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HOUSE OP LORDS , Fbibat , Mjj&ch J . The Duke of AB 07 LL , irho moat be , judging trom Hb aspirings , a political genius , unscared by tbe failure ( Ttbe Lord Advocate and of the Eirl of Aberdeen , and untaught fey the sagacity of Lord Melbourne , ¦ which the Nobla Earl now acknowledges , —the new Dale of Aegtli . announced that he woojd try his hand at a Bill to put an end to discussions in the ( lurch of Scotland . The Earl of Abebpeejt threw the cold water of hi * 0 Wn experience on the project of the Noble Dake-, who aid . however , that he should feel bound to persevere . The Earl of GLE 5 CA 1 X , in moving for copie * of © flerespondence between the Poor Law Commisrioners and l&od&WBect at Clonmei , brought under the notice at the House of Lords one or two cases of what he de-• cribed a > gross corruption .
The Marquis of ! Corxa > 'bt requested their Lordshlp " to suspend their judgment , till he had communicated -with Mr . Xicholla , the Poor Law Commissioner , on the subject The Duke of Wellihgtoh could hardly be perseaded to wait , and instantly gave notice of a motion for Monday , but at the request of the Marquis of Normanhr postponed it till Thursday . The Dake raid be was < re » tly disappointed at the working of the Poor Law is Ireland . Lord Ellesborocgh denounced the proceedings as a gross breach of privilege , for the official and"priTate letters for the use of the House contradicted each other . The Rrtains moved for by Lord Glengall were ordered , and their Lordships adjourned to Monday . We presume the matter , whenever it comes to be dis-* oss ? J , will afford a nice subject for a most extensive party debate . Monday , March 8 .
The Earl of Shaftesbvbt , in the absence of the Lord Chancellor , took Ms seat njwn the Woolsack , rfiorUv after five o ' cloct Lord REDESDALK presented a petition from Tonster In Xcrthampt-onshire , complaining that tie exoences afcte-ndiiig vaccination were paid out of the poor-rates and suggesting that as vaccination was a national object , the t-xpenees attending it should be defrayed at the natii-ual txptnee . TL , e Earl of MorxciSHEi . wished to draw their Lordships * attention to the intelligence winch bad arrived from America that day , and which was of the ntmest importance to this country ; it had created a great sensation in the city , and had produced an effect ob the funds . He referred to the document which had appeared in the pnblic papers purporting to be a
Report uf the Committee on Foreign Affairs presented to the Congrtss of the United States on the 13 th of last month . It was chiefly respecticg the detention of Mr . M'Leod , but it also related to other matters indisp ^ t * - between this country and the T 7 nit € d Sl ates . He 'I'd not intend to enter into the consideration of tint -iocament , it would be ill-judged in him to do sd ; but he wished to know -whether the document Jcould be considered as genuine . Such a document might be got up for the purposes of stock-jobtin ^ , and bis re&soa f or -irubttag its genuineness was , that he had too high an opinion of the understanding and capa « : ty of the fthv-irmto o ! the " United States . He believed that they -were not se blind to tbeir own inttrt-sts as to put forth a doenment of the kind ; more particularly did he doubt its authenticity , when it did not appear , from
the Tfjrorts , that any Member of Congress had ever risen to move an amendment to it ( Hear , hear . ) Sorely , if t ' -Jit document were genuine , the people of the Unkt-i States must have forgotten the deranged state of their finances—they must have forgotten that in their States there were three millions of negroes ready t « take part with England in the event of a quarrel—they musi have forgotten the great body of Indians wbum tbej ki-. I driven into the interior , and who were ready to advance at once into th £ ir territories , to revenge the -. TTODij 3 they had suffered . Tbey mast have forgotten the C&u&rli&nB , who were among the most , loyal mrj-ct * of her Majesty . Suppose they -were to -wreak their vengeance on the unfortunate victim who was now in thfcir hamds , did they suppose that the Canadians woti'j not be ready to avenge bis death in a thousand
difer ^ r . t ways ?—did they Euppose that they would not K ze some person living in the Unittd States " Government ? Did they forget the body of large troops—he was happy to saj , a large one—at present j stationed in our North American colonies , and the large naval foroe which could at once be brought to bear against them . He thought that , after calculating a . u : things , they wcraid find that they were more ! likrlv to incur a Jess than a profit by entering into hoftilit ' fi with this country , and therefore he could not belirve the document to be genuine . For these Tea- ' sons he hoped this document could not ba a true one , j but n had produced so strong an impression on the public mind , tint he thought it risbt to inquire of the ; ¦ Kobk Viscount ( Lord Melbourne ) -whether her Majesty ' s Crovcrniiieiit had received any official information ¦
respiting this Report , and whether they considered it / to b ? an ofuCi'J document or not . If the Government i did consider it to ba an official document , he iLord ; Hoimtcashe } > aid not consider the present to be the j proper time for discussing it ; but he should certainly ; make some observations upon iJ at the proper time , j He thought a document more violent had cever been j penned by one country respecting another . He there- i fore asked the Noble Viscount -whether &ny official in- formation had been received on the Fiibj = « L \ Loru MELEorE 5 E ssii he was really unable to j give iny other answer to tke question of the Noble . Enl ttmi tfaat he was not aware that her Majesty's i Govematnt had received any despatches from our j Amba * s * doi to the Taited States : bu ; he appreh « nded , i
from the form in which the Rtport aliude . i to by the Koblc Earl had appeared , and from the manner in ' widen it came , there could be no doubt of its authen-1 ficity . ! Oa the motion of Tise « unt Drsco'sox the Tithes Composition iIreland ) Bill was read a second time , 1 * nd ordered to be committ ed t > n Thursday . The ] Uoble Viscoust said tie ob ^ ci of the Bill was to save j expense in ihe case of persons against -whom proceed- j lags were taken fer the recovery of tithes in Ireland , j In thr ori g ins . ) Bill , each particular case was obliged to be proceeded against by the Attorney-General in a j separate Bill , but it was found so extrusive that the ' prw * nt Bill was breught in to authorise the At- i torney-Gtneral to include any number of persons in the same Bill provided they ivsidfed in the diocese .
On the motion of Viscount Dt "> 'CAN > " 0 >' , the Court of Exchequer i Irel&nd t Bill was read a second time , and ordered to ba committed on T-ursJay . The ^ Toble Viscount said the objec t of the Bill was to amend an error that was supposed to exist in the fonc * -r B ; iL Af u-r a motion by the Earl of Glen gall , which was sorted to , for a return of copies of all correspondence hrtwern the Poor Law Commissioners , and Denis Phe : ; -m . Esq ., and the other coneipoinlcnc * on tie mbjrct ¦ - ¦! c local appointment , in tie TTniun of ClOBmel , lue House aJiournfevL
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HOUSE OF COMMON'S . —Friday , March 5 . In reply to Mr . O'Connell , Lord Paljiehstox stated that tae treaty with Texa 3 -was a gci-er-J cunimcrcial treaty , and contained no provision to secure the entrance into Texas of British subjects , being fr&e ptrsyn ; of coIkui , such persons bein ^ prohibited to euter Texas . In answer to Sir R . Peel , ilr . Laboccbeke promised to consider whether he would refer the Railw 3 yf Bill to a select committee , as one clause was complained of by railway companies ; but both Ri ^ ht Hon . Gen tkmeu stated that if the railway companies who petitioned for that , did it only to gain time , tiiey should oppose any such plan . On the motion fur bringing up the report en Lord Keace ' s Annuity Bill , Mr . Hvme moved that it bt postponed till the correspondence between the Govern ment and the East India Company , relative to Lore Keane ' s service , be laid before the House . The Hon . Member wished to have tae annuity paid by the E ^ s ! India Company .
Lord Joa > " Russell opposed Mr . Hume's motio ; ¦ which on a division was lost by 127 to so . The repo ; was brought up , and the Bill ordered to be read a tcii time on Monday . Th * East lmffa Bam Duties Bill vras committed p ; forma to introduce some alterations itto it . On the Order of the day for going into 3 Coznmisi -at Supply , Mr . O'Briek referred to our un . asT relations wit ihe l " r . it < sd Starts , and expressed an opinion that if ¦* had a strong fleet -within reach of the American pori it Wvuid be belter ihan > *> have a strong force on Vl front = r . Mr . EwaRT saw no reason for anticipating hosti tiea ; he relied on the good sense rmd int * rest of the i habitants of the United States , and he trusted our v happy differences would be amicably terminated . ilr . Hvile deprecated war in strong terms , aad ask for information , although none was gives .
The silence of the Ministers on this important top is of no pleasant augury . The House went into a Committee of Supply , ai money was voted as complaisantly as usual . Lorfl JOH > i RtSSELL , in answer to a questk stated that a monument is to be erected to Sir Sydr Smith ; and Sir James DukegaTe notice that he shoi move that a monument be also erected to Lord I month . Mr . MacatlaT moved the Army Estimates , whi he explained in a business-like manner . One item -fl be considered by the pnblic , as we considered it , < lions : a vote cf £ 5 uO for interest on deposits Savings Banks , of which soldiers could avail themselv That may make them careful and sane persons . J « withstanding the exhortation of the Tiroes to incre the army , we are glad to learn that the charge for t present year is only £ l 0 , « 0 « less than last year for t effective service .
Mr . Hcme regretted our disturbed relations w Estop * , the great expence caused thereby , and reco mended a property tax . Sir H . Habdiuge thought the estimates did not far enough , j cid spoke as if he had -written the leac m the Titut of Thursday 00 the subject . An additi at 5 , 800 men -would , he said , give satisfaction to t army . Lord J . Russell thought , of course , that thenuml was exactly right , lying between the parsimony of > Hume ana the extravagance of tke GJ ^ nt Gsne
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The Noble Lord justified keeping e * r forces np to their present footing by Ute « Uk « at tocvign oountriflf , and of our colonies . In the eouae of the discussion which ensued , Lord Ciidigaa * * ease wm brought under the notice of the House by Mr . Hume . Lord HowiCK insisted strongly on the necessity of an inquiry , and pointed oat that the Commander-in-Chief was not free from blame . An interesting conversation ensued . Several of the votes were agreed to , and the Bouse resumed . Colonel Sibthobp gave notice that he would call the attention of the House to the appointment of Mr . Vinrd as Solicitor to the Home Department The House adjourned at twenty minutes before one o ' clock till Monday . "
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GREAT BRITAIN AND THE UNITED STATES . MENACING REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN RELATfONS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES . { From the New York Papers received to tht Yith ult . by the Packet-ship Westchester . ) TWEMY-SIXTH CONGRESS . Washington , Saturday , Feb . 13 . Mr . Piekens , from the Committee on Foreign Affairs , made the following report , which was ordered to be printed : — The Committee on Foreign Affairs , to whom was referred the message of the President , transmitting a correspondence with the British Minister in relation to the burning of the steam-boat Caroline , and the demand made for the liberation of Mr . Alexander M'Leod , respectfully report : —
\\ appears that the steam-boat Caroline was seia ? d and destroyed in the month of December , 1837 . The Committee are induced to believe that the facts of the case are as follow : — The boat was owned by , and in possession of , a citizen of New York . Sbe was cleared from the city of BufiHto , and on the morning of the 29 th of December , 1837 , she left the port of Buffalo , bound for Schlosser , upon the American side of the Niagara river , and within the territory of the United States . The original intention seemed to be , to run the bant between Buffalo and Scbloaser , or perhaps from Black Rock
Dam to Schlosser , and , should it seem profitable , it was intended to run her also to Navy Island , and touch at Grand Island and Tonawanda . Her owuer was ilr . " Wells , said to be a respectable tins n of Buffalo , & « d it is obvious his intention in putting up the boat was one of speculation and profit entirely . The txciteHient upon that portion of the frontier , at this period , had collected a great many in the neighbourhood—seme fr ^ m curiosity , some from idleness , and others froxu taking an interest in the unusual and extraordinary collection of adventurous men gathered together at that time on Navy Island . Navy Island was " nominally " in the British " territory . "
The owner of the Caroline took advantage of the » circumstances to make some money with his boat , by runEing her as ft ferry boat over to Navy Island . All these facts appear from testimony regularly Uken < see H . R . Dec No . 302 , page 46 and 3 S » , 2 d Session , 25 th Congress ) , and the Committee know of no legal evidence to contradict tbeni . 2 here is no proof that » Dy arms or munitions of war were carried in the beat , * xcrpt , perhaps , one small six-pounder fleld-piwe belonging to a passenger . The principal object was tt > run the boat as a ferry boat from Schlosser , on the American side , to Navy Island , on the British side . It is believed that , eten in war , a neutral power has the right to trade in contraband articles , subject , of course , to- seizure and confiscation , if taken withia the jurisdictiea of either
of the contending parties . What is contra band of \ W \ a not always certain . Treaty stipulations- frsquentty include some articles , and esclsde others recognised hi the law of natio&s . Trading is contraband article * i * no excuse for tavading the territory and soil of a neutral and independent power , wtoae private citizens- may choose to run the hazird of ttieb & trade- ln < this instance there were no two F « eign Powers engaged in war ; but all eoceerned in the outbreak or ex « itenient within the British jurisdictioa , claimed to be-British subjects , in resistance of tfee autlioikies of Canada , a province of the British enipbe E . ve » admitting , then , . tkat the Carolina was eogagetl in ooutevband trade ,, yet it -sras with citixiss who claaaed t » be subjects of the same empire -with those who- were styWd the legitimate Sisers of the Prov-inee .
Abstractedly speakJB £ , bowwaea-pn-wtecJtJzeD to-de " ride who wtre right and who were wrong in tbess-loeal dispates ? And which portion of the citizen * of the same province must o « r ciUsens refase to h&v « any communication-with ? Bot the boat was merely used for one day as a ferry bc >» t v and on the Bight of the duy she eomiflencfrd running , &he w »» -seized while moorijd at the whaif at ScfaJosser , and bnrnt S ^ wral men were assassinated ; certainly one , whe fell dead upos . tie deck . Now ti » insinuation of the Ba-itish Minister , thai Schioiser was " nominally" within the territory , of the Unittd State * , may well be retorted , as w » - can with equal troth say , that Navy Island -was- " nominally "
within the " territory" of th » British Government - for at the period to which we allude , the people- collected there had as eSectually defied Canada authorities as any portion of oui peopl * disregarded . ours . Yet British authority thought props * to pass Navy Lslanc ^ ttien in its " nominal" territory , and in the plenitude of its power to cast tbe mjin of British jiurisdictioa . over American soil . This was truly extending over es- that kind guardianship which they had not the ability at that time te extend to a portion of their own territory , and which recommends itseif to us , full as mucb from its assumption m from Us . tove of right or law .
The British Minister is pleased also to call ihe Caroline a ' piratical steamboat . " The loasa epithftts of any one , no ma . tter Iw-w high , -in p ' . ac * , cannot Bake that piracy which tbe law * J nations does not recognise as such . Pirates are freebooters , enfcsnies of tie human race ; and emin&nt jurists describe them as ravaging every sea and coast with no flag and no heae . Piracy comfs under the coaeurrent juristctiun of all nations . Even in the worst point of view that il can be considered , those connected -with the sieaia-ioat Caroline were but aiders and abettors of others engaged in rebellion . And the Committee are t&i&Uy at a loss to know upon what authority rebellion is recognised as piracy . Such confounding of terms ia seating tbe case ujon epithets , instead of sound law ox facts . But even s > itpposing it to be a " piraticalboat , " as the . Minister asserts it to be ; yet the moment it touched our soil il fell under our sovereignly , and no power on earth cuuld rightfully invade it
There is no doctrine more consecrated in English historjvthan that every human being who toucias the soil of Great Britain is immediately covered bj British laws . Suppose one of her Tessels were cut from the kmis cf tbe Thames and burnt by Frenchmen , and British ciUKns wtre assassinated at nigiic , and the French Minister were to avow that th-y acted uatW th £ orders of hi 3 Government , and that tbe vessel was " piratical , " and the citizens murdered were outlaws , then there is not an Englishman whose heart would not beat hiijh to avenge the wrong , and vindicate the rights , of Lis country . The Jaw there is the law here . And there is no international law consistent with the separate independence of nations , that sanctions the pursuit of even pirates to murder and arson over the soil and jurisdiction of one of the Slates of this Confederacy .
No greater wrong can be done to a country than invasion of soil . If it can be done with impunity at one point , and on one occasion , it can be done at another , and the nation that submits to it finally sinks down into drivelling imbecility . If a representation of the state of things at Schlosser , and the conduct of those who bad costroul ef the Caroline , had first been made to the proper authorities of New Turk , or of the United States , then there would have been some show at least of respect for our sovereignty and independence , and a disposition to treat us as an equal . Unt in this case , as if to treat our authorities with contempt , there was no preliminary demand or representation made .
It is hoped that the outrage was perpetrated by a party in sudden heat and excitement , upon their own responsiblity . But the British Minister now avows , that " the act was the public act of persons obeying ths constituted authorities of her Majesty ' s Province , " again affirms that " it was a public act of persons in her Majesty ' s service , obeying the orders of their superior authority . " If this had been the first and only point of collision with Great Britain it might not have excited
such interest , but there is an assumption in most of our intercourse with that great power , revolting to the pride and spirit of independence in a free people . If ic be her desire to preserve peace , her true policy would be to do justice , and show that courtesy to equals which she has always demanded from others . The Committee do not desire to press views on this part of tbe subject , particularly as a demand has been made by our Government of Great Britain fur explanation as to tbe outrage committed , the answer to which it is hoped will prove satisfactory .
As to the other points presented in the demand made by the British Minister for the " liberation" of Alexander M'Leod , the Committ « e believe the facts of the case to be , that the steamboat was aeiasd and burnt , as stated before , and that a citiren or citizens of New York were murdered in the affray . And there were reasons to indues a belief that M'Ltod was pariiceps criminit . He was at first arrested , and upon various testimony being taken , was then discharged . He was afterwards arrested a second time . Upon the evidence then presented , he was imprisoned to await his trial There was do invasion of British territory to seiae or Uk&him . But upon his being voluntarily within oar territory , be wai arrested as any citizen of the United States , charged with a similar offence , might have been .
We know of no law of nations that would exempt a man from arrest and imprisonment for offences charged to be committed against the " peace and dignity " of a State , because he is a subject of Great Britain , or because he committed the crime at the instigation or under the authority of British Provincial officers ; much less do we know of any law that would justify the President tj deliver him cp without trial , at the
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demand , and upon tbe assertion M to fectl , of lay agent of th » BritUb Government . If we had been at open war with Great Britain , * nd M'Leod had committed the offence * charged , then he might bar fallen under tbe rules and regulation * ef war , and been treated as a prisoner of the United States Government , and would have been subject to the laws of nations in war . Bat as the alleged criminal acts , in which M'Leod is charged to be implicated , were committed in yrotoaad peace , it la a crime , aa far oa he may be concerned , solely against the " peace and dignity " of
the State of New York , and her criminal jurisdiction is complete and exclusive . If the crimes committed be such as to make a man hostU humoni generUoutlaw—a pirate , in the legal acceptation of the term , then , under the law of nations , the Ynited States Courts and tribunals would have jurisdiction . But the offence charged in this case , committed as it was in time of peace , as far as this individual was concerned , was one purely against the lem loci , and coming exclusively within the criminal jurisdiction of the tribunals of New York .
The Minister , in his letter of the 13 th December , 1840 , says , "it is quite notorious that Mr . M'Leod was not one of the party engaged in the destruction of the steam-boat Caroline ; and that the pretended charge upon which he has been imprisoned rests only upon the perjured testimony of certain Canadians , outlaws , and their abettors , " & « . This may perchance aii be so , but it would be asking a great deal to require an American Court to yield jurisdiction , and surrender up a prisener charged with offences against the law , upon the mere ipse d / jtit of any roan , no matter how high in
authority . Whether M'Leod be guilty or not guilty , is the very point upon which an American Jury alone have a right to decide . Jurisdiction in State tribunals over criminal cases , and trial by a Jury of the venue , are essential points in American jurisprudence ; and it is a total misapprehension as to the nature of our system , to suppose that there is any right in the Federal Executive to arrest the verdict ef the one , or thwart the jurisdiction of the other . If such a power existed , and were exercised , it would effectually overthrow , and upon a vital point , the separate sovereignty and independence of these States .
The Federal Executive might be clothed with power to deliver up fugitives from justice for offences committed against a foreign State , but even then it might i . 'ji be ebligatory to do so , unless it were made matter of treaty stipulation . This duty and right in an Executive has generally been considered as dormant , until in " . lie binding by treaty arrangement—But when the matter is reversed , and demand is made , not of fugitives from justice for offences against a foreign Power , but for thu liberation of a man charged with offences against the peace and dignity of one of our own States ,
then it is that thu demand becomes preposterous in the extreme . The fact that the offences -were committed under tho sanction of provincial authorities , does not alter the case , unless w « wtre in a state of war . In such cases as the present , the power to deliver up could not be conferred upon the Federal Executive by treaty stipulation . It could only be conferred in tkose cases over which jurisdiction is clearly delegated by the Federal Constitution . Such , for instance , as treason , which i » an offence against tbe conjoined sovereignty of tbe iHatta , as denned in tbe Constitution .
Over all cases , except those defined in the Constitution , and those coming clearly under the laws of nations , tb * State * have exclusive jurisdiction , and tbe trial and punishment for uff « s « ea against them , are incident to tbeir separate sovereignty . Jt is not protended , in this case , that there isany Treaty stipulation under which the demand is marie ; and the Federal Exreutive , under eur system , ba * no power but what is conferred by the Constitution , or by special law of Congress . la the former it is declared th »» " the Executive power i » vested in a President of Jhe United Statt » , " and that power ia then to b « pointed out and defined by special laws passed from tiino to time , imposing such dutie » a » are thought proper and sxpedient by Congress .
VouxConnnittesdeem it dangereu * for the Executive to txereise any poster over a matter- not eonferred by Treaty or by law ; atxi to exercise it in any case in conflict witV . State jurisdiction , would be wors © tiha * i dangtrous ; it would be -usurpation . . But j-sur CammiStetJ forbear to- press tbese points ' further at present , and they woul * not haw said as much on such clear Questions of international law , but that in this case , W . e demand for liberation- ba » been mode by the accredited agent of a great Puwer , and ander cir « uinstances at peculiar aggro-vaticx * and excitement .
We have other points of diSuzeooe wifib . Great Britain , which add interest to e » ry question that ajises between us at psMSent . Neither our uojtii- eastern o * north-western btmadaries are y < rt settled wiih her , and the subject is not » ntirtly free fnom diffisulty . She baa recently seiasd ous- vessels , anil exercised a power in-nolving the ri ^ ht of starch , undea the pretest of suppressing the foreign sla * e trade , which , if DMSevered in , will sweep our coaimerce from the COls , of Africa , and which i > incompatible with our- rights as a maritime power . She has recently , in her iuteraourae with us , refused indemnity , and denied our rights to property , on a 9 Ub }< xt-matter vital to . near one half th * St ^ as-of this GonfeUesaoy , and which , considering her military position at Bermuda , and-her growing powir in the West Indies , » -of the lost , importance to oiu national indepenrtenoe-- AJ 1 these sui jecta make every question between us , at this particular jun « ture , of the deepest-interest .
Btsiues thi * , we aits both pemiantntiv . destined , to have , perhaps ,, the most extensive coimntrce ef mo . dern nations Our fligs float side by side , over evary sea ,, and bay , and inlet , of the known g > be . Sh « move * , steadily upon hco sheetsv v / ith an zunbitioa that kjKNTW ) no-beunus . A : ui whezoRer she ha * . had a conflict of . interest she has sarel ? yielded to . any power . At ihis moment she presents to . thfl civilised -world the spectacle of the greatest suliiaty and comaiflrcjal power in cocibinatisn ever known . From hjer - « ast possessions- in e , v < i « y quarter of the slobs , and her peculiar oaimecdial system , sha has been mad » toe reservoir of the wealtk of caticas . Her internal resources , skill , labcar , and machinery , with her capital , are beyoni calculation , Hea natural position , feeing about midway the coast 0 ! Europe , gives her great control over the outlets and currents , of
commerc . Her Military occup&Ucn . oi OibraHar , Malta , the Ionian Islands , and recently ot St . Jean &&cre , give her ascendancy on the Mediterranean and the Lsvaut , while St . Helena and th * Cape of Good H » ge ^ give her possession over the currents of trade along those extensive coasts . " Then Bo-s&bay , Calcutta , and . her immense pt sscssion in the EasJ Indies , together "Kith her recent niowments in the Cukia seas and Islands , enable her to exteni her power over those vast regions that have slumbered for ages in solitary and enervated magninoence . She possestsFalkland Island bat to control the commerce that passes round the Horn—while Trinidad gives her ail she desires in tnjB Cirribeun sea . Halifax at one point , and Bermuda at another , stand out in great force over our own coast from one extremity to the other .
Her positions all over the world are at this moment , in a military point » f visw , equal to a million of men under arms . Her continual conflicts in the uughty regions of the Eifet , ouly enable her officers to become Bkiiful anil to improve in the arts of war , while ht . r great armies and txtensive fleets draw their sappori from the immense countries seized and occupied In the present juncture of affairs , no statesman can overlook these things . Steam power has recently brought us so near together , that in the event uf any future conflict , war with its effects will be precipitated upon us with much more rapidity thin formerly .
Avarice and ambition are the running passions of modem times , and it is vain to shut our eyes to thx" state of things around us . It remains to be seen what effect steam povrer is to have upon changing and modifying the whole art of def « uce and war . It may be a great engine fur again levelling mankind , and reducing everything to a contest of mere physical force . In that event it might be difficult to conjecture what system of national defence will stand tke test tf time and experience . Vv" v have a deep state in peace , and fondly hope the repose of the world wiil not be disturbed . We "have certainly not the least desire for any rupture . Firmness aud a wise preparation will long preserve us from such a catastrophe . But while no temptation should ever prompt us to do injustice upon the one hand , so no consideration , on the other hind , should ever induce us to Bnbmit to permanent wrong from any power on earth , no matter what the consequences may be .
"k our Committee would conclude by expressing a firm belief that all the points of difficulty may be honourably and amicably a * ijusted , and that harmony may long be preserved by both Government * pursuing a liberal policy , congenial to the interests and feelings of both people , and compatible with the spirit and genius of an enlightened age .
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ExTEXnVB FOBGERT UPON THE BiNK OP E . NGla . nd . —It has been lately discovered that a robbery to the amount of £ 6 , 259 had been committed by means of a forged power of attorney on the Bank of England bj Christopher Picard , of Friday-street , linen-draper . Tho stock taken out was in the New Three-and-a-Half per Cent ? ., and Picard wap , it is said , a trustee . The forgery was committed some months ago , but was not discovered until within the last few days . On Thursday Picard was in town , and in such a state of health as to ba unfit to leave his room . He was , however , doctored up in such a manner as to be able to go out ia a coach , and it is eeuerallv supposed that he is now on the Continent . The money was taken oat at two different times . A reward of £ 100 has been offered for his apprehension .
Adulteration of Tea . —At the Ilford Petty Sessions , Edward Glover , of Wesiham , appeared to answer an information , for having in his possession 300 ibs . of dried sloe and hawthorn leaves , for manufacturing an article called u Mochafarina , " but which was a decided imitation of tea , and as such the defendant was liable to the penalties inflicted by the Act 17 Gsoige III ., cap . 29 . The case was clearly proved , and the defendant admitted that he had manufactured the farina , but had never sold it as tea . The Bench convicted him in the penalty of £ 200 , and in default of payment sentenced him to twelve months' imprisonment .
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THE CONTRAST . * O THB BDITOH OP THE KORTHERK STAB , SlB , —A most admirable method has , for the la » t few weeks , been adopted for giving the readers of the Star a view of th « m&u of incongruities which surround as , and which are the effects of the cannibal system under whiok we , some way or other , contrive to exist We have seen the expensive tomfoolery of royalty placed in juxtaposition with the wants and woes « f the useful portion of society . We have bad the fulsome adulation which state BycophanU and well paid pandera heap upon the idols whom the poor are compelled to clothe in purple and one linen , and daily provide with sumptuous fare , contrasted with the contumely , insult , and cruelty , endured by the really useful but unfortunate members Df the community .
We have seen the inequality , or rather the maladministration , of the law—the titled blackguard being held up ( maugre , the notoriety of his vices ) as a paragon of moral perfection , while the untitled man , of spotless reputation , has been assailed with opprobrium , and treated as the vilest of his species . The tyrant is hqld guiltless , while the patriot is visited with all the vengeance which despots can inflict . These things , and many more , originate in the want of a properly regulated system of government ; one based upon the nation ' s will , conducted , in nil ita ramifications , by men chosen from among the people by tbe people themselves , and responsible to the people for their every act touching pnblic affairs . This is " the consummation devoutly to be wished , " and to achieve it we must look at the two pictures immediately before our eyes . I mean Chartism and Foxism ; and , when -we have viewed both , we must act as reason dictates and justice commands .
CHAIITJSM . FOXISM . Look on thti Picture . And aho look on this . Chartism recognises the Foxism unmans the man , right of al ) men . " " Men and makes him a mere being by nature equal are xuiso ; giving him no entitled to eqnal rights . " rights , butcoDf « rring them upon inanimate matter , which to-day may be in the possession of the sane and to-morrow in that of the insane—to-day in that of an honest man , to-morrow in that of an high-¦ waynian .
Ctertism" will abrogate Foxism will only cancel every Jaw inimical to > the such laws ! M militate general weal . It wtM lay against monopoly k usury , tha axe to the root of the It will only prune corrup-Upas tree , and prevent the tion ' s tree , and cause it to desolation produced by its be more fruitful , and its baneful influence . branches mere extensive , that the cormorants may be fed thereby , and fr esh birds of prey find a resting-place theresm Chartism- will cleanse Foxism will o » ly « tir the Augean et&ble in West- » p the dung , and inerearo minster , and make it a fit tiw stench , lea-ring it , a * rtceptable for Swneat men . tbe scavengers of 1 / 832 did , is a worse condition than
tfcey found it . Chartism wil ? make the Foxism will lay its paw labourer first j * e . « taker of on the first fruits . It will tbe fruits of hiB industry . pswfeM a desire tbv the cb 4 fl # loaf , but a greater desire for-Cheaper labour . It will perpetuate the " coorawr sorb of food' * ' regime-Chartism wlllaboSsh all Foaism will retanv ail useless places , uninerited the " Mice pickings , * '
pensions , and suug- sine- comfortable places , foivita caresv need ? and gaping adhereittSk . Chartism will oucfe bad Foaismwill allow shonldservante , er unjust stew- be representatives three ard 8 , attheearliestpo 98 ible years to pick , " plunder , pesiwi and perpetuate mischief It will , re-establish the parent of the septennial act , which , at ita nest lying-in > might give biitb to a sit-ftist for life .
Ghartriant will disband Foxiwn will require the a U 3 cles » and expensive continuance of th « phyaimilitary establishment . It cal force corps , for the will canry retrenchment purposo of defending the into the juival department , old citadel , aud clearing andeendtlw "blue-devilai' the wa ? for its votaries , to-the rigki about . who are anxious for a 2 am stage and . solkl favour , besides a good protection from lodgers , butters , and houaelesa- vagrants .
Chartism- will be the Foxiam will be , like ttie foundation , of individuali Whig Huforni , a steppingcomfort and national pros- stove for political aclveaperity , if carried out . and- tiirers , and unprincipled impr » ved , in proportion t »> charlatans to ascend * to the increased knowledge- plaoa aad power , while it and altered circumstances-- will be-an additional mill-« f tke ptop !* . stone around the naska of the people . Chartism is just ; hence- Foxiam is a / rattd ^ -hence it 8-advoaatts are peraecut- its advocates are smiled ed , proseouJLtU , imprison- upon l * y " the powars that eii , transpucted , and put . to be , " aad the arm of , persedaath . cutioi is turned a-way from thank
These aie a few facts- which , may be improietL Yet 1 trust that the Chartists know their course too well to be led ioto tbe tra p * of ths Poles , even thcagh some wilt-b « leadero may she-w- the white feather . ¥ oui 8 > t >* ly , An Old Cjokrhst . Leeds > March 2 nd , 1841 .
Trades' Halls
TRADES' HALLS
Haw few exist ia . this country—and tlose only in name ! Are any of them based on right principles of eq / uccilily , SLQdpe * Jkot freedom of occupation f How have they been built ? liy the united subscriptions of working men , « r the purse of tha speculator ? Trades' Halls aie now wanted msce than ever , common sense ami justice admit the elaim of the great mass of tke- population to make kkown their opinions , and the Law acknowledges , its existence , as a component principle in the British- Constitution . " An Englishman has the privilege of forming his own opiniou upon the policy , expediency , and judijoe ot the system th&t is adopted by kis rulers . Having formed this opinion , it cannot bo denied that he lias a right to promulgate it , to support his own opinion by his own arguments , and to recommend its adoption in what he may deem the most efficacious manner . "—Lord Brouuham .
Oh , yes ! the working classes may meet ! But where ? "If they turn their attention to tho green fields , or to the common heritage their forefathers possessed for their * folkmotes , ' their ' tiUiemotes , and other public purposes , they are thete met by the law of trespass , the power of exclusion v the opposition of all the squirearchy of the town . " And , last , but not the least , " Torchlight" Proclamations Trades' Halls are now the only direct barriers against the progressive suppression of . public meet * ings and free discussion . What is the use of Trades' Halls amongst the working men of the country 1
"To unite in one general body , uersona of all creeds and opinions who are desirous to promote the political and social improvement of the people . " — Charthm by Lovett and C'oliins , p . 24 . " To extend the utility , influence , and number of Trades' Societies , by offering a commodious building , where their meetings may be better aud more economically accommodated than at public-houses . " London Trades' Hall Laws , A ' o . / . To provide a " Mechanics' Institution , " in spirit , as well as name , an extensive library and readingroom accessible to operatives throughout the day and night , at an expense of a few pence per week each . To offer cheap and liberal schools for the tuition of the children of both sexes belonging to the working class .
To uuite , and call forth in public meetings and festivals , the mutual feelings and sympathies of both sexes of the labouring population , on the ground of their common participation in every publio measure calculated to oppress or benefit the rights of labour . A substantial and extensive means for the accommodation of publio meetings , of from 3 , 000 to 6 , 000 persons , at a lesser amount of rental than the public buildings already existing can be engaged , without any exclusiveuess on the score of politics or religion , and available at the same time for lectures , concerts , and social entertainments . Depots for concentrating tke intelligence and operations of the numerous Trades' Societies of the country , and the promotion of an easy and permanent system of communication between them for mutual benefit and information .
Trades' Halls will benefit all classes in the country , beneath ths aristocratical one ; the interest in their erection and use is general ; and , amongst the working men of the kingdom , would provo aa immediate source of pecuniary profit , and speedy political improvement . The constitution , government , erection , and application of Trades' Halls will be developed ia the future numbers of ihe . SYar .
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The Govehnqb Fbnneb . —We have been requested by a surviving brother to publish the following names of a family who perished in the wreck of this unfortunate vessel : —James Holt , carpet printer , Bridleway New Church , Rossendale , aged 36 ; Mary Holt , his wife , aged 36 ; Jaue Holt , his daughter , aged 12 ; Fanny Holt , his daughter , aged 7 ; James Holt , aged " 2 ; Alice Anu Holt , aged 7 ; and his wife ' s sister , Al-ce Bimes , aged 34 ; and Alice Cunliffe , cousiu , ftom Li t'h ' -or jugh , aged 28 .
Fte&Fefr*
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OASTLER'S FLEET PAPERS . Noa . IX . and X . It was our intention to gfae a lengthened notice , and an extract from the 9 e excellent numbers of the "Fleet Faperfl , " -in our last ; but circumstances prevented onr being able to do bo . We will not mar with commendation the touching and pathetic introduction of a factory cripple to his readers , by Mr . Oaetler . It trill epeak better for ita « lf than any language of which we are master : — " I told you , in a preceding letter , I bad heard that a young man , whe was formerly a Huddersfield factory boy , had left twenty shillings for me with a friend . I will now tell you somewhat more about it Believe me , Mr . Tbornb . il ! , it was the po « r , broken-down ,
wornout , tumed-ofT , kicked-ont orphan factory cripple , Joseph Habergam ! The first time I saw that poor lad was in mj drawing-room , at Fixby Hall . John Wood was there that morning . Joseph had beard , from some ef his comrades , that I loved poor little factory slaves . He Was ' done up '—served with crooked lega and spine , swelled knees and ancles , and a broken constitution , at fourteen years , as tbe reward , from the factory monster , for his industry ! He had crawled on his hands and knees , and , in some hours , had managed to creep two miles ! The poor slave , having heard of my exertions for the factory children , hoped that I could help him to ' an iron frame , ' to put his deformed and crippled body in ! This will only be understood in the factory dUtricts , where it is common ( when the children are so
weakened and distorted as not to be able to stand or walk ) to make iron frames , like gibbets , to fix around tbeir limbs and bodies , so as to enable the poor wretches to support themselves by that artificial aid . With the help of John Wood , I was enabled to procure an iron frame for Joseph ; and afterwards , William Osburn , jun ., and Robert Hall , Esqra ., befriended him , got him into the Leeds Infirmary , educated him , and but I am running on too fast ; I am not about , in this letter , to write a memoir ef po » r Joseph . I have told you of the first time that I saw him ; the last time was in this prison—in No . 12 , Coffee 0 allery : I have not seen him in this cell , but I have seen his kind master , Hall , and his benefactor , Osburn ,
here . When he entered ( very neatly dressed he was , but still Joseph was ereoked , deformed , and crippled ) he Bald , '* Oh ! Sir , I am sorry to see you here . ' Do not grieve , Joseph . I am rejoiced to see you / And then I asked him about his health , and about his poor mother , and his kind master and mistress ; all his answers were satisfactory , but his look was melancholy . Then be seemed to be weeping , aiwi said , ' Oh ' . Sil , I should bave been in my grave bnt for your kindness ; you haTe paved many others , aa well 3 a myself . I am sorry to see you here ! ' Bless the lad ! I could have clasped hhn in my arms . Would not you have been moved under sneh circumstances ? I saw tbat he was in some difficulty or embarrassment ; he did know how to perform the task which he had set himself . I
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said , Joseph , was it you who g » V 8 Mr . a sovereign for me ? ' I never intended you to know that , Sir : I * ave brought you ten sbiJJifl ^ fs , and has sent yon » nice home-baked loaf ;; she thought it ¦ would be a treat for you in prison . ' TaUt of rents , Mr . Thornhill , of dividends , or of winning bets ! Why , Sir , the receipt of thousands , in such ways , ' is abject poverty , compassed' with the real wealth- which Joseph Habergam thus poured into the lap of his imprisoned benefactor ! ' Joseph , ' said I , ' I do not despise your offering—it is too large ; your mother needs it . I will tske sixpence from each of your donatioas > ' I can well spare it all , ' replied Joseph , with a smile that seened reflected ftora some celestial being p and you knuw I owe you everything ; but for you V should now
haw been in my grave . Ho saw that 1 tow resolute , an * then he said , ' I will send it to my mother , Sir , ami tell her that yewhave given it to her . ' Bo you not admire'the delicate-sensibility of tbat youth , Sir ? I do . \ Joseph was a * noble- victim—too noble for the waste and cruelty of the feH factory monster . ' I never enjoyed anything str mtioh as that interview ; and , afterwards , tbat loaf ! ' Oh ! it was good ! But that expression—with the celestial countenance , and sweat , yielding , conquering tone— ' I will send it to my mothe * , Sir , and tell hep that you have ffiven * ib to her , ' was ob angel ' s treat—a ' treat worth coming many times to prison to enjoy . ' Kb tfaas , with his own gift , repurchased for me the prayers and blessing * at his widowed mother !
" I wsb I could convay to you , and to all w 4 io- read this , tke feelings of my . enraptured mind at that' moment . Its very memory i » sweet , and will be to my dying dny 1 " Upouihia favourite subject Oastler is , of oourse , at home : and the treasare-house of his . memory not seldom brings out matters in connection therewith not less- annoying to the Ink-warm friends or open enomie 8 of England ' s infant slaves , than serwceable to theiroause . Such we apprehend the following reminisoences to bo : — " Th « -Select Committea- of the House of Cbsvmons , on the operation of Althosy ' s Factory Act , is-aitting ; and , although I may not discuss tbeir proceedings , I may write something which will be useful to- them . There i& > I believe , no Ibav to bar me from that :
" Youiare aware , Sir , that the present Factories ' Regulation Act , was paaead by the Government , in 1833 , iu-opposiition to the Ten Hours' Bill of Iior 4 Ashley . Lord Ashley had no band whatever in the passing « f that Bill . His Lordship had solemnly and publicly pledged himself to fclie Ten Hours principle , at a meeting , held in tbe City of London Tavern , the 23 rd of February , 1833 . Sin Peter Laurie , on that oecasien , ( Sord Mayor of ttvis City , ) was the Shairman . Lord ikshley then said :. — " *• Before he sat down , he begged to aseae © them , that he should not give way a single moment on the
question of Ten Hours . He assured the meeting , that he should persevere in the course he had commenced . He Had taken up the qpestim as a mailer 0 / oOKsdejice , and as such he was determined to carry it through . If the House would not adopt the Blil , they must drive hint front it ( the Ten Hows' Bill , ) as he would not eoncede a sinyit step . He most positively declared , that as long as he had a seat In that Mouse , and God gave him health and a sound mind , no efforts , no exertions should be wanting on his part to establish the success of the measure . jt f defeated in th » present session , hctvoidtb bring it forvtard in the nemt , and so on in every suatxeding session IHI his success tta * own « iete . '"
" It was at that wry meeting , Sir ^ hste the monster Judas O'ConnelVsaid : — ¦ '' Good God l that such a system , should exist in a Christian country—that poor infants- should be condemned to tlltt deprivation of sleep , the inhalation of poison , and tie endurance of the extremes of human anguish , to obtain a miserable pittance to save themselves and their parents , perhaps , from starvation ! The question was a question of blood , and those who should stand by , aud acquiesce in the continuance of such a system after iht facts which had been dialed , would he guilty of murde * . Every manufactory "was open to be viewed , and was proved , by concurrent testimony , to be a hive of s warning misery . The miserable creatures themselves , too , were brought before the Committee ; aud their sunken eyes , hectic chstks , emaciated limbs , on whioh was stamped the decrepitude of premature old
age , spoke for taero , and gave a fearful corroboration ti * their testimony . He trusted that he should not be mistaken in supporting the cause—the cause of those who had no protector , no voice but the voice of humanity ; and that it should have the support of all his energies , humble * $ they were , he pledged himself . It was said , that the number of hours it was proposed to reduce the labour of these children , was too { . mall ; but he was surprised tbat human nature could bear , under such circumstances , to work even that number of hours . He , for himself , considered that Ttn Houvs were too many ; but as medical men and men of experience had decided , that labour during that period could be borne , he should go alwg with them to that extent , but he would not consent to the addition of one half- !* our—nay , one minute , beyond tho time so decided to be capable of being eHdured . ""
" It is true , that O'Connell , afterwards , voted against tbese , his solemn protestations—nay , he even gave the casting vote against himself ! Ho also received one thousand pounds from the Manchester millowners and their friends . • ? " Those solemn declarations of Lord Ashley , were made in presence of Sadler ; that fact stamps them with double weight . Myself , and others , wero immediately dispatched to public meetings in Yorkshire and Lancashire , to inspire the hopes , and restore the confidence of the factory slaves , who were downcast at the less of the Parliamentary services of their champion—Sadler . The solemn declarations of Lord Ashley , at the London meeting , were quoted and requoted by us—until , at length , the hopes and confidence of the Ten Hours ' Bill men , were entirely centred in his Lordship . When the Bill was in committee , and Lord Ashley was defeated by the Government , on the Ten Hours ' clause , he entirely withdrew from the discussion , and left Lord Allhurp , to pass his own measure . *
" Now , Sir , it is impossible that Lord Ashley could have given the measure of his opponents a fairer chance than he has done ; for , even in the face of his solemn avowal before the London meeting , he deemed himself bound by honour to wait , and try it the Government measure would succeed . So determined was his Lordship to give his opponents' scheme fair play , that , when ho was urged by the Tan Hours' Bill-men , to redeem his pledge , he answered : — ' I cannot interfere , until Lord Althorp ' s Act , h&a had a fair trial . ' Nay , even when hia Lordship joined Sir Robert Peel ' s ministry , in 1834 , and when many enthusiastic friends expected that he would avail himself of his official situation , and introduce hia own Ten Hours' Bill as a Government measure , bo strong did he conceive the requirements of honour to be , that , even then , he vm silent , waiting for the proof of the efficacy , or inefficacy of the existing law
" The time , however , has now arrived , when tbe same feeling of honour , which has so leng restrained his Lordship , will impel him strenuously to exert himself for the fulfilment of his solemn pledge . • " Lord Ashley cannot now fail to be fully satisfied that he has waited till honour can wait no longer . He must now be persuaded , that the law of his opponents h ^ s had every chance which time , tho power of Govtrrnient , and tho aid of his friends can give it : and that ,
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after all , it U m / bUmrel He will now , intheHo&M of ( Joi ^ mona , redeem , bis solemn pledge , and taken * the Ten - Hours' Bill at a matter of eonsdenee , and &i such , be ( &malni& to carry It through . And ' If foiled by th « jT ° wer <* wealth ., ( which I know Is *» this moment , w ^ eribing its blood-stained thbuawjdT for the purpose of . ejnring procrastination and delay ) ha will , as long aa h « *«» » «»* in the House of Commons , and God gires Wm health and a sound taiai take care that no efforts , no exertions will be wantiojr ' on his part , to establish th » snect ^ s of the measure - and if defeated In the present session , ' he will keep his vow , and ' bring it forward in the next , and so on in every succeeding session , till bis success is complete . ' Never shall I forget the honest Indignation of Lord Ashley at tbe perfidy of O'Connell , wl < en the' monsiet Judas'betrayed the cause !"
Thus has Oastler pinned Ashley U > the postwhence if he flinch now—no flogging c& . u be more severe than he trill merit .
CORNER'S HISTORICAL LIBRARY-jOEN MARK , SWEDEN , AND NORWAY . i > n don : Dean and Monday , Threadne edle-rtrt et Nos . I . and II . This is a very popularly , clearly , well-writter f historical work , designed for youth , schools , » nd families . We do not recollect to have seen history so familiarly and yet so ably written , and so weu suited for the class of readers into whose hands it is designed the book should fall , as in the numbers before us . One great desideratum in all works which are intended to convey useful knowledge to the young mind is to present it in an agreeable and attractive form , such aa will engage the interest and absorb the attention of the student . This point ii fully attained in the edition before us .
The two numbers constitute parts twelve and thirteen of the series . They are wenpied entirely with the histories of Denmark , Sweden , and Norway , and are complete in themselves , and independent of preceding or consequent parts . Tkiaisa inerit in itself . ' We have not room for more than one iiroextracts Judging from the following , FEASTING AT FOBLIC MEETINGS WAS A 3 « M 5 Dij » a .
VIA * CUSTOM . " In Scandinavia , as well as in Gaul and € temany feasting was a part of every public transaction . Mar- ' riages , funerals , meetings on affairs relating to the state , or assemblies held for religious purposes , Ml were celebrated with feasts . At the national assemblies , which were held in the open air , all free men- wero allowed to attend , and to have a voice in every thing connected with the public -welfare . All persons time armed ; the king and nobles took their seats on stones placed for that purpose , the king's being higher ihsa
the rest , and then the priest commanded silence , and the king addressed the assembled multitude , wto signified their assent to any proposed measure , by clashing their swords against their shields , and their dissent , by a sort of groaning no-tse . When the latter was made , the proposition was usually withdrawn ; for tbe king was not an absolute sovereign , but merely the chief of a free people , who elected him themselves , and were willing / to be directed by aim ; though they preserved the right of opposing his will , if they thought he was not acting ftr the general good . "
In ' another page we find the ORIGIN Off 1 UK KING ' S CS&MPION . " Ihe -office of ckamp \ oa was instituted in the time of Harold Harfaargre , and it was afterwards introduced into other European countries . The duly of the champion was originally to guard the person of the king , and to revenge Stis quarrels ; therefore , be was required to possess extraordinary Strength and valour . He wa » frequently engaged in duels , in defewe © f the rights of his sovereign ^ and the scene of combat was usually some small uninhabited island 1 in the Baltic From tfiis custom , perhaps , originated the trial by combat ; - - in which champions were sometimes employed by females , or men wlio were too aged or infirm to fight for- themselves . A' battle of tHis natwre was called tbe Holmgang ; : and the island * where it was fought , tUe Holm . " And elsewhere is described the obstinacy of
THE NORWEGIANS OaHOSmOH TO < 3 Hai 3 : XrA « ITT . " In the meantime , Ms brother Haoo used every effort to convert the people of Norway to Christianity He built some churcbe&and monasteries-, and destroyed many of the heathen temples ; but tile prejudices of the people in favour of their ancient religion , were too great to b * -easily overcome , and loud murmurs arose : The landholders would not consent to a-forni of worship that made it a duty to rest one day in seven ; fur they all had slaves to cultivate their fields ; and they 1 >« jan to reckon how much- they shonld lose , if these poor
men were allowed to eeaae from labour so often . A Thing was > therefore , assembled to discuss the subject , at which tiie king was present , when one off the husbandmen got up and addressed him on the part of his neighbours , saying , that they had' elected him to reign over / them , On condition that he would support all their anoient institutnons , and they had come-to a resolution , that if he did not do so , and attend- tha sacrifices according to the custom ofrhis predeoeasors , they should elect another sovereign . " This , " saii'be , "is our determinatioB . ; . therefore , king , take-thy choice . " Haoo ohose to continue king . "
OIUG& * OF MAltKETS . "It waaabout this period , { the tsnth century ]] tbat fairs and markets began to be established in the North of Europe , and these gave birth to- towns ; for as-long as there were no regular places of trade , ever ? person built his house where it seemed most pleasant to " aira . But when aegu ' lae markets came to be held , ft was found SO eomnenient to live near them , that a- great number © f houses were soon builfe on the same spot , and formed towns , which gradually increased ia . size , wealth , » ad importance . "
StiVEBY IN EUROPE . " Slavery was & » general in Europe , at thistinWi [ the tenth century } that the principal merchandise at the fairs and markets in the north , and in Germas ? , con * sisted ofrcaptive 3 taken in the wars , which wera eften made & > the express purpese * t obtaining them . The common price ot a slave was ose mark , or eigki evnees of sU-kb . " Each number ia illustrate & with a neatly axecuted steel engraving .
ADVICE TO THE REXORMERS IN REFERENCE TO THE TAXES ON F © OD . Bi Samuel Gordon , Esq . Dublin : West , 154 , Cupel -street . Mr . Gordon has , in tiis little tract , demonstrated not only the iniquitous saturo of the starvation laws , but also , whether he intended it or not , tho mischief which must result from their repeal , without Universal Suffrage . Let those who complain that they are brought to the verge of ruin by these enactments , join the people for ihe attainment oi their rights , and we will pledge © arselves for the repeal of * hese and of all other bad and class-made laws . There are some facts added illustrative of tbe nice doings of that sink of iniquity , the Irish Court of Chancery ; to which we ui&y find it convenient to invite publio attention at some future time . The following remarks on the Whigs contain some sterling truth : —
" Probably , it were better for the country that the Whigs should occupy the opposition "benches ; while there they generally contrive to earn the character of virtuous Mdiidalens , and even set the Tories jealous of their good name with John Bull , and then the struggle begins as to who shall do most ; bat while in office they » re notorious for their profligacy and treachery . If they will give us no Reforms—if they will set their faces against the repeal of the Corn Laws , again » t the revision of the . Pensiou List ; if they will do nothing but betray the people on the subject of Lsw Reform , the Septennial Act , and every other measure of relief , the sooner the Hero of Waterloo drives them from their position in Downhjg-street tbe better ; we-shallthen
know how to act If he were to so to-moirow , it would be impossible to get up two meetings in their favour in the whole Tdngdom . It is almost unnecessary to go farther in citing instances of the real character of the professions of Reform made by the Whigs ; they erected a hurobng called a Board of Works for Ireland , and it appears by a report of a Committee of tbe House of Commons in 1835 , that the attorneys and lawyers of the Board could put the Company of a Railway of five miles' length to the expence of ten thousand pounds for a deed of mortgage ! that is , an expence of ten thousand pounds for the parchment or paper writing , and all this by the way of encouraging employment for the starving people of Ireland . "
FIRST COLLECTION OF BIBLE HISTORY A CATECHISM OF THE HISTORY . OF ENGLAND . First second , and third Cafechisms of Common Things ; and first , second , and third Lessons of Natural Philosophy for Children . BJ the R « v ^ T . Wilson . Lond on : Darton and Cia « , HolbornHill . . We have carefull y looked over the p&ges of these new and excellent helps to juvenile education , ana have much pleasure in recommending them to tna notice of on * readers , and the public generally . Mr * Wilson has- most ably executed his task , ana has provided a rich fund of information for the youtniui mind , on a vast variety of Buojecte , and in such * manner as to combine instruction with delight , lne opening intellect will here find ample range for the pxfirrifio of its oxnandinsr DowerB . and Will _ . M
pleasingly introduced into the paths of ^ 01 J le Tfj gaining fresh acquisitions at every step , aud thus becoming imperceptibly led to more advanced stages of real , practical improvements .. The lessons on Natural Philosophy are embellished with a w »* minature map of the globe , solar system , view ot « ne planets , &c , and with highly useful wood cuts , « - lustrative of several branches of the subjects treatea of . These add much interest and value to the dookb . We are sorry to observe some typographical ew ° "» which detract from the beauty of these admira Die works ; and what is worse , an inaccuracy m some 01 the dates , and a few of the details , which n *! " ** the young student into serious mistakes . v ; esa things we hope will be corrected in a second « fjtioD . We most especially recommend Universal philosoph y for Children , and the Catechism of Common Things , to genera ] adoption aud apptov * i .
Untitled Article
6 THE NORTHERN STAR ,
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 13, 1841, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct697/page/6/
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