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THE NORTHERN STAR. SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 11, 1843.
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oi sir Suicide in Wimbleton Park.—On Mon<feJ evening, Mr. Carter held aa inquest at the Rosi
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THE LAND ! THE LAND !!
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Note Publishing , complete in One Vol ., neatly Bound in Cloth , Price 2 s . 6 d . A PRACTICAL WORK on the MANAGEMENT OF SMALL FARMS . By Feargus O'Cokwor , Esq ., Barrister and Farmer , The desire of the author has been to furnish a valuable compendium at such price as would enable every workingman to become possessed of it . No . 4 may be said to contain all the practical instructions necessary for carrying out the plan , together with Plates , describing Farm House , Offices , Tank , Farm Yard , &c ; while the whole contains all the information requisite / or carrying out all the operations . N . B . —The above Work may still be procured in Numbers , price 6 d . each . ** I have , within the last few months visited every part of France , and I declare that I have seen more misery in one street in Dublin , than in all France ; the people are well clad , well fed , and merry ; they are all employed on Small Farms of their oxen , or on equitable takings !' Tide Lord Cloncurrifs Letter in Morning Chronicle , OcL 25 th , 1843 . London- . —Cleave , Shoe-lane , Fleet-street * Parkess , Compton-street ; Heywood , Manchester ; Hobson , Northern Star Office , Leeds Guest , Birmingham ; Paton and Love , Glasgow ; and allAgents of this paper .
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y — — = 10 ME CHARTISTS OF NOTIIN&HAM AND SOUTH DERBY , Brother Democrats—On Tuesday OcL 25 th , I addressed the Chartists of Darby in their Association Xoom , Tbomtree-lane , Mi . Johnson in the chair , "who opened the business in a concise bat appropriate speech . Uy subject -was taxation . ' * I took for my text the celebrated political maxim of Blaekatone , viz , —Taxation without representation is tyranny . I had not a T » ry numerous audience , hat it was made of the right Bort of material—all members , and good ones . On Wednesday I went to Melbourne , the seat of the ex-Whig Premier ( Melbourne ) who gBve £ 10 to the iee-totallers -very lately , when a deputation waited npon him , bat who would not , I am sure , giro ten farthings to further or promulgate the priEciples of democracy . I am sorry to say I could not get a meeting , there feeing no room so that I had sixteen miles journey in Tain .
On Friday Oct 27 th . —I proceeded to Smnwick , a distance cf twelve miles , and held a meeting in & large loom belonging to Mr . Yarnold . My subject "was , ** T £ e land and its capabilities . " The meeting was decidedly a good one , and it gives me pleasure to Bay that the very best possible feeling was manifested by all parties present in favonr o £ the question . With respect to Swanwick and the surrounding Tillages the principal business done i * in the coal and iren way . All the works belong to three masters who are magistrates ; consequently you will at once see that they haTe absolute power otbt the people generally throughout the district , which is Tery extensive . The Colliers do not average at most , when they have full work , eight shillings a week .. One of the masters is a Tory , the other two are-Whigs , one of whom keeps a " tommy-shop "; the workmen , forBooth , ire not compelled to goto it , but if they do not , the poor fellows must starve _ > i for during ax months of this
year they have not been half employed : Bay , some of them have gone every day , for eleven days \ ogelher , to the pit , and received but about three shillings ; so that they were forced to go to the tommy-shop oi starve . SUza is me unhappy position they are placed in : but mark tfee tyanny of the master : the poor fellows are obliged to proceed every day to the pit , no matter Whether there is work or not for them ; and it is a veil-known fact , that many of the Collier * have gone for days together without getting any , though they had to walk , in many instaaces ; four miles ; two to the pit , and two back . The flour in this tommy-sbop ' is from Sd . to id . more per stone than it is in the shops where ready mgney is paid , and , of course , other provisions are charged in proportion . I have heard many tales of woe , wast , and misery in my lifetime I but none of them have exceeded what I heard in Swanwick , O , the poor Colliers . ' surely they are the most cruelly used and oppressed of any class of workmen .
On Sunday , the 29 th of October , I delivered a lecture In the Democratic Chapel , Bice-place , Jfottinghsm , to & crowded audience , upon War and Taxation . On Tuesday , Oct . Slst , I delivered a lecture to the inhabitants of Manjfield , in the commodious School Hoom belonging to Mt Xinwood * Chapel . The meeting was excellent for cumbers . Mr . Hibberd , one of the active members of the Charter Association , occupied Jke chair , and madB a few well-timed remarks ; after which , I addressed the persons present for an hour and a >>**? upon Erst principles , and attempted to prove , according to them , that the land ought to be public property . The meeting concluded about ten o ' clock . On Thursday , I addressed an open-air meeting in the tillage of Selfiton , upen the subject of labour and capital . The audience was not numerous , owing to the weather "being c&ld .
On Sunday , Ifov . 5 * b , I delivsred a lecture in the Xtemocratic Chapel , X ottinghsm . The chapel , on the occasion , was well filled ; and the very best feeling manifested for the good cause . My subject was the Cam Laws . I am happy to state that the yoiSngbam friends - are follotring the laudable example set than by the Chartists of Manchester , v 5 s , — thayliBve . eommeneed a sehool on Ssndays for the pnrpose of teaching the young . 1 have alse to state that our principles have and are making considerable progress in this town , and in proof of it , there are now no less than Bight localities , some of which are in a very healthy state . Each locality has its collector or class leader , Who collects the money or subscription on the Saturday night , and brings it into the Council appointed to receive it on the Sunday morning .
Brothers , with best wishes for your welfare , and the further extension -of democracy , I remain , as usual , your servant and fellowworker in the vineyard of Chartitm , Christopher Dotle . Nottingham , November 6 th , 1843 .
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STRIKE OP THE GLOVE HANDS FOB WAGES IN LEICESTER . In consequence of the repeated reductions in the price of labour in the glove branch , by the Messrs Biggs and oVhtis in the trade , during the last two yean , the journeymen glove hands held a meeting in Mrs . Cooper ' s room , on Monday , Oct 30 tb , to take into eonriderataon the prices given by the several manufacturers on the different kinds of work ; and to discuss the propriety of making a stand for the last year ' s prices on lisle thread , 4 $ . per day on thirty gauge woollen , and 2 d- per dcr = n on the twenty-four guage woollen gloves . It was stated by a number of men that they had been redneed since last year _ forty-one per eent / in their labour ; others more , some less ; and that unless they c # uld be better remunerated for their labour , they would cease wortalfcogether .
The meeting was adjourned to the Black Swan publicbouse , where the men determined , one and all , to strike for an advance of wages . A Committee of Management was appointed to solicit the manufacturers for an advance , and report progress on Tuesday . In the evening , the second-hand employers held a meeting on the subject , acd agreed to memorialise the Great Bashaw , the author ot the "Midland Counties' Charter , " on the < juestlon . Tttksd at . —At sine tfdock , a numerous meeting was tolf Tpn st the Black Swan , to receive the report of the deputation from the manufacturers ; which was anything but cheering . The decision of the-Messrs . Biggs wr " >—they would have nothing at all to do with the Journeymen on the question of wages A resolution wss immediately come to ^ " That we strike , the whole trade . " The men instantly joined together in ranks , and 'Went to the different shops in the town , to solicit the whole trade to strike against the present list of -prices , which nearly every man aad woman did .
In the evening another second-hand masters'meeting Was held at the Russell Tavern , when it was agreed for every master to Bolidt the manufacturers- te raise the price of labour to the amount asked for by the journeymen . Adjourned until seven o ' clock on Wednesday night "Wedsesbatv—The journeymen assembled this morning , at the Black Swan , in larger numbers than on the twe previous days . Mr . George Bnctby was called to the chair . A deputation arrived from the masters . Mr . Crof ts stated that he had been to Mr . Thorpe , and he was quite willing to give the p riee on lisle , but be would not give them the advance on wool The working Bien immediately shouted , " We will stand lor the whole . " A deputation ef five was then appointed by the journeymen to meet the masters , to argue the question of the rtnke , and to hear the report of-the masters
from ths manufaetnrera . Themen again paraded the streets , for the pnrpose of getting out the hands , until dark , when several of the turn-outs went to work again , feut were seven ly punished by sohjb persons unknown , who destroyed some parts of the machinery , broke several windows , and dragged the men out of their frames , making them promise never to work again * ntil they bad gained the price . " - ^^ Thursday . —At nine o ' clock , the men on strike collected together in vast numbers , to bear the report of the deputation , and reseive the advice of their Ihe manufac
leaders . The deputation announced that - turer * were determined to stand against the strike , and that some of the employers had expressed their belief that the men , having ne funds to stand upon , would be starved into work again . This was received with marks of disapprobation , the . men expressing their Jim determination to stand by their original resolution never to go to work until they had gained the price . A resolution was carried that they parade the Jown to ask alms to support their wives and families . At the dose of the day , nearly five pounds was collected , besides bread , bacon , cheese , * c
Friday . —At the usual time of meeting , the men congregated together in mnch larger numbers than any o * ttte pnrsieus clays . Messrs . Buckby , Watts , and Smith addressed the meeting . After they had again Pledged themselves to stand for the whole price , a cait was brought up , town by ten of the manufacturers ' "ares , with a large placard , beaded , " Glove hands on Ta-L / 0 ' . ^ - " * 1 ^ 8 oI humanity assist us . " tT ^ SL- ?^ Bi ? gB * " XhB c * * <* car being cut *~ " n ^ n i er - " Co ^ " *« e appointed for the 2 VJ 55 i £ i * " »*»*«» «*» . dxmt to move , when SL ^ SS ?^ , !?" 1 * ^ message , that if Oxy ««
XK £ TS ? 5 ****** w ^« «* x > f oUedors , so that if one ^ ahouia * , ^^^ Bp SJ *^*" /^ JnaMdirtely supply £ s ? l £ e £ *** * £ «* P "** ea * Q b * before i £ he * - 1 > - £ ^ e made their appearance , and ordered them to desist Jrtm Uggtog or they would take thm before the Mayor iHi . Biggs , the man who had been the can-ol the tern-out ) . " lake us and welcome , " was the rerfv The police took three , namely , Charles Gox WhL Coulson , and Wm . Green , from the party . Three more namely , John Timson , Robert Allen , and Wa HopJ well , immediately filled their places , ard they were taken also , Three ; n > ore ammediaiely supplied then
places , namely , Bias Howard , Wm . Gooeman , ani Joha Cochayna They were also taken , Ccchayni they liberated again , who immediately resumed his plao aa a collector . ; two more joined ^ Jochayne , namely IhomM Shflkfli , and Wm . Xnighi ,, who ware take direetly . Olher two immediately left the room b rapply fiieir places , bid xo more arreds took p ' ace , am the party begged the iotcn all day . Charles Cox , Wm Cokten , Wm . Green , Jehn Timson , Robert Allen Wb Eopewen , Elias Howard , Wm . Goodman , Thoma Shllton , and Wm . Euight , were brought tefore th Mayor and two otter Magistrates , and asked whethei
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if they were allowed to go , would they cease begging , and not join the party again ? They all teld the Mayrr that be was the cause of their being compelled to beg ; and if Vfeey were to be liberated that minute they would instantly go and beg again ; and if they intended to put them down by putting them Into prison , they would have to take every man , fox all were determined to have the price or not work at alL They were then all committed for seven days to hard labour ! : At two o'clock a special meeting of the Magistrates was called to takethe matter into consideration , and in the evening a Magistrates * proclamation was issued , cautioning all persons against begging , either singly or in bodies , as they would be brought before the Magis trate * and punuhed accordingly . As soon as the bills appeared several persons went through the town to solicit the middle classes to take them out of their windows , which was done nearly all over the town .
Sattjrdat . ^—At the hour of meeting , the men on strike appeared at their pest with the cart and placard , and nominated twenty-four individuals as collectors , [ whose families amounted to 106 children besides their wives , who , in case they should be imprisoned the parish would have to maintain ) , and 200 more volunteered their services should the twentyrfour be taken . They paraded the principal streets , begging all day , lui the authorities did not inter / ere , Sumday *—Mr . Buckby preached an excellent sermon in the Market-plaee , at two o ' clock , from St James , t . c . 4 , 5 . and 6 th v ., to a numerous and an attentive audience for the benefit of the wives and children of the imprisoned turnouts . 16 s . 8 ^ cL were collected by Mr . Kinyet
Mondat , Nov . 6 . —This day has decided , the battle , as the great Nabob , Mr . Biggs , has given the advance to a majority of his hands . Others are following in rapid succession , and ere two more days are gone , nearly the whole trade will be in work at ths price . This has been the greatest struggle in the biBtory of Gloveism in Leicester . This step taught the Manufacturers a severe lesson , as it deprived them of receiving their rents and taxes ( which they impose upon their hands ) to the amount of several pounds per week , some as much as £ 100 . The Poor Law Guardians , as well as the inhabitants in general , stood well by the turnouts . A general sympathy prevails among the middle classes for the men in prison ; and the hands which have got the advance have come to the resolution to support the remaining few on strike .
The Northern Star. Saturday, November 11, 1843.
THE NORTHERN STAR . SATURDAY , NOVEMBER 11 , 1843 .
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REBELLION IN IRELAND . Wsknowof no oxherdesignation , than that ofRebellion , that can be now given to the stave of Ireland ; and when public opinion shall have ronsed from its present lethargy ; when the present stern demand for blood and vengeance shall be succeeded by that thrill of horror -which the recollection of those appalling events which are sure to follow the shadows that they have cast before them ; then , bat not till then , -will the insnlted people of Britain put the real rebels npon their trial ; then will the English nation marrel at its base subserviency ; to Ministerial
rale ; then will all other classes discover that truth which the people have Jong since learned , that Parliament is a mockery , and that the English constitution is in reality a military despotism . When , we would ask , were powers extensive as those now nsed in Ireland , exercised without the consent of Parliament , except npon an emergency , which might have justified Ministerial usurpation \ No such emergency now presents itself , as the cool and deliberate plans of the rebels are daily printed in their organs , and axe based , not upon hasty expediency , bat are mapped out ¦ with all the
coolness and precision of a siege to be carried on according to the most approved principles of warfare . Great , however , as the military Ekill of the Duke of Wellington may be , he has not yet had to combat against an enemy from whom there is no retreat . He has not yet been engaged in a conflict with pnblio opinion j bat of this , he and the Cabinet of which he is the military chief , may rest assured they will one day , and that not a distant one , be arraigned before the tribunal of public opinion for waging war against a people whose grievances were confessed , but to whose Vtiongs remedies were refu&ed .
While the war rages , the whole press , as usual , is upon the side of despotism ; the liberal" portion only opposing the sanguinary measures , because their own friends have not had the advantage of adopting and carrying them out . We have read the pages of Irish history with as much attention as most people ; and yet are we at a loss to discover , even in the most bloody times , any act of atrocity which can . be considered at all analogous to the present proceedings . What ! in the nineteenth century ; in the eleventh year of Reform , and in the twenty-sixlh of profound peace , with a strong government commanding a majority that is ready for any thing ; at
such a time to see deadly war waged in the very heart of the nation ! to see our ports blockaded with our own war ships 1 our towns garrisoned with our troops ! and all to prepare for an onslaught against our own people , and Parliament not consulted ! It is in truth monstrous . It is such s state of things that old England would not have tolerated before the blighting corse ot artificial produce had paralyzed her brawny arm ! It is a state of things which all the nations of Europe , and even America must look npon with surprise , with horror and disgust . And yet , while the tragedy is performed on our own stage , " and before our own eyes , the British audience will look calmly on until the
checktakers shall demand pay , -when the drama is over . ThiB is one of the great evils of our present Bystem . The people sanction that , with tho price of which they are unacquainted ; whereas , if it was demanded before the performance ,: their mercantile souls would rebel against the injustice . We pass over the paltry skirmishes that are now taking place in the Irish Law Courts . We look with contempt npon the paltry charges of conspiracy —the principal of which is supported by attempting to make it criminal in one man for doing that which done by another is looked upon as a duty . If Wkuukstom praises the English troops for their valour and conduct , he pays them but a just
tribute ; but if O'Cosraix goes beyond the allegiance standard , and gives a portion of them credit fer intellectual advantages , he is a traitor . If Bkocgham speaks of cheap law , and proposes arbitration as a substitute for expensive litigation , he is a patriot ; bat if O'Connell carries the principle into effect , he 13 a rebel . Fudge . The whole thing is nonsense : and without further analysis than a mere comparison of the respective powers of the contending parties , we should console ourselves with the reflection that Yictory is sure to be npon the side of the people , was not the cheering thought somewhat overcast by the recollection of what tot-: tering despotism is capable of attempting ere it listens to reason , and surrenders its dominion .
Present appearances by no means destroy the hope that the Grand Jcry before whom the complaint of T . B . Smith against Mr . O'Co . well , for arraigning tie capacity of Ms doting faiher to administer justice has been submitted , may ignore the Bills : thus finding that all the charges brought
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against Baron Smith , were perfectly sustained , and that Mr . T . B . Smith ' s title to represent the borough of Yongb . aH , was not legitimate . In such case , the whole superstructure falls to the ground ; and Lord De Gbet and Mr . T . B . Smith will be buried in the ruins , while Lyndhubst and the English draftsmen of the Irish Beige will lay at their door all the odium of defeat . Let Mr . O'Connell , however , not suppose for one moment , that the war will terminate outside , whatever the results of the legal inquiry maybe inside ; and above all let him take warning from the recent check that his proposed adoption of Federalism has received from the united voice of Ireland . We candidly confess , that up to this wholesome manifestation of Irish opinion , we
were in the habit of looking upon O'Connell as Ireland , and the Irish Mb willing slaves . We are proud , however , to have discovered our own error , and to Admit that the Irish people have now established a claim to English support , to which they could not before lay claim * However the people of England might . have pitied their ignorance , and sympathized with their sufferings , yet , so long as they were spell-bound by individual influence , were they unworthy of support . The lesson , we trust , that has been accorded toMr . O'CoNNELL . will be serviceable not only to him , but to the whole tribe of political agitator ? . It will teach them that swimming with the current of popular opinion , they are powerful ; —but that ruin follows their attempt to stem it .
We now write for a nation , and of Mt . O'Cwnell as the recognized leader of the national mind ; a mind which , thanks to Irish firmness , can no longer be diverted from the pursuit of the real democratic principle . The question no longer is , what O'Connell will be satisfied with , but what the Irish people require as the full measure of justice . Repeal can no longer be acted as the Rent-day . It has now become a stock piece , and the Irish people will not allow it to be laid aside for any other performance . In other years we might have some misgiving as to the period of Mr . O'Connell ' s relapse from Federalism to Unconditional Repeal , just preceding the
tribute day ; but now the stake that he plays for , being no less than his head upon the block in the event of failure , is too great to justify the supposition that the jump has been taken for the nonce . " On the 19 th , Mr . O'Connell will receive what is called the national tribute . Let him bear in mind that nineteen shillings in the pound will be subscribed for Unconditional Repeal , while the odd shilling only will be the fee for Federalism . Let him recollect that there is now an Unconditional Repeal staff in every parish in Ireland , and that after the lessons he has taught the Irish people , it will not do henceforth to " palter in a double sense , " with a people determined upon attaining their country ' s independence .
From the position assumed by Lord Eliot , the Chief Secretary for Ireland , and from Sir Robert Peel's well-known opposition to the present system of coercion it is by no means unlikely that once more Ireland may be the grave , as well as the battle-field of the Tory administration ; and but for the influence of the Duke of Wellington over the doting old Peers , there can be little doubt that Sir Robert Peel would seize the present opportunity of calling Parliament together , in order that the nation may judge whether the amount of projected conciliation was worth the price of the contemplated
coercion . Unfortunately , however , Sir Robert Peel ' s hands are not only tied , but those who hold the strings are pulling in different directions ; his own mind going with conciliation while the palsied Chieftain uses the weight of the Upper House to drag him on the side of coercion . If be is wise however , be will call Parliament together , and lay his measures before the nation , or otherwise if Irish blood should be &hed , while acknowledged grievances are unredressed , and Parliament unconsulted , he may rest assured that his day of reckoning will
come , when be will discover that if there is indemnity for the minister , there is retribution for the people . We fear that he draws too flattering a conclusion from the preseat slumber , produced by the temporary revival of trade , while he should bear in mind that the slightest reverse ot fortune might call aloud for the return of the troops upon whose presence it would appear the tranquillity of Ireland now depends ; while Rebecca , not participating in the improved trade , appears likely to draw upon the Commander-in-Chief for her full share of military protection .
Had not Mr . O'Coshell prudently renounced his hasty adoption of Federalism , it was our intention to have proved to demonstration that Federalibm would have considerably multiplied imperial difficulties , whilst its domestic working would have increased internal jealousies , and would have placed a larger amount of patronage and corruption at the disposal of the British Minister . In fact , if ever there was a mad crotchet , an insane projeot ,
devised by man for the amelioration of Ireland which would be sure to leao . to a diametrically opposite result , the establishment of what ib called a Federal Government pre-eminently out-tops all other projects in insanity and delusion . It is a scheme merely floating upon the surface of the superficial minds of the old Charlemont rump of jobbing Whigs , not yet extinct in Ireland , and looking for reanimatJon from domestio plunder .
The boasted improvement gained by the volunteers under the treacherous Charlkmont , in 1782 , had precisely the same effect upon Ireland iu those days that Federalism would have at the present time . The only change produced by the Volunteers in 1782 was the mere transference of patronage from the Irish Parliament to the English Minister . And of all the sad days of Ireland's saddest history , those days of her boasted independence , from 1782 to . the sale of her Parliament in 1800 , were the most remarkable for treachery , profligacy , debauchery , subserviency , and dependency , until , at length , so manifold became the general grievances inflicted by the centralized conquerors of
1782 , that Ireland rose en masse , not against English tyranny , but against Irish profligacy ; and at length , the triumph of Charlemont was completed by the ruia of Ireland . There never was an important period of the history of t ny country more ignorantly paraded as a proof of its greatness , than that of Ireland ' s history from the yea . ? 1782 to the year 1800 ; while , in fact , the so-called triumph was gained in America , and wrung from the necessities of the English Minister , and taken advantage of by Lord Charlemont and the Irish Whigs as a fitting opportunity to establish Irish independence , but actually used by him and them for the purpose of destroying Irish liberty , and of establishing their own centralised and increased power upon its
. That Ireland is justified in now looking for selfrepresentalion in consequence of the inability of the Imperial Parliament to deal with those domestic grievances -which fester tho Irish mind , is admitted in the tardy inquiry now set on foot to discover the real seat of the disease , added to the fact , that the diEtemper of that country has , for the last fortythree years , surpassed the skill of each succeeding administration . Thus , we bring the state of Ireland , as admitted by every Prime Minister within the period , as proof that Ireland has not been properly governed ; and is , therefore , justified in calling for self-representation , while we give the following extracts from statemen of older times in proof of the
fact , that never has England , from the moment of her assumed dominion in Ireland , from 1169 , —dcilne justice , or even attempted to do justice to the Irish people . Mr . Pitt says : —( a ) " The Irish Constitution a deformed resemblance of the British . The evils with which Ireland ia afflicted lie deep in the situation of the ooantry . But the imperfeotion of the Irish Constitution is admitted , and to that must be added ib . e complicated grieYances and defects of the state of the country at large , with respect to the want of a diffusion of property , to the extraordinary disparty of rank , and to tho scanty means of social improvement , all producing , in a proportionate degree , misery in one extreme , and oppression in the other . If any institution be inadequate to pro-
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vide an effectual remedy for these evils , it is , I do not hesitate to say , the Irish legislature . From its own nature it is , and must be , incapable of restoring the internal happiness of the country , and fixing the prosperity of tht . people . The Legislature , formed as it is , must remain radically defective . I have spoken an honest and fair opinion . " Mr . Dunaas , created Visoount Melville , in 1802 , says : —fcJ" It i 9 a melancholy truth , that there doe- not exist in the great body of the people of Ireland that confidence in the Parliament of Ireland , whioh is [ essential to its utility . I need not go far to search for
the reasons of this essential defect , it grows out of the frame and constitution of the Parliament of Ireland . It is generally acknowledged that the poor of Ireland experience all the miseries concommitant to a state of want and wretchedness . " Lord HAWKESBuay , afterwards Lord Liverpool , says : — ( c ) " The course of events which for some time past have taken place in Ireland , have firmly ri vetted me in the opinion , that there must be something radically wrong in the internal situation of Ireland . '* Mr . Windham says : —( d ) " I maintain that the disorders of Ireland have grown chiefly out of the
constitution of Ireland , established for near a century and a half ; and it is impossible that a Government dislocated in every limb , should enjoy health , or long survive those diseases , some slow , some acute , whioh are sickly of arpect and make her feeble of heart , but the seeds of the mischief are in the constitution itself . " Lord Gbenville says : —( e ) " Does there or does there sot exist a necessity for a change in ( he system of the Irish Government . I deolare I never conversed with any wellinformed man from Ireland who did not say that the present state of things , as they now existed
ia that country , could not continue consistent with the general eafety of the empire . " Mr . Addington Bays : —( f ) " It ia a melancholy but I fear an iucontestible truth , that the state of Ireland has at no period of its history with which we are acquainted been such as to afford satisfaction to any mind that can appreciate the conditions of civil society . The bounty of Providence has indeed been displayed ia that country by a fertile soil , and by abundant means of internal improvement and prosperity ; its inhabi tants have not been less distinguished than those of Great Britain , in corresponding stations of life , for
eloquence , for literary and scientific acquirements , and for those talents and exertions which have established the naval and military renown of the British empire . Their form of Government is the same as ours ; but it wants its true characteristic—it does not , like ours , bestow and reoeive general confidence and protection : it is not , like ours , connected with the indissoluble ties , with the obvious interests , the feelings , and the sentiments of the great body of the people . " Lord Auckland says : —( g ) " Is it not true that , whilst Great Britain has advanced , Ireland , possessing the same climate , a fruitful soil , excellent ports , and a numerous people , to whom the Common Parent of all gave great acutenees and ingenuity , has nevertheless been involved in
comparative disorder , poverty , turbulence , and wretchedness ! I might add , without exaggeration , that in the six hundred years since the reign of Henry II . there has been more unhappiness in Ireland than in any other civilised nation not actually under the visitation of pestilence or internal war , neither prosperity , nor tranquillity , nor safety were to be expected from a Government , founded in the pretensions of a small part of the community , to monopolize the representation , patronage , and resources of the whole . The insufficiency of such a system has been felt and lamented for a century , and is become now more than ever unsatisfactory to the bulk of the Irish nation , and utterly incompetent and unsafe with respect to the general interest of the British Empire . "
Now , such are the recorded opinions of English Ministers and Statesmen as regards the constitution and government of Ireland , from the earliest days of ; British usurpation down to the close of the last century ; . all bearing most forcibly upon the increased independence of Ireland . Thus we bring our charges of incapacity against the English Cabinet down to the year 1800 , upon the evidence of those great authoritieswhile the acknowledged condition of the Irish people , their unanimous demand for self-government as the only means of redressing their grievances ,
added to the unbroken chain of testimony of all Statesmen from 1800 , to the present time , that the disease , by which Ireland is afflicted , was beyond cure , furnishes proof incontrovertible that England is not capable of governing Ireland , and bringing us to the natural conclusion , that Ireland mast consequently be allowed to govera herself . Wo have shewn that the battle of Ireland was before fought in America , and what has been , may be again ; and , who knows but onoe more the expatriated sons of Ireland , may be enabled to serve their fatherland , to which , although affording them no asylum ,
their affections still cling , and in whom a hope to return to yet exists . For ourselves we confess that the odds are more than a thousand to one in favour of the nation against the Duke , the Viceroy , the Attorney-General , the E x-Chancellor , and the present occupant of the Woolsack , with Sidmouth and Castlereagh at their baok ; and therefore , after eight months continuous writing upon the subject , we close our present remarks with our former declaration , that one of three sacrifices must now be made . The union by the Ministers ; the Irish priesthood by O'Connell : or O'Connell by the people .
It is a melancholy fact , that even the admission of existing grievances must be wrung from the fears rather than from the justice of our rulers as evinced in the preseat enquiries into the'state of Wales , at the instigation of Rebecca , and into those of Ireland , upon the demand of the nation .
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( a ) See Debret ' s Parliamentary Register , 3 rd Sessions Par ., vol . p . 612 , S 13 , and 623 . ( b ) Ditto vol . 7 , p . 708 and 724 . ( c ) Ditto vol . 7 . p ; 673 ( d ) Ditto vol . 7 , p . 736 . ( e ) Ditto vol . 8 , p . 262 . ( f ) Ditto vol . 8 , p ; 48 . ( g ) Ditto vol . 8 , p . 331 , 332 .
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CHARTISM AND REPEAL . THE DUBLIN WORLD AND THE NORTHERN STAR . The Editor of the Dublin World , in acknowledging the compliment we honestly paid him some time back , namely , that he was " evidently not subsidised by the managers at the Corn Exchange" ; has embraced the opportunity thereby afforded of taking Mr . O'Connor to task for certain supposed inconsistencies ; and , at the same time , has condescended to administer a little advice to us , which , though we may demur to its propriety , we have no doubt was honestly intended , and in the like spirit it shall be responded to .
Differing , in Mo , from the " Free Trade" notions and occasionally other views put forth by the World , we have , at the same time , always respected what we have deemed to be the honest convictions of our contemporary ; and where honesty reproves or advises , we trust that we shall ever be found willing to bow to reproof when deserved , or to act upon that advice when our own judgment tells us that it was needed . ;
First , with respect { to Mr . O ' Connor , the World says : — " The Repeal Association may have committed errors —we think it has been guilty of aerious mistakes—but the Northern Star should be the last to accuse it , Beeing how lately those ' whom it delights to honour' were eager to join its ranks . To be candid * and without meaning any discourtesy , we must be allowed to say , that bad we thought as ill of Mr . O'Connell as Mr . Feargus O'Connor has for a long while declared be does , we never would have solicited permission to be enrolled a Corn Exchange associate . If you doubt a man ' s political honesty , it is worse than folly to seek a connexion with him . "
It is true that Mr . O'Connor has thought ill of Mr . O'Connell , and has had but too good reason for so thinking . But if Mr . O'Connor has been opposed to one individual of the great Repeal move-
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ment , he has never been opposed to the Repeal question , nor to the great body of Repealers . When he joined the Repeal Association , he came forward for Ireland , and not for Mr . O'Connell . He came forward to aid in the carrying out of the great principles 1 for which he had contended and struggled , when representing his native connty in the Imperial Legislature . Has our contemporary forgotten , that long before the Dublin World was called into existence , Mr . O'Connor bad raised the shout for Repeal in the teeth and in defiance of the Whig aristocracy , the " shoy ^ hoy" liberals of Cork f
that Mr . O'Connor was the man who forced Mr . O'Connell to the testing of the "Saxon" Parliament oo this very question in the year 1834 i that Mr . O ' Connor throughout his public , career , since the time that O'Connell made a " present " of him to the English " Tory Radicals , " has unceasingly advocated the right and necessity of Ireland ' s legislating for herself , until the result was seen in the British masses ( to the number of nearly three millions and a half ) acknowledging the principle and demanding the " Repeal" in their memorable " National Petition" of 1841 ? that this paper (
established by Mr . O'Connor ) , the senior of the World by some few years , has , from the first day of its existence ^ been { the unyieldin g advocate of that " Repeal" which ! Mr . O'Conhell has so often yielded to expediency , and which , if he possibly can , he , will yield again 1 , Let the World remember these facts ; and ill will surely be at no loss to comprehend ! why Mr . O'Connor was desirous of aiding his countrymen in tbeir struggle for self-government . True , Mr . O'Connor—aye and others of the Chartist leaders who joined the Repeal body—had entertained feelings of hostility towards
Mr . O Connell ;; feelings engendered by his repeated betrayals of the principles of liberty , ( which we can prove if need be ) , and his disgusting libels of the working classes ! of this country ; but when they thought they saw him inclined to act honestly for once ; when they thought he was really in earnest in his agitation for the Repeal , they generously smothered their [ feelings of resentment , —honour to them •—and made sacrifice of their own wrongs on the altar of the common good . Should Mr . O'Connor be reproached for so acting I It might have been more in accordance with the loftier ideas of patriotism , seemingly entertained by the World , that Mr . O'Connor should have sacrificed his
duties as a public man to his resentments as a private man ; j but we are not of the same opinion . Nay , more ; when the offers of co-operation on the part of Mr . O'Connor and the English Chartists were spurned by O'Connell and his tools and sycophants ; when in return for such proffered aid , Mr . O'Connor and his friends were , week after week , vilified and abused , calumny heaped upon calumny , and lie upon lie , Mr . O'Connor did not retaliate ; he bore vituperation without deigning to notice his assailants ; and , week by week , his pen and tongue was ; still employed in advocating their cause . In our opinion his only fault was , if he vyas faulty at all , that he bore with the vituperations of his slanderers too long .
But the World continues : — " It is easy , " j says our contemporaay , " to impute bad motives to a pohtieal rival or opponent ; " and " were oar advice considered of the least value by the Northern Star we would recommend it to deal less in personal abuse of Mr . O'Connell . " Now we begl to say that we very often consider the advioe of the World to be of no little value . There is no paper that wetread with more attention , and often with } no small profit . What our contemporary may mean by " personal abuse" we hardly know . But this we do know , that the reading of
the World ' s " gentlemanly" criticisms on the " errors" and f' serious mistakes" of the " Repeal Association" has helped considerably to open our eyes to the real character of the present agitation , and perhaps tended , in no slight degree , to produce those effusions from our pen which our contemporary is pleased to term " personal abuse . " Let the World refer to the baok pages of the Northern \ Star from the time that the Repeal agitation assumed the ( character of a reality ^ down to the Clontarf " blow-up "; and show , if he can , that from our pen one word of abuse of Mr .
O'Connell emanated ;? Up to the last moment that we could conscientiously do so , we supported Mr . O'Connell , despite his " personal abuse" of us . It was only whea the enemy struck that blow which Mr . O'Connell had courted , and showed their readiness to go ! to "law , " or to " war , " which he had so often '' defied" them to do ; and when he then exhibited the spectacle of a " leader" without " measures , " and a " general" without" plans , " with which to meet and beat the power he had so "high and haughtily defied ; " it was then that we expressed our animadversions upon his conduct , in the tone and manner which our judgment dictated to us was
our duty . When we saw an offer made to sell "Repeal" for 1 "FEDERALISM " j when we saw shamelessly exhibited O'Connell's willingness to truckle and compromise—to barter and betray the hopes and prospeots of the too-confiding people of Ireland , for the sake ( as we believed ) of his own personal safety ; it was then that we denounced , fearlessly and honestly , the conduct of the would-be betrayer . " What we have written , we have written . " We have exposed fraud and falsehood ; and if such exposures are deemed by our contemporary to bo " personal abase , " we willingly plead guilty to the " soft impeachment . "
But the World says something about " imputing motives . " We ; have said we read our contemporary . We do so ; and from another article in the same page in which is that on which we are commenting , we find something like " motives imputed" to the Repeal patriots , as the moving springs of their patriotism , which we submit to the reader throws us ( upon all ordinary occasions ) into the shade .-In commenting upon the " obarge" of Judge Burton , the Editor of the World administers a well deserved flagellation to the "liberal" haoka who are now bawling against the partial application of the law . i " Short-sighted scribes , " says the World :- \
" Can you not call to mind when the Whigs had undertaken a orasade againBt the Chartists , bringing the Six Acta to bear npon them , and throwing them into dungeons , that we warned you in how short a tiuie this harsh treatment might furnish a precedent fox dealing vigorously with the Irish Repealers f " But , adds the World , the Government is more desirous of awing than punishing their political adversaries :
and;" The Repealers , upon the other hand , we mean the leaders of the party , are as innocent a set of fellows as ever engaged is a conspiracy . They have marched , talked , collected money and spent it merrily , but they never meditated a rebellion . What , though they spoke of fighting men , they had no notion of fighting , as their counsel will assert in the Queen ' s Bench , should it become necessary ; and then , as for their
watsongs , they were harmless effusions . The best thing Sir Robert Peel can do is to send a batch of The Young Ireland * lawyerlings to mangle law in the Colonies , and appoint a score or two of other patriots , who are ready ; to die for fatherland , to lucrative situations in the Cuatoms , Excise , and Constabulary Force ; and thea withdraw his supeifluous military power . The Whigs did ; this , and they succeeded ; and the Tory Premier should profit by the example . "
If our contemporary does not mean to " impute motives" here ^ thea do we not understand him . If he is not jafter this charged with " personal abuse" of the immaculate patriots of the Corn Exchange , then were we never more mistaken . What ! to " impute" ia the " Liberator" Tom Steele , and Co ., that they have " collected money , and spent it merrily" ! that " though they spoke of fighting , they had no notion of fighting" ! that "their war
songs , " those : " thoughts that breathe and words that burn , " meant nothing at all , at all 1 ! and were mere " harmless effusions" ! that . " Young Ireland " would forget its " high and haughty resolves" " to die for fatherland , " and would sell all its hopes of anti-Saxon nationality , and the restoration of the glories of Brian Borihome , for " lucrative situations" in the "Colonies , the Customs , the Excise , and Constabulary" ! ! O hideous "personal
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abuse" ! "The Whigs succeeded by such vilg means ; and the Tory Premier might profit by the example" ! O ! monstrous " imputation" ! Let our contemporary look to it . We will not venture to advise Him ; but fearful are we , that unpopular as the Northern Star is at the Cora Exchange , the World is likely ta be , if possible , still more unpopular . One question more and we have done ; the World , in commenting upon present agitations and present associations , asks : —
" Even as regards the principles of the Charter , most it not be obvious to the NorthernSlar that they were as fally appreciated forty years age , and perhaps moca prudently and respectably advocated , than they are at the present hour ?" We answer No . Sorely our contemporary mast have been asleep to what has been going on in " the World 1 '' for the last forty years" when he put to us the atioye question . Forty yearB ago , the prin ciples of the Charter were hardly known . The RicHHONDS , the Foxes , the Greys and others , who had some years before , spouted " Universal Suffrage "
as a party clap-trap , had , like the " heaven-born " Minister , shelved " the principles of the Charter , " and were busied only with denouncing Pitt and the War ; which war they afterwards carried on as " vigorously" as Pitt had done , when once they obtained place and pay . The great mass of the people , drunk with " blood and glory , " hounded on by assassin-like priests and prostituted writers , were madly engaged ia the crusade against the " principles of tke Charter * " under coyer of a straggle to pat down " Jacobinism" and " Atheism . " The famed "
Corresponding Societtf had ceased to exist , tbelwall , Hornk Tooke , Hardy , and other advocates of the " principles of the Charter , " unable to stem the torrent of popular delusion , had retired into private life . Hunt was unknown ; and Cobbett had not yet put forth the energies of his giant mind in support of those principles . Such was the real state of things " forty years" ago . How different now . The people of Britain have bought their experience dearly , and it has not been lost upon them . They now look back with loathing upon the " triumphs" and " victories" of forty years ago , and execrate their own folly and the villainy of
their deluders . Now , millions have given their adhesion to the principles of the Charter , and flock ia thousands to listen to their exposition and assertion . These principles , either under the uncompromising name of Chartism , or the new-fangled names supposed to be more palateable to the middle classes , are steadily advancing in the local governments , and gradually acquiring Municipal power . The number of its champions in the Legislature are at least aa numerous as they were forty years ago ; and the Chartists have , confessedly , the balance of power In many of the electoral districts : and are rapidly acquiring power among the electoral body .
But the World eays that tho principles wer « " perhaps more prudently and respectably advocated than they are at present . " Perhaps they were not . At the period the World speaks of , honest Major Cartwright was the only " advocate" of tha principles of the Charter . Major Cartwright wss indeed , in the best sense of the word , " respectable ;'» for he was honest . " Comparisons are odious , " says the proverb ; and we do not think it worth while to compare present with past names , or we might shorr that both within and without " the House" the principles of the Charter are advocated by parties at least aa " respectable" as thoseby whom they were advocated
forty years since . Our contemporary should remember that there may be more than one definition of the word " prudence . " It may be that in other days our principles have been " prudently" advocated in the way that the World " imputes" to the present Repeal agitators , with a " prudent" eye to their own personal ends . Yes ; the " principles of the Charter " have , ere now , been advocated by those who sought and were quieted by "lucrative situations" in the " Colonies , " the " Customs , " and the " Constabulary . " Thank God such " prudential" agitation of our principles no longer exists . Ia lies thereof we have the principles advocated honestly ; and whatever the World may think , that is the sort of "prudential" and " respectable" agitation to oar taste .
Yes those principles are advanoing , Forty years have not rolled by ia tain . The mind of the masses is at last thoroughly awakened . There may be pauses ; there may be defeats ; apathy may occasionally take the place ef action : but " Onwakd" is the motto and " Forward" is the < jry , " No peace with TTRANtrr " we have inscribed upon oar banners , and we will wage to " victory , " oar contest with oppres * sion . ' " Come it slow or come it fast The Charter shall be won at last !"
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v ^ ^ . ™^ — SCOTCH JUSTICE (!) versus FREE DISCUSSION . Our readers will remember oar comments last week upon the illegal and tyrannical treatment of Mr . Jeffery by the Edinburgh Sheriff ; we have now to record the capture and treatment of " The Man Paterson . " He writes" On Tuesday evening week , I was apprehended on a warrant for contempt of Court , and to answer for disturbing the public meeting in title Waterloo Rooms I was kept in a dark call fourteen hours , they refusing to take bail , although it was offered to any amount When brought before the sheriff , yesterday , after ascertaining I was indicted for next week , be adjourned my case till Monday week , on my finding bail . "
The trials of Paterson and Robinson for "blasphemy" are probably on by this time . The result shall , in due course , be made known to our readers . We request our Edinburgh friends to send ua a paper containing reports of the trials , as soon as published . ^ Vjv . * ¦ j » ^ v ¦ ' M ^^^^ i ^^ i ^ sA ^ ywiAA ^ w
Oi Sir Suicide In Wimbleton Park.—On Mon≪Fej Evening, Mr. Carter Held Aa Inquest At The Rosi
oi sir Suicide in Wimbleton Park . —On Mon < feJ evening , Mr . Carter held aa inquest at the Rosi
auuyrown , w anaswonn , on tne ooay . « n »»» Davison , aged 51 , who was found hanging to a tree in Wimbledon Park , oa the morning of Satura » J la ? t . Mr . John Brown , of Streatham , gardenelj Btatedthat deceased resided at his house , HeM » formerly beeu a copper-plate cleaner , but in copse * qaence of some injury he had sustaioed in his ngt » hand he had disooutinued that line of business , and had subsequeutly followed that of a coffae-roaster < He had resided iu White Liou-court , Seven-di&g but , ia consequence of ill-health , he had come " reside at wituess ' s house , with a friend of his . »» mind was iu an unsettled state . On Friday more Iflfflast . he Quitted t . h « finnan , ahont hall-pSS * ¦«»
o ' clock , having previously ordered his dinner ., * j he did not return that night witness and bis ni « i weut iu search , but could learn nothing . ^ 7 ^ 5 him . Witness , on the following morning } " ^ r ^ J * that a man had been found hanging in W . ° ? tifiek park , went to the Rose and Crown , and lde J j « the body . Several witnesses deposed to a VfwJLi : of deceased , and to the previous state of D H'Jgjsad and the jury returned a verdict that the »« ^ destroyed his own life , being a \ the time lft *" sound state of mind .
The Land ! The Land !!
THE LAND ! THE LAND !!
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THE MOUNTAIN IN LABOUR . The world a short time since was informed thai Mr . Thomas Attwood , was again " coming onk " That he was prepared with a plan to unite all parties , and a remedy for all existing ills . " What can it all mean V has been ia every body ' s month ever since the time of this startling announcement Birmingham was beat up , and canvassed for a " vote of confidence" in Mr . Attwood , and sixteen thousand expectants were found gullible enough to express their " confidence" in the man before tbej knew anything of his intended measures ! At length , after many mysterious announcements of
what would be seen by and by , this week has brought us a document from- the pea of Mr . An * wood , addressed to the sixteen thoaeand , { whicb , tot superlative and inimitable fudge , is unmatchabla amongst all the specimens of " prose run mad" that it has ever been our lot to peruse . We hare no room for this precious specimen of ex-legislatiTS wisdom this week ; next week we may give it , and attempt aa analizition of its component parts : if indeed that be possible . In the meantime , we maj inform our readers that "the Mountain" has not laboured iu vaia ; it has " brought forth ""A MOUSE" !
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4 - •» THE NORTHERN STA K j
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Nov. 11, 1843, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct676/page/4/
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