tuf . nell moved as an amendment , that leave be given to bring in a bill for an effectual inquiry into bribery and corrupt practices alleged to exist iu the borongh of Sudbury . He contended that the inquiry before the House of Lords , on the bill which had been rejected , was totally inadequate , and argued that the House of Commons could not now agree to the issue of the writ , after having unanimously agreed to the disfranchisement of the borough . He proposed , by thia Mil , to empower two commissioners of inquiry to go down to Sudbury , in order thoroughly toi investigate into the nature of the inveterate corruption of the borongh ; and affirmed that the motive which actuated him was solely a desire to uphold the character and dignity of the House , affected as it was by such practices as had been so amply proved to exist in Sudbury .
Mr . Wtkb commented on the failure of the case before the House of Lords , which would seem to justify a suspicion of collusion On the part of those who had its management * The House would scarcely do its duty , without appointing a committee , in order to inquire into the causes of that failure , which led to tha rejection of the Sudbur / Disfranchisament Bill . Mr . TTJFFJJELL withdrew his amendment in order to enable Mr . Wynn to propose an amendment for a committee ef inquiry . Colonel Rush brooke , not considering that the evidence affected the entire constituency of Sudbury , declared his intention of dividing on his motion .
Sir R . Peel felt , that after the all bnt uuanimous agreement of the House of Commons on the Sudbury Disfranchisement Bill , some information was netted as
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to the cause why snch imperfect evidence had been adduced to the House of Lords . TMb lnfoiniation might justify the necessity of the BUI proposed by Mr . Toff , nell , and the inquiry inSght , therefore , suitably precede its introduction . j ' Lord Johh Russklx concurred , bnt was sure that in dealing with corrupt j boroughs they could not go on in the old system of sending up Bills to the Lords , and failing there through ? ome cause or other . A more satisfactory system should be adopted . Mr . Thesiger advised Colonel Rushbrooke to withdraw nw motion , which was done , and Mr . WymVs motion for a committee was agreed to . * Mr . T 0 FHELL then moved that the issue of the writ for Sudbury be suspended for a menth , which was also agreed to . j
On the motion for jgoing into a committee of Ways and Means , m orderito grant the annual saga * duties , Lord Howick ( after the presentation or } some petitions on the subject ) moved , as an amendment , for a committee of the whole House , on so much of the act 6 and 6 Vic . c . 47 , da relates to the imposition of a duty on the exportation of coals . He avowed that his object was to obtain the repeal of the duty imposed last year as a portion ! of the financial measures of the Government . Passiqg over the arguments as to the necessity for husbanding our stores of coal , seeing that competent authority had estimated that the Northumberland coal field would last for seventeen bundled years , and that of Wales for two thousand , he addressed himself to the considerations which had been adduced
by Sir Robert Peel aa vindicating the imposition of the doty . The anticipations of the Prime Minister had not been realised ; the tax had already operated disastrously on the [ trade , in proof of which he adduced doeumentary evidence , showing that our exports had fallen Ibff one-half with France , while the Dutch trade was nearly lost altogether , and that in the short space of nine or ten months . We were only beginning to feel the results of this pernicious duty . In Sjain , Germany , Prance , Belgium , and other continental countries ; capital was now investing in the expensive operations ! necessary for the production of coal , and when once fairly invested it could not and would not be withdrawn , and thus a class of competitors was raising up against us , depriving us of a
trade which it was vain to expect that we could regain by retracing our steps . The example of the sulphur trade was a signal warning . The Neapolitan Government fancied—as did ! all tho world—that it had a complete monopoly of the snlphur trade , and it imposed a heavy duty on the exportation of sulphur to this country . But the ] ingenuity of our chemists bad discovered the means of manufacturing sulphur in this country , which maintained its ground against the Sicilian sulphur , though the Neapolitan Government had retraced its steps . The effect of the coal dnty was apparent , not only in the stagnation of the trade , but in the condition of the working population , deprived as they were of employment ; the shipping interest was also suffering , for freights were now lower than they bad ever been ; wherever the trade was retained , the tax was ' paid , ' not by the foreigner , but by the British shipowner . It operated disastrously on
British industry in \ other ways ; the Transatlantic Steam Company , which used to have a depot of British coal at New York , was compelled , since the imposition of the duty , to let the Great Western steam-ship perform out with American coal . Sir R . Peel defended the tax on revenue grounds alone , and he had calculated on receiving from it £ 140 , 000 annually . But the actual produce had been only £ 100 , 000 , and as the old duties had produced £ 12 , 000 , the amount received was only £ 88 , 000 , which had ] still further to be diminished by the expense of collection , as well as the indirect diminution of revenue caused by the tax itself . In fact , were a balance struck , ifc would be found that the Treasury was rather , a loser than a gainer by the tax . The budget of Sir Robert Peel had proved a more signal failure than any ; tbe least ef its evil recults had been Its disastrous operation on various departments of British industry . i
Mr . Gladstone did not see the necessity for an elaborate working out of such dicta , as that it was much more difficult to regain a lost trade than to create it The tax had unquestionably not been proposed with the asaent of the coal trade ; its repeal ought not to depend on its dissent The state of the revenue was an all-important consideration ; he did not defend the tax as abstractly good > but he was sore that if they listened to tbe claims of the coal trade for the repeal of the duty , ( they would be bound , in reason and equity , to entertain the claims of other interests for 8 milflr concessions . Nine months was not sufficient to enable them to judge of the effects of the imposition of the tax He did not-deny ' that it was an impost on the trade , but he denied that tho
depression of the trade Was to be attributed to it . Lord Howick ' s estimate of the produce of the tax was drawn from imperfect data ; the actual annual amount would be about £ 112 , 000 or £ 114 . 000 . This was not a large sum , when considered witit reference to the fact , that in this country we have to raise from forty-eight to fifty millions of | revenue . But there were certain states of the public Treasury , when such an apparently small sum could not be conveniently parted with . Returns showed that there was an actual small increase in the amjount of exportation—an increase which would have been larger , but fox the unnatural stimulus of two years ago , which was followed by a corresponding langour during last year . The testimony of the English Consul at Brest was against tbe allegation of the diminution of our exports into France in consequence of the ! duty ; and , though there might
possibly be a dimunition of the exports to Holland—a fact still in uncertainty—even that dimunition , if it did exist , could be traced to other causes ; such as the general depression of trade . The picture drawn by Lord Howick of the effects of the duty on oar home trade was much exaggerated ; the duty had fallen mainly on a class of [ middle-men , intermediate between the coal-owner and ! the foreigner ; and though be was far from wishing that the profits of these middle-men should be diminished , still their case was very different from that of a general state of distress in tbe coal trade . Nor was thet pressure on the shipping interest to be attributed to this tnx , inasmuch as the general depression of trade was a main cause of it On the whole he did not think that a case baa been made out for the interposition of the House , or that a sufficient time had elapsed for the purpose of enabling them to judge of the effects of the tax .
Mr . Hodgson Hinde was glad that Mr . Gladstone had abandoned tbe high ground on which tbe tax had been originally defended . The depression in the coal trade was unquestionably not to be traced to the duty ; but it could not be denied that it had produced much mischief . In fact , no answer had beed given to the case made out by Lord Howick against tbe tax . i Lord H . Vane said that in France there were no less than sixty-one ; coal mines open , though not worked . The effect of the tax would be , that English capitalists would go over to work them . It was not wise policy in this country to maintain anything whoBe tendency was to check native industry , and stimulate foreign rivalry . Mr . Bell did not consider the motion of Lord Howick to be well timed , but as it has been brought forward he would support . it
Sir George Clebk pointed out , that in the four months which elapsed between tbe time when Sir Robert Peel made his financial statement , on the 11 th of March , of lost year , and tbe final passing of the Custom Acts , there had been an extraordinary activity in the coal trade , which accounted for the depression which followed . But tha trade was reviving , as was shown by returns , though the trade of Sutherland was affected by local causes , not connected with the imposition of the duty . ' ; Mr Laboucheke felt himself perfectly justified in supporting Lord Howick ' s motion , after the evidence tbey had of the utter failure of Sir Robert Peel ' s anticipations , whether it were the distress caused by the coal duty , or tbe moral mischief produced by the spirit duty in Ireland . He recapitulated some ef tbe facts adduced against the coal duty , the operation of which he contended was pernicious , and not worth maintaining for the sake of the small revenue which it produced . . :
Sir Robert Peel reminded the House of the flnaneial condition of tbe country , which was still in a state of deficiency , in spite of tbe Income Tax . Our diminished exports to the United States were adduced as an evidence of the' effect of the duty . But the United States imposed a duty of 8 s . on the importation of British Coal , which must be taken into account . Looking to financial considerations , ho hoped the House would support the Government In resisting the powerful combination which sought to repeal tho duty , and thereby to inflict ablaw on public credit . Every other interest , as the advocates of the repeal of the duty on wool , would be ready to urgo arguments similar to those by which the repeal of the coal duty was solicited . Mr . Liddell , though feeling that Lord Howick's motion was ill-timed , would nevertheless give it his support ; On a division there appeared—For Lord Howick's motion ... 134 Against it : 187 Majority 63
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From thirty to five and thirty thousand workmen are now employed in the re-building of the citj of Hamburgh . A Fugitive slave undergoing an examination at Northampton , Connecticut , when asked if his master was a Christian , replied , " No , Sar , he ' s a member of Congress . " j ; PaBVEMTIOK BETTER THAN CdHB . —It IS a foct beyond dispute that most of the diseases with which the human race are { afflicted are the result of a disordered state of the blood . To remedy this , the
occasional use of Parr ' s Life Pills should be had recourse to , and sickness prevented as well as cured . A Fool . —A drunken shoemaker at Skerton made a firm resolution on Monday night last to drown himBelf ; and in the presence of a number of spectators plunged into the river Lune , but , not being out of his depth , he suddenly bethought himself that his temporal affairs were not properly arranged , and deliberately walked . out of the watery grave to bequeath his old coat to a brother cobbler , when his irieDds dragged him home , to the no small amusemeat of the spectators . —Lancaster Gazette .
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} HARMONY HALL . LETTER XIV . TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Sir , —Before proceeding to the subject of my letter for this week , I must make one or jtwo comments on that of Gracchus , which appears in this day ' s Star . Your correspondent appears to attach more importance than I do to who may be the persons to first lead auch a movement as I desire to see in ] action . I rely on the principles I have laid down ; Jon the ease with which their practicability may be demonstrated whenever unity is obtained ; and on the universal happiness to be gained by their adoption ; as the weapons that shall overpower all opposition and lead men forward to undertake and accomplish the task ttiat I propose . With regard to Mr . O'Connell or ! any other leader giving an explanation of his conduct , I believe that
whenever or wherever this can be done , it is highly serviceable ; but my remark only went to shew the objection to compelling a leader to debate , discuss , and explain at a period when prompt action may be absolutely necessary . j Respecting tbe excitement produced by the Chartist agitation in 1839 , I am well aware of the fact , but I hope a similar excitement will never ] again be required to be produced . If the objects to be gained had been shewn to be beneficial to all ; th « means of obtaining them made clear and distinct ; and ihe movement carried forward in entire unity , under sound practical leaders , these objects could have j been readily obtained , and a much higher position might ere this have been gained tor the general body of ihe peepla To stick a thorn in the side of any Government or of
any individual of my fellowmen is no wish or purpose of mine . It is true , that whilst we are so irrational and bo ignorant of what contributes to our own happiness ; whilst we are surrounded by circumstances which compel us to seek our own individual Interests at the expence of others ; or are obliged ] to associate with those whose minds cannot be expanded to anything resembling universal principles ; we must both give pain to others , and be ourselves pained by their conduct towards us . But I seek another and a far different destiny for every child of man ; myjpurpose is to show that the means for human happiness abundantly exist around us , and that ail may be provided for as readily aB true desires can be created without an injury being committed to any .
Gracchus says that numbers hazarded their liberties and may-be their lives in the struggle , and have been sacrificed as scapegoats ; and he claims this as an evidence of & proud position in the political world . It is from such a position that I desire ] to remove every human being , to whatever class , sect , sex , party , or country he may belong . I hope jwe shall never be afraid of the loss of liberty , life , or anything else , however dearly prized , except truth and justice ; but I do also hope that the minds of all will become so far enlightened , that they will see an easiep and a better mode of accomplishing what all must of necessity desire , than by making sacrifices of any kind longer necessary .
With regard to the theory laid down by Robespiere as being in accordance with the democratic principle , namely , that the rights of every man are beuud by the rights of others , and if we pass our own boundary we invade the rights of others ; it is ! quite inapplicable to the universal and eternal truths ! on which alone I propose that we should form this ] association . The rights , the interests , the duties of man , are all universal , and it is only in proportion aayro can embrace this idea that we shall be enabled to progress to that higher and better destiny , which I believe is now ready for us , as soon as we can be sufficiently united to receive it 1
I have , in my former letters , given an outline of a new society which I propose should be formed for removing the present distress , which every where exists , and introducing such changes as shall secure to all ranks and classes a higher and better state of existence than they have hitherto obtained . I have stated the principles on which such a society should be based , and some of the chief objects to which ^ t should devote its attention . I have spoken of the election of the Central President and his Council , and of the kind of manifesto or Charter they should * put forth . I have , at some
length , explained my reasons for desiring a unity of proceeding , and the views I entertain of tbe most practical mode by which this unity can be secured , and I have also at some length given the details' of an organization simple of construction , aid easy to * be worked , which if it be established by men of com prehensive minds , will , I think , be sufficiently powerful for the great object required , namely to procure an enlightened public opinion that shall combine ! and direct all the energies we possess to promote the universal happiness of man .
I stated , at the conclusion of my ] last letter , that I should in this , point out further practical steps that will require to be takes , which after this lengthy digression I will now proceed to do . In my letter No . 8 , I stated that the Central President and his Council should , if possible , be immediately located on the land , and call to their assistance the best minds that they can procure to carry on the agricultural and gardening operations in the most superior manner that the present knowledge acquired in these sciences will admit , and that they should employ on the land the greatest quantity of manual labour that the means afforded them would allow . '
These remarks form part of a subject which now very much engages the public mind , namely , that of tbe occupation of the land ; and , as it is one on which I have bad some practical experience ' , and one to which the Society I have been speaking of will have to pay great attention , I shall place it as the next practical step on which I am to speak . j In the occupation of land , as in every other proceeding , entered into by a society based Job the three great truths which I have placed before yonr readers in former letters , entire unity of purpose and aotion should be observed . However large or [ small the business may be which the society undertakes , it must be one and entire , and under tbe chief superinfcendance of one directing mind . This principle does not prevent , or interfere with , a variety of modes of occupation ; but , on the contrary , will allow of these being auited or adapted to all existing oircumstances .
My opinion , as before stated , is , that in the first place every effort should be made to locate on the land the Central President and his Council , assisted by the best minds with which he can be associated ; and that all the parties so placed should ejvery day do something towards the procuring of their own food . After these are provided for in such a jmanner as to give them ease and calmness of mind , and a due appreciation of the great business they will have to perform , and the necessary expences attendant on ] tbe missionary and other exertions connected with the diffusion of the
principles and objects of the society are liquidated , I should propose that all the money raised' by the contributions of tbe members , both centrally and throughout the branches and classes , should be appropriated in the next place to the purchase of freehold lands , in the names of the trustees of the society . These lands should be selected in the best localities , and with tbe greatest natural advantages that can be secured . They should , as far as possible , be contiguous to each other , and the better the soil is at present , the more advantageously may they be brought into immediate high Cultivation and profit . Much has been said abont waste and inferior lands , but it jwill be found that under sound arrangements and wise direction , it will be most economical in the first instance to select tbe best lands that can be obtained , and to cultivate , however small the quantity , to the highest point of perfection .
With regard to the mode of occupation—I would always distinctly , keep in view Mr . Owen ' s largest combined arrangements , as laid dtfwn in a work published by the Home Colonization Society ; entitled " A D , velopement of the Principles and Plans on which to form self-supporting Home Colonies , " and as rapidly as the minds of those who associate could be brought to see or comprehend the advantages of such a combination , I would endeavour to catry them oat to their fullest extent . But in the meantime I slhll not neglect tbe simplest form of occupation , namely ' , the Allotment System . I would proceed from this to other and higher orders of occupation and association , in
proportion as the members of the j society , or other fitting persons , offered themselves on terms advantageous fo the society , but I would not force prematurely together minds not trained to nffjrd pleasurable company to each , other . I know it may ] be urged that tbe snperior minds will naturally attract and draw up the inferior , and to some extent this is correct ; but I have seen and kno « vn by the strongest personal experience that the warmest and most devoted feelings and actions for the benefit of others , are often , and even generally , misconstrued in such conduct ; and rendered dangerous to the individuals who possess them , ] and such persons suffer to an extent not to be calculated on by those who are differently organised . j
I shall have again more than once to revert to the subject of the Land , and to speak mere in detail , but I would here again urge more especially , as it involves the whole of existence to all who associate ; whatever may be the extent of the combination let no parties ever think of commencing except on a basis of unity , with the strongest power placed in the hands of the governor , and that governor in some mannerJBelected by themselves . All external interference jwith the internal regulations , whether by ah individual , » society , a monied proprietory , or any other body of persons , who are not equally advanced in associated arrangements , is false in principle , and cannot fail to lead to disastrous results in practice . i
The highest combination , or association , under the name of united interests ever yet formed , is that of the establishment from which this letter is written , and nothing could more powerfully demonstrate thetiuth of the principles of the formation of character , than tbe practical experience daily gained here . In proportion as these have been understood and acted upon , the most , satisfactory and harmonious results have been obtained , and those who- have been enabled truly to comprehend them , have had a foretaste of an order of existence , higher and more noble than men can generally anticipate . | There have , however , been errors made here as in all other new undertakings , and in pome of nvy future letters I may have to allude to some ! of th&se ; but in the meantime I must revert at length to some points
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— ^^»^— - n ——M . ^^ a ^» of the Preliminary Charter , and shew their relative importance when compared with other objects of agitation , which now engage the public mind . . I am , Sir , Your obedient servant , William Galpin . Harmony Hall , Hants , June 10 , 1813 .
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THE NATIONAL BENEEtT SOCIETY . ITS PRACTICAB 1 LITT , ITS FOUNDATION , ITS PRINCIPLE , " THE / RIGHTS OF MAS . ' * . TO THE CHARTIST PUBLIC . Brothers in Hope , —Again , the political horison sheweth signs of approaching day ; the bright rays of tbe sun of liberty illuminating the borders of our dormant scene , proclaims " the night is far spent , the day is at hand . " Tiie new crisis is gradually though certainty approaching ; the delegates of North and South Lancashire have issued their manifestoes ; Wales is answering the call . Those signs , like the tints of early dawn , note surely that the bright ; refulgence of noon will come . We shall awake with renewed vigour to the labour of love and hope , with the increased strength that a day of rest is wont to give to the mind and body , with the increased confidence in each other that years of companionship in toils snd troubles is wont to bring , with the undying energy that years of active zeal in a righteous cause is wont to t fivct ; and 'neath the influence of these holy feelings , by our united moral strength , who can say but we shall be invincible ?
The Congress of tbe Rational Society have addressed us , through last week's Star ; allow me to draw your attention to that address . Let me induce you to read it again and ; igaiu . ; it is full of good truth respecting the present state of things , and contains good advice upon the remedy of the evils under which we labour , and however so much some of you may differ with the doctrines of Socialism , 1 trust we shall none of us be bo foolishly stubborn as to reject good advice , and truths , come from whatever quarter they may , though it were from an " infernal den * " as some of their halls have been named by the professedly pious . I particularly
wish to draw tee attention of the South and North Lancashire delegates , at their next meeting , to that address , especially the two last paragraphs , with a view to their devising some plan whereby we could start a society , in connection with our Charter association , for the pnrpose o relieving , to some de ' gree , tbe poverty of our fellows , and' drawing from the labour-market some of the surplus bands , giving beneficial employment to that surplus ; in a word , aeiz ng the wealth that ia within our united exertions , by bringing together tbe idle labour . and stagnant materials for the benefit of all .
The practibility of such a society is the first purpose of my present letter . An outline of a plan suitable to such a society hath already been drawn up by delegates of the people , that is , the plan of the National Chap ter Association , That plan only requires a few altera tions to render it perfect . It was not to be expected that any plan could be sent forth from any body of men perfect-. It may be based upon a true principle ; but it would require to be tried in order to prove whether it had' faults or not . On tbe discovery of those faults , they should immediately be remedied . One fault in our present plan appears to be , that the people have net sufficient knowledge of the candidates for the executive offices . To obviate this , I propose that every candidate shall have testimonials from the locality in
which he resides or has been a member , stating how long he has been a member , what offices he has filled , and * his general qualifications for office , published in the Star , wilh bis nomination . Another fault in the localities is , that the members do not pay sufficient attention to the manner in which their officers perform the duties assigned them , nor to their general behaviour te the members , and consequently are ill served ; this the members may immediately remedy , as it- is in themselves . Again , they are of ton very backward in using their common discernment in electing their local officers . These things they must remedy before all will go on well ; in this they do not do their duty . The members are the best judges of
the fitness of any of their brother members for office , and must use that judgment in common justice to the association . The plan of conducting a national association by a general council and executive committee witb its numerous secretaries , treasurers , fee . is a good conception . It forms a cord to bind all the members and officers together ; and has an influence on every member , ( more or less ) whereby he feels himself part of a great whole , aud as the plan continues it will beget a stronger influence , whereby the individual will feel he has thousands of brother membexa who have a claim upon his actions : that these expect he will do his duty . That the plan requires many additions and alterations J feel confident , but the groundwork of the plan I would nofc have altered .
In commencing our new campaign , I would recommend that a delegate meeting be convened from all the localities that can make it convenient to send , whose business U-shall be to revise and amend the present plans of organisation , consider the plan , or plans for a national benefit socie ' ty , and adopt or draw up one suitable to the present depressed and varied circumstances of the people , having for its objects the relieving of their present wants , either by giving them employment for the society , or a weekly stipend in accordance with their subscriptions ; the ultimate locating them on the land , or in the societies , workshops , and warehouses ; the defence of all members who shall be arrested for performing any services that the society exacts , or has deputed them to , and to engraft the same into the National Charter organisation as part and ° parcel thereof .
Let me induce you , by the poverty that surrounds us , in which we shall surely be all overwhelmed , unless by such a society we provide against its future rapid fearful strides , the present and future prospects of desolation . Let me beg of you to turn your attention to this subject . I am assured that Mr . Hill is prepared in a . short time to submit a plan to you ) or your delegates that will embrace all the desired objects . In tbe mean time , brothers , bestir yourselves ; consider and discuss this it all yerar meetings , until you have decided upon giving your delegates instructions to act thereon , and to the best of their abilities frame such a plan that will meet our numerous wants . We possess in our body all the requisites to such a society . We have plenty or tried , honest , energetic , talented , business like men in our localities ; we have , as the Socialist ' s address setB forth , that power which calls wealth into existence in abundance , viz ., labour and knowledge . There
is an abundance of raw material waiting for the labourers magic arm to coin it into wealth . Let us unite our pence to pai chase it—let us no longer stay like gaping idiots or patalizad mortals , gazing on this unholy , unjust , unnatural divorce ot labour and land , or its springing , ripening , and ripe comforts . If we possesg already associated such abundant means to acquires sufficiency of food and raiment , wherefore should we longer remain in this slough of poverty ; if we possess in our association , the requisites for such a benefit society that I have named , wherefore should we suffer it any longer ! to lay dormant ; and if such a society is so mueh needed in our present distressed condition , what will tho world think of ns if we do not attempt to establish it ? Other countries will say of U 3 . , even the upper classes of oar own will excuse their want of feeling with the stinging accusation of " they might have bettered their condition , but would not "
Come , brothers , let us prevent thea having even the shadow of a pretext for such a taunt ; let us by forming such a happy combination of all out powers , avuil ourselveu of all the advantages within tha reach of such a union , and thereby maintain our character for intelligence , indnstry , and ingenuity . In conclusion , brothers , let me ask of you to read my letters on the subject of this National Benefit Society through once , more , and calmly consider whether I have not established the necessity for such a society , and its practicability : and if you think I have dona this , the rest is for you te do , by instructing your delegates to the next National Delegate Meeting to frame . tho plan , and then work Hfee men to carry it out I have herein shown bow it should be carried forward on the democratic principle .
I should have proceeded further with that argument in continuation of my last two letters ; but thought , — seeing you are so wedded to the above principle , —that that subject may stand over awhile , anrt that the question of practicability was to you of more immediate consequence : seeing , too , that it is more than probable that a National Delegate Meeting will shortly be coutened by common consent , when I hope this subject will occupy their attention , and that they will produce an efficient plan embracing all oar wants . I remain , Yours in Truth , Gracchus .
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At a Match which took place on the Thames on Thursday ., between five yachts , three of which were iron , was shewn the superiority of iron vessels over wooden ones for speed . The three iron boats made the distance in shorter time than ever was known before , and beat all their woodea competitors . No Account / no for Tastb . —A morning paper assures us that everybody , high and low , at Kew , loves and admires the King of Hanover . The Berwyn range of hills , in Montgomeryshire , were on Wednesday morning last , the 7 ok of June , enveloped in snow . Last week , two vessels Bailed from Greenock to Quebec and Montreal , taking with them no less than 590 passengers * principally agriculturists , and very respectable in their appearance .
The Act for the abolition of slavery in India passed the Supreme Council on the 7 th of April , and became law . Henceforth , there is no slavery ra . India , save that which is perfeotly voluntary . St . Pjetersburgh , Mat 16 . —Yesterday was our Longchamps , but all ice aud snow . ; All vegetation ia dead , aud the thermometer on the freezing point even at noon . The oldest inhabitants do not remember a similar season ; and more astonishing still , similar accounts arrive from Tiflis , the Naples of our empire .
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j ——* — — THE NORTHERN StA » R . 7
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Northern Star (1837-1852), June 17, 1843, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct655/page/7/
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