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ORGANIZATION . ( Concludedfrom our seventh page- ) *• i am right giaa to Sad that T ? e are netting about ii&ie-Qrs = 3 E 2 ation of oar movement in good e&niBBt ; far the Treat of it has lately rendered our exertions comparatively ineffectual , and given us the appearance of -weakness at & time -when ire . might lave rendered jnore effected aerrlce to oar . canse , and iave Jjeeoxne-s 3 nore powerful Iwdy than at any former period . We frequently hear our enemies aay that * Chartism is going down ; ' ua yet throughout the exteurre districts to which my occupation tates me , 1 have never seen »
xmch msteriaU for ChsriiKm m at ibe present tuna JleSttBia , » gricaltnrixfe , ? JW 3 ug 8 , ana Trails , are alike snffennf from and disgusted -with , tbe quackery of iftc&mB , and ashamed to own themselves of either jartyi are ready to embrace principles : and as oar principles are baaed upon the rights of all , and hare Jpr ^ tfaeir objec * tt » sood of all ,-with , a proper Organization there 1 b not anything that can prevent tfunr progress and speedy triumph . Bovr , then , shall in tffecV Qua ? We "win first look at the obstacles ¦ which stand in the Tray , and by ascertaining how tkey r * -n be remedied , "we shall discover hoir it can be effected .
"The first and great dffiealty is ihat of setting the machinery in motion ; when t > i ?« ig acconnplisbed , all otiier diScrilties most yield to the united perseverance and talent -which inn he "brought to bear upon the tjueition . But to accomplish this , we find that one proposes that the Conference * skill "be held at such a place and such a time ; a second proposes another place and time ; and a third different to < ither -of the former ; sod others , that an Executive should he first elected : int as each of these are individual or local proposifionij there is aome means -wanting to ascertain the sense of the -wliole body upon each , and convert some of them from local to general resolutions , Vhieh might be acted upon . To effect tills I would suggest to * following
PLAH . 1— "That all propositions as to -whereand -when the Conference at—11 be held , and an other matters relating to the « jn 6 " b © * ent to &e 2 ? or&em Star office-j- in time Jar pnilicaHonin the Northern Star of August 5 . 2— "ThattheTotesof the -ranous localities he then taken upon them and returned to the Northern Star Office within a fortnight from such publication . 3— "That ths Totes and decision he published in the Northern Star , the week succeeding that on-which they are sent ¦ 4- ^* The decision of the majority ef the localities $ to be-acted upon .
" This I belie-re -would obviate the difficulty in which ¦ we are now placed , and leave the question fairly open to » IL A * to the jflw . m »» t » T «> p . » under which we are about to form six Organisation , they are most favourable —even that which , to a casual observer , might appear to be against us , is decidedly in our favour , viz . —the " Government persecutions and their seeming resolution to put down ^ agitation , for it -will make us cautious jnd arouse thought that will enable us to make our Organisation such a one as "will bear any future storms . SqpSngaod feeling confident that it -wiD he so , and that « &eh of us -wiU manifest care , prudence , and at the jwme jame , -dflcision and perseverance , " i remain jour faithful friend "^ ndirottier Chartist , " B . ! T . H 0 SB 1 S 05 . "NoSangbam , Jnly SJh , 1843 . " 2 &i . Haekbt saya : — "T 92 LL SCOTLAND WITH ENGLAND UNITE ?
B TO ZES SDIXOB OT THS JSOXT&EBS SX—S . " Patriotic Sib , —I -was very glad to tee Mr . O'Connor's advice to the Chartists , in his letter in the Star of July 1 st , warning tfipra of the attempts that ¦ would ho - """ fo by hired villains or brainless enthusiasts to seduce them into fresh ' strikes' and 'turnouts , " * route , riots , rebellions , and insurrections . * " ThB advice-was good , let it not be forgotten ! "Bni , Sir , wlnle we very properly '"watch that we xuy-overeame , * does it iiol-beboTe -as to take advantage ol pr&Bent arnrn _ £ xnoes to ' pnih our eause , bo that if lie chaos , of which events seem lost accomplishing , should come , -we may be prepared for it—prepared to raise successfuDy the banner of the Charter , round » hicln 2 piisen millious jnayraDy , and find in the legal adoption of its prindpl&s the basis of a system of equal right and equal justice , to take the place of that which is assuredly fast hasteningto its dissolution!—a consummation devoutly to be wished . *
" At tiie present timB , -when an agrarian insurrection is sot only , existing , but daily acquiring strengtli , is "Wale * j Trben Ireland , : from centre to circumference , ia bearing -with revolutionary excitement ; and when in AThpnca -we find the plainest predictions and fiercest threats held out that the dominions of * our Sovereign lady the Queen" will and ihafl be rent asunder , and torn even by * bloodshed , pikes , and projectiles , * from $ hfk gasp of our rulers—amidst these startling' drenmstances , the ' apathy of the Tfogiiyh and Scottish Chutists is to all superficial observer * most astonishing .
** That apathy can only be accounted for on the jrapposi&an that the people are for the uoment exhausted Sy the injnaidous movements into which they . have aHo-wed themselves to "be precipitated beforetime ; and by the not leas injurious bickering of * leaders , ' by -which the Chartist movement has been so remarkably cursed . But , pechapc , at -tins moment , the great cause of the existing apathy is the Trant of ax aim—si plan , which , having the : concurrence and support of the majority ¦ wonld afford hope to the despairing , infuse vigour Into the coundls . of our leaders , « nd union and energy among the scattered masses of our friends .
** The secesaity of a thoroughly efficient Plan of Organization is universally admitted ; and as wo are to have published TTT'TnMitw . ffTy the pV ^« and suggestions of different ; persons -who have paid attention to the sub ject , X would implore of my Chartist brethren to give to them their most serious censifleraion , and where fiscesssry to jmspend all Tf ^ P ^ y but those called for dellbezaQng on these subjects only . Anxious as I am to Bee a ^ ood Plan of Organisation in -working order-with Stt least possible delay , stall the doing of our vork "weD , -when it is ttonB , is so important that for the reasons stated inlast Saturday " B Stor by the Editor , I hope that the country generally -will concur with the jnqpoeal to nn £ e > the jrsiuxei in September'ihB period lor the commenceEient of ttie proposed Canference ' s sittings . Let the date b » decided en immediately .
"A gnestjon arises whether under all circumstances Birmingham -would be the best place of meeting . If the Conference is to be confined to English delegates , then I ay , —yes-5—but if the people of f ^ flirnrt -w » uld unite with - ~ ns to form a grand Organfeition for the entire Island , then in my humble opinion , NeweasQeon-TynB -would "be the most fitting place .. * ' And -why should -we not lave the two nations united In all their movements for a common redemption ? We "want a union of the Scottish judgment -with the less discreet and more exdteable English mind . I apeak from experience . There is a degree of education { spoiled to some extent by the bsmbug philosophy cf Chaxriber ? Journalism ) , a mental advancement , a bigbtonea morality , and self-denying spirit to be found
among the people of Scotland to a much greater extent than among my own countrymen . At the same time the English character has in s » Hie respects its points of advantage over the Scotch . Why should we not reap ihs immfroift advantages to be derived from the junction of the two ? I am sure I may say that a union In one Orgsnlzataon of the two countries wculd be haSed with delight by the English Chartists ; and I think could not fall to be agreeable to to the Scottish democrats . Mr . O'Connor gave expression to s complaint in "h ^» excellent letter of last -week , that the Scotch bad not weD supported their English brethren during the recent trials . There is a cause for this . All the persecutions since Chartism was first agitated , have been , with a few trifling exceptions ,
in Ensland and Wales j and I mustsay , iacc&ce » brought about " by the nai very iciss counsels of English leaders Scotiandiias not "been the theatre of these movements ; yet Scotland has been expected to pay a share of the pipert expenses , and Mr . O'Connor acknowledges did pay her share , and handsomely , too , in the case of ths Newport affair . But the Scotch nave grown -weary orae taxation resulting from these movements "which they think ought never to have taken place . Let the Bcottxsb . Chartists be represented -with their English Brethren in ihe chief council of the movement ; let the sense-of both nations be taken on all movements projectedior the advancement of our cause j and this dissJasfaetiOT "win be unknown . As before remarked , divimon among leaaersnas been the great bane of £ he marement . This , to a certain extent , is true of Scotland as
• mai as Englacd . Would not a union of the two ! countries go far to « xtingnMi the accursed jealousies and jplotSngB of one man against another , ; -winch ias so infamously disgraced , and miserabif retarded our cause ? Of course , 1 am not » TJtopian , as to suppose that any measure that thfi -wisdom of man could devise would remove the viperous spleen and . gnawing esry -which 3 b cazxodixig $ be fcresstsof somBmen TrhoODOB fignred in ihe mo-rement , imt -wiiom the people tiave very jaoperly repnaistea . I Deitber hope nor desire Una , The * ' patriots" arB now powerless for mischief , and the lies T » Mcb / in - » Meh they indulge are harmless because nobody 1 « Qbtbb Uttm . It -would Sierefore be apily to spoil their present employment They are Hkft the viper in the Table ,-gnawing at a file 1
** To me itappears most desirable that Scotland should be represented in fiie approaching Conference . In that event , I have suggested Newcastle as the " most proper place of ineeting . Possibly for economical reasons laverpool -would be preferable - but even if so , these reasons should not , I think , weigh against the mighty moral effect * to be expected from the delegates of the two countries assembling a ^ Qw former ^ lace . -One effect I shomld hope far , would be the effectual rousing of the noble men of the Tyae , from that despairing apathy into wMcb . they have generally been plunged aiaee the fatal eTBBti of 183 § .
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» * J 2 tata Coaferaace is to be held is toQi absolutely nfTPwugy , and I believe unanimously agreed upon . * "j-Trp" -proceeds upon the supposition that the Editor of tbe 2 V orami 5 /« r would take the trouble to arrange and pnblifih the propositions . j ^ rhti votes might be taken in the same Banner as for an Executive . My only reasons for having the Totes takes in localities as a-whole , are to Jftve time and trouble , and at the smm time to bav » the general »?!» rf Uifwhole body . "
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•• Again , what a glorious sight the meeting of the two nations , througn their delegates , <« on the battle gronnd of bo many border fights in other days ,, to swim eternal union -with each other for tho subversion of that principle of aristocratic oppression which in the olden time too often swayed man against hia brother , and produced hatred and war , ; where fraternity and peace should instead have reigned ! •< Men of Scotland , brother Chartists , yon and I * were ance acquaint ;* Tr ill yon consider my humble suggestions ? If Glasgow , Edinburgh , Aberdeen , Dun * dee , Paisley , Greenock , and the Yale of Leven say tea—all Scotland -will follow . " I am , Mr . Editor , " Yours , faithfully , " Q . Julian Hahhkt .
" Sheffield , 94 , Sheaf Bank , Lead Mill Road . July 10 , 1843 . " i " P . S . I see that O'Connell , in a speech made by him in Dnblin , on the 4 th July , states that three Scotch Chartists have been engaged in promoting Kbbon Societies in the North of Ireland . This , I have no doubt , is a vile lie , only used for the base purpose of preventing the people of Ireland listening to the truths of Chartism . What say the readers ef the Northern Star in Scotland ; do any of them know anything of these three Scotch Chartists ?'" ; We lave thuB placed befdre onr readers at one view the substance of nearly all the communications -which have been made to us on _ this most
important subject . We commend them all to carefnl deliberation . The length of space already occupied prevents the possibility of our commenting upon them , or giving any suggestions of our own at present . This we shall do hereafter ; perhaps next week . Meantime let the people think .
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HOUSE OF LORDS—MoraAT , July 10 . The Home passed the second reading of Lord Campbell ' s Law of Libel Bill ; and the third reading of the Limitation of Actions Bill . : The chief portion of the sitting was occupied with discussing the Church Endewment Bill , the care of which has been in the hands of the Bishop of London . The bill was read a third time , ibut some additional clauses are to be added , which are to be discussed to-day . After some other business tie House adjourned . Tttesday , Jblt 1 L The bnsinesBoonsisted in passing Lord Brougham ' s Slave Trade Suppression Bill throngh committee ; adding an additional clauBe to the Church Endowment BUI , and passing it ; and in carrying the Scotch Church Bill through committee , which ^ was reported with amendments .
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HOUSE OF COMMONS . —> Iqkdat , Jcxt 10 . Mr . Tbbxbb . requested information as to wletler or not the Government were ; prepared to advise Her Majesty to visit with he ? signal displeasure all persons engaged in duelling , or if they -would bring in a measure nest session on tie subject ! : Sir R . Peel was alive to tie importance of the subject , but W 3 S sot prepared to make " any declaration -without due and mature consideration . Tie adjourned debate on Ireland wasreBumed by Capt . Bkrnal who lamented , as one main cause of her evils , tie absence of landlords and tie ejection
of tenants . These subjects , he said , lad been characterized by Sir Hobert Peel , as belonging to the lead of morals rather tlan of legislation ; but law was only morality shaped by Parliament . We had a strong Government , no doubt , but Jit sate with folded arms , impotent for good , and irresolute for « vfl . He would recommend the abolition of tie offiee of Lord Lieutenant , an office useless to all bnt those numerous young soldiers ( tie aides-de-camp ) who wished to avoid tie dnll routine regimental duty . He begged tie Government to remember tie answer given by Charles II ., when some one asked him tie best way to put down rebellion i Wly , " Baid the King , ** to remove tie cause of it . ' *
Sir Howard Douglas reprobated ibeinterference of America in fomenting Irish movements . He defended the Union , and showed , in detail , the commercial and other advantages which Ireland lad derived from it . He lifted . Us voice ] against all kinds of political agitation ; and concluded by moving , Tatter unexpectedly , that the HouBe would entertain no Irish question until the agitation now in progress should lave been discontinued . No seconder was found for this motion , -which was received by tie Opposition with sarcastic cheers .
Mr . "Vti . ttehs Sttjakt was of opinion tlat such an amendment , if entertained , would lave done very little to put down agitation . He attributed the over-population and general wretchedness of Ireland less to the misconduct of landlords than to the want of any employment for tie people , except npon tie land , and the consequent subdivision of occupations . The great grievance which was at the bottom of all was tlat badge of conquest , the Protestant Establishment . '
Captain Rons Baid , that bnt for the bigotry of the Scotch and English people , some great boon wonid long since lave been given to the Irish Church ; bnt no Ministry who should propose that would stand fonr-and-twenty hours . The principle of the debt to the Roman Catholics was acknowledged in that instalment , the Emancipation ; and the remainder must be paid sooner or later . The war cry bad long been " No Popery , and Protestant ascendancy . ; ' yet the Papists were doubled , and the ascendancy was descending .
Sir W . SoMir . viLiB charged tie present distnr * baaces of Ireland jra tie Ministerial party . The Attobnet-Gkhbral for Ireland made along , dull , ineffective speech , which the House endured with a passive toleration . He defended tie judicial appointments of the Government ; spoke of himself , his opinions on education , and his canvassing of Dublin University ; and , amongst other topics , came upon the subject of the Church , and told Lord John Russell tlat Mr . O'Connell had said the Whigs could not expect to regain office , or his support , without a readjustment of the ecclesiastical revenues of Ireland , as to lie Repeal of tie Union , if tlere were any looking to foreign assistance to effect it , le loped and le trusted there were enough , both Protestant and Catholic to maintain it . {
Lord Howick thought that the adoption of Mr . Smith O'Brien'B motion would be the regular Parliamentary mode of intimating to tie people of Ireland tlat something more effective was abont to be done for them than had ever yet been attempted . The agitation excited in Mb mind great alarm snd terror ; not that he doubted the power of Government to put down any insurrection , but because it afforded proof of tie growing slieoiation of the Irish people , and slowed , that in onr lour of danger and difficulty , Ireland would be our weakness instead of onr strength . The meetings for Repeal were dangerous , and the motives of the agitators censurable ; bnt le shrunk from the prospect of an attempt to put tlese meetings down , without
doing something to allay the discontents of the people . Ho direct interference of Government or legislation could immediately remote the wretchedness of Ireland ; all they could do was to remove the-obstacles which interfered with the development ; of industry But in this respect they could do much ; vtle coustry lad stores of mineral wealth ,, magnificent rivers , and fertile soil ; and the people , as evinced by their oondnct , either in America or- England , showed that they were an indnstrious , cheerful , and active race English capital went to Chili or Peru , and could not be wanting for Ireland ; all that was required was security ; and wretchedness was the moving cause of those agrarian outrages by which capital was
deprived of the assurance of security . The people , looking to the laud as their only resource , clung to it with the tenacity of despair ; the legal power of the landlord lad frequently been harshly and cruelly used ; and though what wa& asked under the name of " fixity of tenure" appeared to bB inconsistent with tie rights of property , something like what Mr . More O'Ferrali lad recommend , securing the tenant in outlay for improvements , ought to be considered ; the responibility of it lay on the Government , in whose lands it ought fitly and only to be placed . By removing the discontents of the people , tranquillity would be restored , and capital would 2 ow in , paving the way for more extended application of labour in public workB .
Mr . Gaui Kkight was willing to give the Catholics all he could get for them ; bnt be it bigotry , or what you please , the people of England and Scotland had made up their minds , and any ; attempt to subvert the Established Church in Ireland would not only cost any Minister his place , but even the Sovereignihe Crown . He hoped Sir RjPeel would keep tie middle course in Mb policy , avoiding extremes . ¦ Sir Bskjamih Hall considered that the Government did not dare to put down the agitation in Ireland fortwoieaBonsfear of tie Orangemen , and fear of Mr . O'Connell . - :
Lord Jocklts condemned the agitation , felt tlat something must be done to abate tbe alarm whiol it created aud-io-preBerve tie peace , and declared tlat He had too good an opinion of lis Roman Catholic countrymen to ihiuk tlat tley would be parties to "Tjaeafprefortle spoliation of tie clnrcl . The objects of the Repeal Association wire revolutionary , and sufiicienfly "Warranted the resistance of the motion . The debate wastlen adjourned . Ttjbsdat , Juxt 11 . Tie adjourned debate on Ireland was resumed by ntS ^ sSZ ?? £ * ? " O'Cokhsil , wld urged the n ^ of MLS » faon v * 5 d complained of tie abstis ^ i ^ ffffif-assssfs sssrSS ^ r ^ * eixFpS taon of the Conservative party with respect to that cwntry ; reminded fkmtftoaSg ^ Jgfc
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which they lad evinced on muaioipal corporation reform , and the extension of the franchise ; and gave reminiscences of the bigotry of the party , when they went the length of threatening the Sovereign With the fate of James II ., because Mr . Sheil had been made a privy counsellor . Concessions mast be mad *; let them be made in that generous spirit which would unite the two countries , not by the parchment bonds of tbennion , but with the more lasting ties of equality and brotherly love . Mr . Smtthe said the difficulty lay not so much in tlo " Poperj ' , as in the No Popery" of Englandthat bitter spirit which still lingered in the classic precincts of Exeter-hall , This session there had been thirty-nine petitipn | jggainst Maynooth : the number seemed sacred in tljfinnals of ecclesiastical bigotry . If , instead of treating Ireland with the grudging
parsimony of a etepmotber , they had governed ter with justice , she would at this moment have been a nureery of loyalty . After expressing something like pity for the fate of Lord Eliot , iu being doomed to be the organ of the Irish Government , the honourable member , who spoke throughout with apparent warmth and feeling , sat down amidst cheering as loud and long as that which greeted the no less remarkable speech of Captain Rous , ou the preceding evening , from the same benches—the Ministerial . Mr . Hawks dented tlat these Irish debates bad retarded other business—the Government were themselves responsible for the delay of . the Ecclesiastical Courts or the County Courts Bills . The condition of England , no less than of Ireland , called on the Government for decision , instead of drifting on without chart or compass .
Mr . Colquhoun attributed the present condition of Ireland to the rapid increase of its population , which had doubled within the last forty years , and outrun all means of suitable employment . The Highlands of Scotland , not distracted by religious or party strife , ' presented a somewhat similar spectacle in its social condition . He was prepared to give the Government new and additional powers , if the existing law was not sufficient to maintain tranquillity , and suppress the present movement . Mr . Sharman Ciiawfohd , amongst other enumerated causes of irritation , particularly dwelt on the consolidation of farms , which could only be accomplished through the ejectment , rpin-, and starvation of the small occupiers . United legislation -was the bestfor the empire , if based on equal rights and impartial justice ; but though desirous of maintaining the Union , he contended that it possessed no moral power , and under tbe present system was worse than separation .
Mr . Bateson said , the real evil was absenteeism ; if the landlords were to reside , and sec a good example , there vfas no country ia the world where the lower classes : were more easily touched by kindness , more easily managed , or who looked up with more respeotto the higher classes , in some places almost with feudal feeling . The opposition knew ail this very well . He would , therefore , tax tho absentees , and apply the proceeds to the improvement of the country . Ix might send them t o their estates , where they ought to be in the present alarming state of Ireland . Mr . Ross , as an Irish landlord , concurred in tie sentiment that the Irish people were easily managed by kindness and conciliation—but the experiment lad never yet been tried .
Mt . Momckton Milkes thought that the present debate afforded ample proof that Ireland was pot neglected in the Imperial Legislature . The question with which they had to deal was as embarrassing to English statesmen , as that of slavery to American statesmen . —( This admission was received with much ckeering from the opposition benches ) . Mr . Roebuck did not tbink that the debate reflected much credit on those in whose hands the government of this great country is placed . The only leading ) Minister who had spoken was Sir James Graham ; and the conclusion of his speech seemed to indicate that the Government could neither retreat nor advance without danger . The calm and temperate tone in which the Irish
members had adduced their grievances contrasted strongly with the petulant and party replieB of ministerial members , who had given to the Government their imbecile support . It was admitted by the Home Secretary that the very existence of the empire was at stake ; yet he , whose power of language , of argument , and : of sarcasm were unquestioned , grew frightened by the subject he was handling , and lost power , not only over the House , but himself . The next member of the Government who spoke , was the Attorney * General lor Ireland , and he , to illustrate how that country was governed , at a time when : it is on the verge of a civil war , harangued the House about his grandfather , and how he was : not elected for the University of
Dublin . Sir Robert Peel was like an inactive general iu his camp , receiving intelligence of one successive defection after another . Mr . Smythe , who lad made lis speech that evening , bad spoken with great apparent feeling , as if he were ready for any sacrifice of friendship ; he hoped his feeling speech would be followed by the right vote . Ireland must be governed either with or without the Orangemen—either as a oonquered country , by tbe aid of the garrison we had placed there , or on broad and liberal principles , seeking tbe happiness of the millians . ThejPrptestant party were eight hundred thousand to eight millions ; and in no well-governed country could eight hundred thousand possess the wealth and the'land in a community of eight millions .
But the opposition party had hitherto treated the question in a party way—he hoped for larger and more generous views from Sir Robert Peel , whose fault was , not that be had done worse than lis predecessors , but that he lad not shown himself equal to the new exigencies of the case . No people had combined against a government without being impelled by physical suffering ; in addition to wretchedness , the Irish had degradation , and wrong . Mr . O'Connell , in the course which be had pursued , had no doubt done much mischief , bat he had » 1 bo achieved much good , and had obtained for tbe people what they would otherwise not lave gained . Like all enthusiastic men who governed enthusiastic people , he was alternately dupe and impostor—the glowing and graphic descriptions of the wonderful benefits to result from the Repeal of the Union he could not himself believe . But he lad done this—he had made them decent in their language respecting
Ireland . The Church was tbe badge of conquest ; if not reformed by some Government , the people would destroy it . Mr . O'Connell had but to add the non-payment of rent to that of Tithe—( hear ! hear !) " Ay , ay , you imay cry hear , hear—for don't think we are whispering secrets to one another ! " Were they to be told that the Protestant feeling Of this country wouldiprevent a minister from undertaking this great act of justice—from rising to thig great emergency 1 Was dismissal from office so great an evil , that they would rather risk civil war than enconnter it ? The Tithe was national property ; it was created by the Catholics for Catholic purposes ; it was diverted by the will of the nation to other objects , and by the will of the nation may be diverted again . It was as sacred then as now—neither more nor less . He did not attack the faith , but the money of the Established Church . Let them deal with all the grievances of Ireland , and save it from becoming an eating ulcer into the heart of England .
Sir R . Peel then rose . ¦ He was anxious , in the first place , to obliterate-all personal or party recollections . He would vindicate his own course , but he would not recriminate . The question was of too deep an interest for that . The real object of this motion was not an inquiry into possible remedies , but an expression of opinion adverse to the Government . If the Government did appear to the House unfit , from party connexions , or from other reasons , to govern Ireland , this vote ought to be against him' , for certainty tie tenure of office by any narty was a consideration of no value in comparison to the welfare with a kingdom . He then addressed himself to the speech of tbe mover , and defended the Government from his charge of parsimonious
treatment to Ireland , referring to documentary evidence , and observing that Ireland pays no assessed taxes , no income tax , no soap duty , no duty on spiritti . He adverted , with some indignation , to the charge that official appointments , particularly judicialand ecclesiastical ones , had been made unfairly , and read the letter containing his instructions to the Lord-Lieutenant on the subject of patronage . He justified the proceeding on the mail-coach contract , observing that it was a disparagement to Ireland to treat : that trills as a grievance . Perhaps the most ungenerous charge of all was on the subject of education . It would have been highly gratifying to the supporters of Government , and consequently conducive to its interest , if
on this point a different course had been resolved on by the Cabinet . The general intention of the Government had 'been honnfide to fulfil the principle of the Relief Bill , which established equality between Protestant and Catholic . He showed the absurdity of the allegation that Irishmen had not had their fair share of Irish patronage , and cited several instances where Irishmen had been appointed to employments in England . The attention of the house had been called to tlreejsorts of Irish grievances , the social , the political , and the religious . The social or agrar ian , were not netr grieranoea ; nor was it possible for the ; Government to devise any immediate remedy ! for them ; but if a committee lad been proposed for inquiry into the law of landlord and tenant he would gladly lave
agreed to that . Next , as to political grievances . He fully admitted , and had admitted long ago , that religion ought not to operate as a disqualification for office . He then proceeded to tie question of the church . On this head , he would not consent to give the pledge required ef him by the Opposition ; he would much rather ohooBe the other alternative suggested , —of leaving office , and taking tie chance of what some other Minister might do . The proposition was , that as the Protestants are not a sixth of tie population , tley ought to possess bnt a sixth of the Church endowments . Must they also retain but a sixth of the churches ? Must the Roman Catholic Bishops Bit equally with the Protestants in the House of Lords ! This was a somewhat larger change tlan had yet been contemplated . Again , what was to be the state of tbe Roman Catholic
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religion in England ? Thus there was much beside revenue to be considered ,, in order to produce perfect equaiitv . He knew that such contracts a = » that of the Union coulo . not be maintained in case of an adverse necessity ; but they were nbtto be departed from unless that necessity were really paramoun' : any such departure tended to shake publicconfidencemost injuriously to national welfare . How strong were the assurances given at tie time of the relief bill to the reluctant ipeOple of England , that it would not impair but increase the security iof the Protestant Church ! The subjeot of a provision for the priests from any other source , was one upon which he was not disposed to make any declaration of opiaion thus incidentally in the course of a general debate . Ha
nowiapproaohed the question , of Repeal , as to which he had said that he was prepared to use all the powers of Government for the maintenance of the Union , and in that sentiment he believed there was a very general concurrence on the other side of the House . He was sorry to have heard it argued that ^ he Repeal of the Union stood upon the same footing with the repeal of any other act . On no other act would the Crown have made the declarations which it had made on this , in the times both of the late and of the present Ministry . He pointed out the practical absurdities and inconsistencies which must ! follow a severance of Ireland from England , with ] separate Parliaments , revenues , armies , and navies . Such a severance could not last a single
year without a conflict . To prevent such an evil the Government had , without asking for any new measure , resolved to rest upon the existing powers of the law and constitution . He was asked what course he was prepared to take ; he was prepared to govern With justice—to maintain civil equality—to consider ! the franchise , and the law of the landlord and tenant , striotly preserving the principle of the right of property ; and , on the ; subject of the ohurch , to maintain it inviolate . It was made a reproach to him that he hod stood with folded arms and had asked for no new laws , which he believed would not havektrengthened the Executive Government , He relied on that abstinence for attaching to the
Government all who foresaw the consequences of assembling a new Parliament for Ireland alone ; and then , if , at length , necessity fchould arise , the claim for new powers would be tbe stronger for the past forbearance . In his reliance on the loyalty of the Irish people , he made no distinction between Protestant and Catholic . The Catholics could not want motives for rallying round the union ; the events and enactments of the last fourteen or fifteen years had made a great social and political ohange in their favour , aud the favourable feeling to them still subsisted in the imperial Parliament . He appealed to these considerations , to the long con nexion of the two countries , to their common interests , and to their common dangers .
Lord Joha Russell had not beard with satisfaction the speech of Sir R . Peel . It was more like the speeoh of a member finding fault with tie proposals of a government , than like tho speech of one who was the head of a government himself . After enlarging upon the magnitude of the present danger , he acknowledged that he approved of the forbearance to ask for any new law of coercion . But the course ou which the government seemed to rely was that of doing ] nothing at all—of waiting to hear the propasals of other members , and then commenting on the insufficiency of one suggestion and the doubtfulness of another . To him this appeared to indicate a want of capacity and of energy in the Ministers . If they had been afraid to propose measures , it was not because there had been auy violence on tbe part of the Irish members to deter them . He denied that
equality of oivil rights existed between England and Ireland ; in proof of which denial he referred to the numbers of the Parliamentary constituencies , and to the difference between the English and the Irish Municipal Act . He then oamo to the question of the Church . On this subject he desired to explain the opinions expressed by him on a former evening , by which he had meant to intimate , that though favourable to the principle of establishment , he though it a principle- much misapplied to a ohurch like that of Ireland , which had no connection with , nor influence over the bulk of the people : and
it wasirequisite , in order to make such a principle available to its real purpose , that it should be extended in a manner which might put the religion of the majority on the sameifooting with the * religion established in favour of the' minority It was half-past two o ' clock when Lord John Russell concluded , and Mr . Sergeant Murphy moved the adjournment of the debate . A somewhat lively discussion ensued , Mr . Wallace stating that he saw sixteen members rise at once to catch the Speaker ' s eye , and Sir H . W . Barren adding that he had risen nine times ineffectually . After a triumphant but useless division , the adjournment was agreed to .
Wednesday , July 12 . The protracted debate upon the state of Ireland has been at length brought to a conclusion . The House-divided , when the numbers were : — For the motion 164 Against it 243 i Majority 79
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to direct her Ministers to adopt some measure of justica towards Ireland , and if they did not , to dismiss not only them but even the Parliament . Tbe Hon . Baronet here read a memorial expressive of alarm at the state of Ireland and of indignation at the policy of the present Ministry towards that country , and appealing to her Majesty in the ] event of their refusal to do justice to the people of that country , at once to dismiss them from her councils , j This was adopted unaniinnusly , as was also a reWti tion determining to . hold a great public meeting of the Borough , over which Sir B . Hall was elected to preside , on Monday next . .
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TO THE CHARTISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN . Friends and Fellow Slaves , —You all know as well as I do , that [ great objects have never yet been achieved without great personal sacrifice . You may reply that you haye already suffered much . I admit it . I feel deeply for your sufferings . I admire your perseverance and ] indomitable spirit- Few men amongst you felt more poignantly than I did for the bloody and cruel fate of the martyred Clayton and Holberry ; for thej unlawful and unjust expatriation of Frost , Williams , and Jones . I hope , therefore , that you will not jdeem it presumption in one who has been eo seldom amongst you , and so humble an individual as I am , to thus address so vastso
en-, lightened and so powerful a body of men as the Chartists of Great Britain . But to whatever motive you attribute it , I cannot resist the impulse of doing my utmost to promote ] by all the means in my power , the great object of j ail our hope—the People ' s Charter . I shall speak to you freely . I shall test your soul ? , and if you } be really the men I have ever taken you to be , yo u will carry into immediate effect the propositions which I shall now submit to you . If you wish to be revenged of your tyrant taskmasters—the perfidious Whigs and truculent Tories —if you desire to avenge the murdera of Clayton and Holberry , and the expatriation of Frost , Williams , Jones , and EllisJ you will take the advice which
I now , in the sincerity of my soul , tender to you . It is ia your power to do it ! and every man of you will be better , in evjery respect , by taking it , adopting it , and persevering iu it , than you would be should you reject it . Well , then , therefare 3 , 500 , 000 of you , or more , who , on the average , expend on useless , pernicious luxuries —tobacco aud malt prink , at the very least sixpence a week . If you have the spirit of men in you ; if you are true ChartiBts , [ you will give up the use of thdse useless articles . Give them up at once and for ever ! Put by a similar sum of money weekly to that which
you have been in the habit of spending upon those articles . Keep it safe and dry , in habd cash , fob twelve months ; by doing which you will all be riches and better than you are now . Besides , as a body , you will have accumulated the enormous sum of £ 4 , 534 , 333 , ( in the short term of one year !!! Begin at once . Keep the money . And with the blessing of God I W : ill come over to see you in 'September , 1844 , and lend my aid to show you how to carry the People ' s jCharter , which you can do by simply taking oare of your own money . Mind that ! J
Remember that for every thirteen pence you lay out on tobacco , youjget but one penny worth of the stinking weed ! The remaining twelve pence goes , in the shape of duty' , into the coffers of your enemies Permit me to sayjanother word in conclusion . The good , the pious , the amiable , and kind-hearted Father Mathew , an Irish Catholic Priest , is now amongst you . Go to him and take the " Teetotal pledge . " Never mind his beiDg a priest . Think of nothing but how to promote your own happiness , overthrow your enemies , and get tho Charter made the law of the land . ' I am , truly and sincerely yours , I Patrick G'Higqins . No . 14 , North Anne-street , Dublin , July 11 th , 1843 .
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for their peaceful agitation . It happens that we are in a position to be able to give the most unqualified contradiction to this infamous attempt to raise up all the uuwotthy and unlovely prejudices of the upper and middle men against the Chartists , by representingthat body as connected with the" Rebecca . " movement . Thia very week brought us a letter from the accredited agent of the Merthyr TidvirChartists , their Secretary ; strongly urging upon Mr . O'Connor to cross the Channel , and pay a visit to Merthyr , when on his contemplated western tour : averring that if he does so , he will find , whatever may be the case elsewhere , that the Chartists of Merthyr hold no sympathy with those who ' do battle "
upon turnpike gates ! and averring also , that bitter and costly experience has taught them that no advantage to the people can ever be secured by riots or tumult . ' This is from the mouthpiece of the Merthyr Chwtists themselves ! the very men who are now represented as " holding weekly secret meetings "; and " subscribing to Arms' Distribution Clubs" ! We advise the Chartists of Merthyr not to let this matter sleep . Meet and refute the accusation ! Go before the magistrates , aud demand a full inquiry . Crush this rascally attempt to excite prejudice at your expence ; put the foot firmly on it at the outset ; or you will have to pay dearly for your forbearance !!
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REPEAL ASSOCIATION , Tuesday , Joxy II . The usual weekly meeting of t ! jis body was held to-day . The chair was taken by Mr . Magennis . Mr . O'Conwell , after commenting on the coadnot of Lord Lorton , said it was idle and absurd to talk of agitation leading to rebellion and bloodshed . No , it was the conduct of such landlords as Lord Lorton that was likely to produce those calamities . But the Repeal was preparing a gag for landlords of that kind . The Irish were a most endarifig people , or such a system could never have been carried on .
Several members were admitted , among whom were Sir Valentine Blacke , M . P . ; Mr . Darcy , aa extensive brewer ; and John Power , Esq ., of Gartea , formerly M . P . for Waterford . The sum of £ 77 was handed in from Waterford ; also wg 31 I 7 e . from Dunhill in the same county . Mr . O'Connell said , that having handed in all the money which had been received from Waterford , he would now give a report of his late mission . The meeting at Waterford could not have been less than from 300 , 000 to 350 , 000 persons . There were no less than 59 private carriages , of four horses each , 40 with two horses , and 109 jaunting ears and gigs ; 320 cars of various descriptions-, carrying from six to eight persons each . Thus they had not only the people at that
meeting , but they had the high gentry of the county attonding . He next alluded to the declarations of Sir J . Graham , that the Repeal meetings were " rebellious multitudes , " and the glory of England would be destroyed by a Repeal of the Union . He would not say that Sir James Graham lied ; but he would say ha assserted that which was false , as he did when he charged the Catholic clergy and laity with perjury—( cheers ) . Peel and Wellington vf era more like rebels than the people of Ireland , because tbe course they were taking was calculated to lead to rebellion . No , the Irish had not only kept the peace , but they were resolved not to commit tha slightest breach of any law ; and white they were doing this , they were threatened by rebellious villains with oivil war . Yes , he would call any man a
rebellious villain who incited to civil war —( cheers ) . Sir James Graham spoke of the " glory of England . " So would he ( Mr . O'Connell ); and that glory was well known on the continent He then alluded to the bombardment of Copenhagen , which he said was done at a time of peace with that country , and he dwelt upon the injustice of that attack . He next quoted the case of Genoa , of Poland , of the Titus Oatea plot , of the conduct of Cromwell , and , finally , the union ; from all of whioh he contended that England could not boast of her " glory" without being prepared with counter-statements . His concluded by observing that the Moming Chronicle had said that the Repeal agitation was burning out , but he could assure that paper that it was only at the commencement , and they would persevere until they obtained their object —( . cheers ) .
, Mr . T . Steele , in commenting upon a letter he received from America , observed that it was perfectly clear that a defensive , not an offensive treaty —and he solemnly made that distinction—that a defensive treaty as virtually existed at present between Ireland and America , as if it were signed by tbe American ambassador . Mr . O'Connell said he stood upon what he had said a few days ago respecting America , There waa no treaty , and would be none between Ireland and America . Mr . Steele—Hear , hear ! I said " virtually . "
EXTRAORDINARY NOTICE OF MOTION . Mr . O'Connell gave notice for the next day of meeting , that in consequence of the dismissal of the Repeal magistrates by the Government , he would move , in pursuance of the practice followed in the Catholic Association , " That they would adopt measures for the appointment in each district of arbitrators , instead of going , as heretofore , to hostile petty sessions courts , and paying fees to the clerks of bigoted magistrates , and that the Association would have legal instruments prepared authorising the persons to act as arbitrators . "—( loud and prolonged cheers ) . The week ' s rent was announced to be £ 1 , 690 , 5 s . 9 d . —( loud cheers ) . The meeting adjourned .
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The latb Duel . —No information has yet been received of the parties against whom warrants have beea issued in reference to the late fatal duel . [ Rich men can keep very snug . Greenacre and Good could be found and secured ; and so could Courversier . Let the polios faielt try , and they will manage to " take" Lieutenant Munroe and the " other" man . It is mobder they are charged with I ] Value of Health . —How valuable then is health and yet how little is it studied ! perhaps this results from its being considered a difficult and complicated
subject , whereas the contrary is the case—nothing is 80 simple ; its very simplicity is doubtW one cause of its being neglected ; what say the wise old men ? one , the venerable Parr , tells us to "k ^ epa cool head and warm feet . " He looked upon herbs of the field as all-sufficient for every medical parpose , and made these his Btudy •—long practice demonstrated the correctness of his theory , and the world is now blest with his incomparable and invigorating medioine . The ^ proprietors are receiving daily , the unsolicited testimonials of those who have been benefited bv the use of Parr ' s Life Pills .
Local Markets.
LOCAL MARKETS .
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Lelds Woolen Markets . —So far as the quantity of goods is concerned , there has been about the same quantity disposed of at the Cloth Halls , as in the preceding week . A difference is manifest between tho amount of business done on Tuesday , and that done on Saturday ; the latter day having invariable the better markets . Bradford Market , Thursday , Jbxt 13 th . — Wool—The supply of Wool continues to come very freely to this market . Stocks are somewhat
accumulating , and the change in prices is a shade in favour of the buyers . Farn—The Spinners are pretty busy , and the demand for both export and home consumption is quite an average of several weeks past . We are glad to hear that since Our last several houses both in this town and neighbour ' hood , have advanced the wages of their woolcombers . Piece—This branch of trade continues very steady , and the demand for all kinds of goods suitable for the approaching season very healthy ; consequently prioes are now firm .
WAKEFIELD CORN MARKET . Friday , June 14 . —We have a short supply of grain to this day ' s market . The opinion daily increases as to the deficiency of the stocks of Wheat on hand ; and it is now quite clear that an importation will be required to meet the consumption of the country . We experienced a firm trade to day fox Wheat , at an advance of fully 4 s . per quarter from the rates of this day se ' nnight . Oats a penny per atone , and Beans 2 s per quarter dearer . Shelling ready sale at an improvement of 2 a . a load . Barley is in request at full prices .
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THE STATE OF IRELAND . —METROPOLITAN SYMPATHY . On Monday , a meeting of influential electors of the borough of Marylebone , convened by Its Parliamentary representatives , took place at the mansion of Sir B . Hall , in Portraan-square , for tbe purpose of considering the propriety of making a public demonstration , with reference to the preBent Btate and future prospects of Ireland . Sir B . Hall was called on to preside , and was . surrounded by a large number of Irish Members of Parliament
The [ Chairman having read a number of letters from Members of Parliament apologising for their inability to attend , but expressing their hearty concurrence in the objects of the meeting , aaid—a strong feeling j was existing in Ireland that the English people bad no sympathy with the sufferings of the Irish people , ! and it was the opinion of most of the Irish Members of Parliament that if a demonstration in this metropolis wen made in favour of juutice to Ireland that feeling would be allayed , and a tone and TEMPER WOULD BE OlVEN TO ALL DEMONSTRATIONS WHICH MIGHT FOLLOW THROUGHOUT THE COUNTRT . He and bis colleague ( Sir G . Napier ) had thought it better that a meeting of the present kind should take pllce , and to invite to it parties of all shades of politics , in OTder that they ; might understand each other ' s I opinions upon so important a question . If there was not complete union on such a question , and if
OTHER'MATTERS WERE INTRODUCED , THE OBJECT sought would be FRUSTRATED } therefore , it was most desirous that they should hear what those opinions were , In order to see if they could co-operate in doing justice to Ireland , and in preventing the results which its present state was likely to lead to . Mr . 8 . Crawford said much good would result from a metropolitan demonstration in favour of Ireland . It would in tbe first place show to Government that they could not rule the people of Ireland but upon the same basis , giving them equal rights and . privileges ¦ with those of England ; and secondly , it would I afford a praetlcal proof to the Irish people that there was no hostility existing towards them on tbe part of the , English—( cheers ) .
. Lord Clements asked why should not one nation enjoy equal privileges with the other ?—( hear , hear ) . They could not shut their eyes to the fact that it was the bad government of Ireland which bad raised the question of R . peal , and for all the grievances which Ireland : laboured under the remedy proposed by Ministers was no othor than an Irish Arms Bill —( cries of '' Shame" ) . Gould the Irish nation look upon that measure in any other light than that of a disgrace 1—( No , no ) . Lot Ireland be governed by good , by equal Iawa , and no one could doubt but she would add considerably to England ' s greatness , bnt it was utterly hopeless that either peace or prosperity would prevail under any other circumstances .
Mr . Wtse then came forward . —He said the Irish members of Parliament , and , indeed , tbe Irish . people , would hail with joy the sound of co-operation in their cause emanating from the metropolis of England , for it would iit once dispel the erroneous impression in Ireland , that there was a want of sympathy on the part of the English people—( hear ) . It was not merely an Irish question ; for , in all probability , the system of coercion adopted towards Ireland would , in course of time , if successful , extend to England also —( hear ) . To maintain their character for moral excellence and Christian feeling as a nation , Englishmen were called upon to vindicate it by wiping out the stain of oppression which had been bo long exercised towards Ireland . He could asaure gentleman that the state of Ireland was exciting the attention in France almost to an equal extent as in England itself . In Belgium it was the all-absorbing topic ; and the result would be , that the
peace or the disquiet in Ireland would , in all probability , affect the destinies of Europe . What was now wanted ; was , that the English ) people themselves should step in between the oppressors and the oppressed ; that they should demand from the Government , without reference to party , equal rights in franchise aud religion ; apd decide whether Ireland should be a province of England , colonial Ireland ; or whether it should be England itself in every particular—( hear , hear . ) Now was the time for Englishmen to speak out ; but unless it was thslv / ZkLTn and the intelligence , as well as the numbers , it would be BEfXER not tg make the attempt . He cordially approved of the proposed demonstration ; for with all the power of the present Ministry , there had never been one so completely awed by public opinion , and * If united and determined , he believed the people of England could secure equal righto aid equal liberties foe Ireland—( cheers . )
General Evans , and a great number of gentlemen connected with tbe Borough , severally addressed tbe meeting ' , tbe . general tenor of their observations being , the impolicy of petitioning Parliament , as at present constituted for any redress of the grievances of Ireland ; and suggesting the propriety of calling upon the Queen , by a constitutional appeal to her Majesty , to dismiss the present Parliament and Ministry from power . Slr ( B . Bail concurred in thinking that it would be a molt proper and dignified course to petition the Queen
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" REBECCA" IN WALES . Carmarthen , July 8 . Since my last communication I am happy to say that there has not been any interruption of the public peace , but at the same time the destruction of obnoxious / gates by ] " Rebecca" and her daughters is carried on with ] unremitted industry . It has , however , now extended itself to the borders Of Glamorganshire . On Thursday night they assembled id large numbers at the little village of Pont-aa-Dulaia on the Swansea-road , and having marched to Belooid . they destroyed the tollbar , and then levelled
the tollhouse with the ground . After which they proceeded to the Cross Hands , on the same road , where they destroyed the two tollbars . There * are houses within a very short distance of each of these gates , so that the whole proceedings must have been witnessed by some of the inhabitants ; yet such , is the sympathy felt by th ' em that I venture to state my belief that no reward would induce them to identify a single person engaged in their destruction . In a former communication I stated that , although special constables were sworn in , a respectable magistrate had stated that they were useless , as he aid not think a constable could be found who either could
or would execute a warrant . This appears to be the case not only with the special constables , but with the police also . On ( Thursday a meeting of the watch committee was held at the Town-hall , Carmarthen , for the purpose of inquiring into the conduct of the police , at which it was stated , that when the police were required to go to Tallog to execute certain warrants , some of them had been been taken suddenly ill , and others had refused to go altogether ; and that warrants against certain persons had been in the hands of tbe Superintendent for the last fortnight , who had not ; however , attempted to execute them , although the ( parties were to be found every day . The mayor also stated that it was a somewhat singular fact that during the whole excitement
consequent upon the [ late disturbance , he had not obtained one particle of information from the police ; all his informationi had been obtained by his own individual exertions , and that too at a time when information might have enabled the magistrates to prepare for the coming events . The Superintendent , in justification , said jthat he could not execute the warrants , as no one would give the siightestiinformation as to whore an ; suspected party was to be found . One of the magistrates having declared that it was useless in them to grant warrants if the police refused to execute them , it was determined that the Superintendent should be dismissed , and the Secretary of State applied to to recommend an efficient officer in his place . j and Monmouthshire the iron
In Glamorganshire trade still , continues in a state of hopeless depression . The Powlais Company aie about to discharge between two and three hundred hands , and other companies must also ' , we believe , reduce their make , as there is an almost entire absence of demand for iron of any description , aud no companies can stand the ruinous loss at which the make of iron is now carried on . —Times Correspondent . Cardiff , July IT . Being now upon the spot , I find that the whole of Glamorganshire is equally with Carmarthenshire in a feverish and excited state , and that there ia a general aud growing feeling of dissatisfaction and discontent . The people iu the hill districts here , it should , however , be remembered , are of totally different habits and character from those of
Cardigan , Carmarthen , and Pembrokeshire . There they are a simple agricultural people , while here the great majority of the population are violent Chartist politicians . In the Merthyr distriot I learn from undoubted authority that secret political meetings are held weekly , and oftener , and that there are secret arms' distribution clubs , to which the men subscribe , and by whioh they are supplied with a musket , bayonet , cross-belts , &c , for £ 1 16 s . This state of things naa been going on for some considerable time , and Ijam informed by a public officer that he has little doubt that in the event of an outbreak one distriot alpae could furnish 5 , 000 stand of arms , consisting oft muskets , bayonets , rifles , &c . I am also informed that the Government have been made acquainted with this secret distribution of arms , although theyf have not , as far as I can learn , taken any steps to prevent it .
All the iron-works are now under reductions , and men are continually being discharged , which , of course , adds to the misery and discontent ; and should any one of the largeJworks stop , there would be considerable danger . of an out-break . " Rebecca" also , it is said , is extendiug her sphere of operations to this county . Threatening notices have been served upon some of the workhouspe , and information waa received that it was iateuded on Sunday night to destroy the Morris-Town gate , situate between Swansea and Neatb , iu consequence of Which , Captain Napier and a large body of police kept watch at the gate , and patrolled the neighbourhood during the night . Captain Napier tells me ' , that they heard the bugles of " Rebecca" in the hills more than once during the night , and that several suspioious personages ( most likely scouts ) passed jthe gate during the night : finding it guarded , the attack was not made upon it . — Times correspondentl
So ! the Chaetists are in for it now , are they " Holding Secret Meetings" ; " forming Arms ' Clubs "; " distributing Arms" ; " supplied with a Musket , Bayonet , jCross-belts , &c , for £ \ 16 s . each " . How very minute , and how very circumstantial ! You would almost swear it was truth There ia but one little fault about it : it is sheer invention , either on the part of the Times Correspondent , in j accordance with a nudge from Priuting-Houge Square ; or he has been hoaxed by some [ wicked wag , who has been practising upon bis organ of wonderment and aimpies ! The Chartists of Mertbyr district know their duty muchbettW than to join "Hececca" in a senseless crusade j against toll-bars 1 and they know , too , that secret meetings , " and " arms clubs , " and " rifles and muskets" are sot required
Ireland.
IRELAND .
Leeds :—Printed For The Proprietor, Feargos O'Connor, Esq. Of 'Hammersmith, County
Leeds : —Printed for the Proprietor , FEARGOS O'CONNOR , Esq . of 'Hammersmith , County
Middlesex , by JOSHUA HOBSON , at bis Printing Offices , Nos . 12 and 13 , Market-street , Briggatej and Published by the said Joshua . Hobson , ( for the said Fkabgus O'Connob , ) at bis Dwelling-house , No . 6 , Market-street , Briggatej aa internal Cemmunicatlon existing between the sale No . 5 , Market-street , and the said Nos . 12 and 13 , Market-street , Briggate , thus constituting the whole of the said Printing and Publishing Office one Premise * . All Communications must be addressed , Post-paid , to Mr . HOBSOff , Northern Star Office , L » ed * ( Saturday , Jolj , 15 1841 ;
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q THE NORTHERN STAR . j
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), July 15, 1843, page 8, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct659/page/8/
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