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<gjt«nal Covre^onVtuce
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≪Gjt«Nal Covre^Onvtuce
< gjt « nal Covre ^ onVtuce
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^ 2 xotT »* costbtoatiok , upon the qc-bstk >> "s of expediency—transfer—COHPB OMISE-POLITICAL TRAFFIC , AND COilPEKSATlOX . Compensation , since the passing of the Reform Bill , become a term very extensive in political use ; but f ' jafl show that it , also , as the terms expediency j ^ compromise , has been misapplied . Ra tion means recompense for loas sustained , 9 egnrralent for service rendered .
So * the Reform Bill said , as plain as langnage can ^ -gt © earing , tlat the people had sustained great from &B ° ^ system of representation , and the tgrn Bfll m to hare Insured the nearest thing to ^ Tl gacai , that is , a mean * of preTenting a recur-* ° ^ ri * eTil > an < i to k * P compensation by ^ L jrf a Tote as an equiTalect for taxation ; because , * Vl ^ jj in mind , the one and only jewel of the iL-j , Bill was the admission of the principle , that tanaon and representation should be co-extensiTe and ^ jjsteut . Tiie people , then , long cheated under a a-ropi fjstem , -were , as a matter of course , the - jjgj fa ttis freat new compact who were to have got ^ BjpecssiJon . Weil , let ns see .
The first abuse which to proposed to be remedied mad jury jobbing in Ireland , and the placing all ,, jjgjtacts taken under the Road Act , and line * of tad placed in the hands of trustees for repair , out ol « £ binds of those who had long made * livelihood out gjths traffic—it being * lw * y * an < i « rstood that road . >\ £ fa , ia Irtknd formed one of the principal meant by -fcidi eoastry gentlemen in general , and county M . P . " s a parocnlar , proTided for creditors , servants , bad t-ats , poor relations , and political supporter * . * In suit instances , one , two , three , four , and fire thousand —^ hu been made by individuals in this sort of jogs , ib& sot satisfied -with the undisturbed possesiMdlucaiiTe abase , they had the matchless effrontery , fA QvTecnzL&t had the matchless audacity , to grant gojnpecaiitm , There the demand should haTe been for
rer iaiaaa jbenai instance of compensation ialways barring jgBaeaa ,, was the payment of twenty millions of gjggfi zaaaey , as compensation to saTages , human jsalaB , wco had made immense fortunes by ste&ng , idSng , and working human beings to death . Here , tie , Tfcere a Reformed Parliament should have ordered { a tf " esi Indiaa planters to disgorge and restore all k , jKjpgjty which they h » d made by the foulest abojsimb , Ute wrong parties step is , and get eompensa tjafa * ihsir own abuse .
Jj is not only to the poor negro that compensation * 8 & have been made , but to the English working tsej slso ; as the very principle established by the br trade made those of the mother country slaves ite , not only in the actual csntroul OTer their time and iioor , bat in controul over their life and property . Base , impressment for the nary , ballotting for the E 2 n » , kidnapping , child-stealing , and even man-stealjj ^ &ad EA n-seHing , were all so many abominations Bjaiticg from the parent abusa . Here , then , recompsat and equivalent were giTen to the aggressors , and pis by tlie aggrieved .
WIjsi Mother Church had dried np the pap 3 ot the jor old milca cow , by ' coatiauous milting—when tho jr » rn » tad literally eaten the calf in the cows belly citta the Catholie people were actually unable to jjj fat Protestant worship , the pt » ple of England ires called upon to " lend , " as they ca ) l it , one miilion rffiocey to the Irish parsons , but to sirs , as I call S , ST 3 tiro millions in loan , gift , law expences , adjostnd
rmm ^ adisbursement , and management of all jobbing rasas . Here , then , instead of the shepherds who , fan time immemorial , had been fleecing the nocks , beng compelled to sustain those flocks in the hour of seed , and Beasoa of calamity , we find the Tery poverty which they k&d in part caused urged as just grounds for ccspsnsaSion . Here , again , instead of the aggressors recsning reward , they &houl £ haTe paid compensation tc the aggrieTed .
Another , and a most singular case of compensation , was tiat of the Dvehess of Kent ' s annuity ; she was allowed , I think , seTen thousand a year for the education of her ownehild , our own Queen , and as soon as tbeiroiiwaa perfected , and she VU reliiVed of the bosHe and expeace , oce TOOld naturally say that she thosld tare ceased to receiTe an equivalent ior ner hiws , bet no , bo far otherwise , Parliament in its Tiidcm donbkd it , and continued it for life , that is fas her for life , lad upon yon and your heirs for eTer . Una the Ihidieffl got the compensation , and I trust , we till one day hare an equiTalent in the knowledge J « to be displayed as the fruits of the teaching .
llaTe disposed of country gentlemen , West India -plsntas , pHKjiu , sod the Qoeen's mother , and cow I come to tis ttd eorjHra&ons . These were considered the most esspi , jobbing , and eipensiTe institutions in the esairj , md , in fact , their corruption went a great " ¦ V is diffis&d for tilonn . The efficers liad long fattE « a tpoa ibase ind ploa < 3 er , -H-aici , as a matter of & £ & > tia reformed iEsrituti # ns , " the Rosasll purge , " ikadd hate made them disgorge ; but no , they get CEMsotion .
& . 0 "ConneH most heroically demanded compensates iar the o&esrs of the Irish corporations , whose fcii'nj tosuficrfrom the reformed system . As an acri&ai instaoM , not of corporation , but of loss of P ^ < a sbese , Sir Abraham Brsdey King stationer k as Crown , whe had made thousands and a title , P * I think , compensation to the amount of £ 2 , 800 a Vs . ^ B » . Ii is saturaUy to be presumed that judges *** a from that raDk at the bar in which the iosK fcrtmeshaTebeen made of public and private Ea kaBKs , ^^ dnr ^ g -which season of prosperitv .
^^ S ^ oald be laid up for a rainy day , and somet ^ j mareiBadiiition from the large salary of & judge . 211 , eren here , -m-s find , after making thousands s-3 l » 3 of ticrasaads , compensation is to be giTtn , 166 feutea years ' receipt of from £ 5 , 00 * to £ 8 , 006 PSSEBsm , in case of a Jndge retiring ; and after re-^ oft aijy £ 15 , 0-00 per annum in case of a j *» a £ orretiring . >' ow , I think , eTen sinking the 7 «? at the tar , md taking the lowest salary of a oc ^ * SenUenaan may contrive to lay up enough S KicTrn resocrses , of £ 70 , 000 in fourteen years , "•^ tomfortabl y upon for life .
¦* * ?* & as I mean to do here and there , giTe re T [ iailiTidnal instance of a gross j ob . Spring Rice *• tosntry into inexplicable difficulties , and got a * ^ £ ad £ 2 , 000 a year as compensation . I k " ** 14 ID S ° ' throaSQ eTery branch , and now U j * . ^ mos ' intricate , bat yon must follow me , JWoosg to nuke eTtry child of twelTe years of ^^^ aattad me . ^^^ 7- Let us , in analysing the immense snd ^^> ffiacSne ry of a portion of military abuse , fc ^ rf * *» ^ we were now beginning- the system , " r * » lair-piT officers .
bi £ ^ ' ta £ n » another French war , and an augmented jv ® 7 Dllm ^ er of troops , I care not what , say tof ij T ** ^ -k the several regiments commissions isa , "< old ' « given away . If sold , the GoTera-Jo « ree « Te the purchase money , say , aeeordiBgtai ^ y ^ £ ro for a cornetcy of dragoons , or faft ^ L foot T ° n Fay the full pay of the whole tea ^ ? ffll Berrice > but . suppose a reduction of the to J ^ Tfd k * 6 * Pl * cc ¦ wnat do you pay ? Why , Qks ^ from fifteen to twenty per cent for erer ^ ^^ T " * * hich GDTerEment b" receire d , ^ a iaif hsa end to tte BerTics - Y <) B p * y ka s » « i ' tad 1 Bar foT eTer * Ihe half-pay , ^ "fefe *^ 1 * ° ^ wtr ign , T-oTiia amount to from ^ htfaT * CCTt " Upon ^^ ° ^ S ^^ sums of TftuT * Wert wmmission . wim en
«* s * tet'Ir s * " « o priTate aalea of com" I «?*^! ""^ dual .-, they are notfoTeraed by ^ ^ fe ?**• inMni 11 ca « thre « time * the regnrf & «? Ml SlTeaTery often&r »»« ch * ngebyeffieen » 8 4 . t » ni from » " slow" to t crack " regi-^^? v m * " ** " «• Md wh 7 ? Be-! f ^ « W ^ I ^ lneat ' to ^^ three hundred Se *» ttffi P&r > * Dd ^^ P 0 * " ^ 7 Jnan of them " ^ WoL inflneiaB nPoa the same night , and *¦*** r f ~ WB 0 ^« ina to make his demand for the ^ ^ J ** 111 apenditme upon the following S ^' iJSr 110 ** ^ . til&t Wonld teerery iw ^^ Wt me mnsbate ^ you . ^ < Bake Sussex , Duke Cambridre ,
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Queen Adelaide , and Queen Kent , and all the Royal Family , were to die to-morrow , —do you suppose that taxes to the amount of what they now receiTe would be remitted , or that one farthing of the saving would go in ease of taxes yet to be laid on ? No , not one penny ; and , giTe me leaTe to tell you , that though we hear nothing of it , it is this accumulation of age * of abase , for which the people are obliged to give compensation , instead of the aggressors making restitution , which , is fast hurrying the aristocracy and middle claases to bankruptcy , and the peopla to beggary and revolt Ton see , then , there is no such thing as annuitants of abuse . When the life interest ceases , the fee reverts back to the original granters , and becomes tr&fne-money for new abuses , and increased support .
Obserre , that with respect to the three hundred officers , it makes no difference to you whether they hare purchased , or hare been presented -with their commissions . All the purchase money goes into the hands of the GoTemment ; you pay full pay during the period of service , and half pay in perpetuity . A sophist may say , how could all purchase , as cornetdes and ensigndes are the only commissions sold ! Suppose we had now one hundred thousand trtops , and no half-pay officers , and suppose that an augmentation of
ten thousand was required for war purposes . The superior officers of the old force of one hundred thousand would get a step , and the new force would be made up from their ranks , while , as all must commence with carrying the colours , you would haTe an appointment of subalterns for the whole one hundred and ten thousand , and even that would be too few ; so the first appointment ot ceraetM « nd ensigns WQUld . get a rapid step to the razdc ot Ueuten&ntt , and the thing would be done .
If parties who have power fail in a speculation they receiTe compensation for their insolence ; hence , the Chinese war was nothing more or less than a war of compensation for a set » f English , and , Scotch jobbers , who took lands in India for the purpose of growing opium upon speculation and forcing it , as a contraband and prohibited article , upon the Chinese . Had those who lost their smuggled property neTer complained , yon would never have heard of the war .
See how differently they treat the poor speculator . If a man establishes a private still for the manufacture of unadulterated spirits , and if it is seized , he loses his property , and subjects himself to heavy penalties . So if he smuggles gloves , lice , pictures , brandy , anything , even knowledge , from foreign countries , his compensation is to lose all bis property . The fnnders got an increase from £ 60 to £ 90 up # n all amounts " in the funds , just at a time when they should have reduced their demand , in consideration of the ' great redaction upon all the necessaries of life . The landlords gav 6 themselTes compensation , by raising their rents to nearly a war price , instead of reducing taxation to the level of a peace establishment Observe well , the people , in this instance , as in all
others , pay for all ; and last , though not least , of the lot , the parsons will look for their compensation when a repeal of the Corn Laws reduces tithes by reducing rents ; and John Bull , be he Papist , Jew , Turk , Protestant , or Athiest , will not escape the nicely constructed meshes of the holy and sanctified Church net All is fish that comes to that net ; Mid now , beHBTe H 6 , good Christians , that nineteen in eTery twenty State Parsons and Bishops in the Empire , would prefer receiTing a guinea for cavilling with a nation of infidels , to a pound recerred from a pious congregation of the Tery best of Christians . Philpotta , of course , won't tell you so ; but , if the honour of the Lords Spiritual could be relied upon , and should they hereby pledge it , they would , one and all , say the " guinea legally , upon my honour . "
Again , in the Excise , when the English and Irish establishments -were consolidated , we bad many JOOBg gentlemen of twenty-eight years of age , fox-hunting four days a week , and half drunk all the week . placed upon the superannuated list for compensation . What a farce ! > ! But so it is in all matters affecting the powerful ; and now let as apply the rule to the different orders of the lower classes . If I walk in Greenwich Park I am delighted at the sight of old men who have spent their youth in fighting the battles of tyrants and misrule . I dent blame the men ; they have been pressed , and even if volunteers , better that than starva
tion . If I follow them to their abode , I see none of the machinery of a cold bastile . I Bee a neat and comfortable sleeping room well fnrniihed for each . I see a contented family sitting joyous around a smoking repast I see them well clad . I see their rules and regulations put in operation , by those of their own erder and profession , arid who haTe a fellow feeling for them , as members of the sime profession . I hear of no restraint ot punishment beyond an exchange for a different coloured dress for drunkenness ; in short , I see them as men ought to be in the latter end of their days , happy , independent , and comfortable , and I see a noble school and college for the education of their cMiaren ; this is their jwsi compensation .
Bat when I come to look upon the autumn of the productive labourer's life , or rather the summer prematurely turned to winter ; when I reflect that in operative of the age of tbirty-five , has done more real service to his country and society than all the sailors in England , and when I see him still willing and able to work , but made idle and thrown upon his own resources and handed over for bis compensation to the tender mercies of thr-ee men , neither of his order or profession , no play-ground , no school , no tender care , no comfort , bat l # oked upon as $ o much proad flesh sloagbed from the general sore of over-population , then I am sick at heart . Again , look at the disabled and veteran soldier in Chelsea Hospital—look at the old man ' s HospitaL
Bat , bat , but , and above all , loos at the caeerfulnfess with which the -unrepresented allow the Government to vote annual compensation to the Polish patriots , while they allow them to vote a larger sum for the prosecution of their own patriots . Think well over that one political ticge in the picture- Yon cheerfully pay for the support of the Polish patriots , while your own , for a less crime in the eye of the law , are banished , at
your expence , after thousands being expended upon their mock trial and conviction . Again , 1 say , think of that , and also think , and think well upon this factthat the present generation of paupers , thrown upon tfeeir own poor resources , are compelled to pay com pensation for every abuss which has existed for ages , and been transferred to them , and that the liability is for ever ; hence has the evil so multiplied , that it liasbecome a monster difficult to be grappled with .
A poor girl is seduced and has a bastard ; she and her child are thrown upon her own resources . A rich woman is seduced 5 » y » monarch , and she has a royal bastard , wb , o receives -compensation , for bis mother's loss of chastity , and distinction to cover the royal disgrace . Think of that also . Idle country gentlemen got commissions in the militia , and when they were disbanded the staffs were kept in fall pay as tbeir-compensation . I could cite instances innumerable , but I have said enough to arouse reflection and awaken pride . Think , O think of those things , and dont lose sight of them . And now I take a moment ' s rest after this , I fear , too loDg and melancholy letter .
My next shall be upon Chorea Chartism , Teetotal Chartism , Knowledge Chartism , and Household Chartism . Bnt till you read all form no opinion ; in the mean time , though I mean to denounee one and all as trick , farce , cheat , or humbng , don't mistake me ,- I &o not object to Co&rtists beiBg religious—to Chartists being teetotallers—to Chartists thirsting after knowledge , or to Chartists voting out of , and living in , their own houses . No , no ; I approve of all ; but I will show you the danger of establishing four different methods of arriving at the same end , in which , although a perfect identity and harmony is professed , yet a totally different means of arriving at the end is proposed by one and all , which must inevitably split ranks , ( that should be united firmly npon a given principle , ) into four different detail sections .
Working men , stand by your order . Tou have been too often deceived by thiae who professed friendship , ever again to trust , saTe in yourselves . They have thrown you upon your own resources ; use them , and you are free ; abase them , and yon are slaves for life . I am , Tour faithful , devoted , and Unpurchasable Friend , FSASGUS O'CONNOB .
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TO EVERY WORKING MAN , WOMAN , AND CHILD ; TO EVERY FATHER , MOTHER , SISTER , BROTHER , HUSBAND , WIFE , UNCLE , AUNT , COUSIN , RELATION , FRIEND , AND ACQUAINTANCE OF SUCH IN ENGLAND . One and all I ask , have you read Martin ' s letter in last weeks Star , and are the victims yet in the dungeons , and in the clutches of the tender Shepherds i I cannot write tamely upon this subject ; who could ? My blood flies through my veins ; my brain is maddened , and my soul is on the rack , that I should be compelled to " read , mark , learn , an * iuwaidly digest " this horrid , heart-sickening tale , and be debarred tbs privilege of flying through the land with my wonted speed , to liberate the captive .
I must be calm , lest I write libel in the damning language of truth , and , thereby , allow the overzeal of the advocate to damage the cause of bis clients . You are all at large ; I am in one of the solitary cells f a felon ' s dungeon ; locked up from morning till night—bat what Is my suffering compared to the suffering pourtrayed by Martin , and silently endured by poor Carrier and others , who have not even the privilege of complaining ? nor indeed have I the privilege , but , being in a felons' gaol , I steal it Well , then , you are at large in the sea-bound dungeon ; and my mind is more free , within- the precints of my cell , than that of any one of my tyrant oppressors , who , though at large , are bound in mental fetters . Shall we join spirits , if not at hands 7 shall we mingle voices on behalf of the friendless , the captive and the oppressed !
The men of Sheffield say they will follow whithersoever I lead . I thank them , from my SOUl , fo * their confidence . I never will lead them from the path of virtue , or a single hair ' s breadth from the safe and straight road to freedom : not that I freedom which woald degenerate into licentiousness , but freedom ternperei with reason and discretion . Will they , and yon , follow me in the short and pleasing tour through the sweet fields of philanthropy for a little , a very little time 1 Will you wipe off the past stain up « n your country ' s honour , and prove that you . will have
freedom , at all events Will you join me in opening the dungeon ' s massive door , snd releasing its virtuous inmates ? 1 ask yon ia my own came , in your country's name , in God ' s n&roe . I would go down on my knees , and beg , in a voice , more suppliant than ever beggar asked for alms , or sentenced convict pleaded for his life . Your task shall be an easy one ; your duty shall be ft pleasing one , the most delightful that man can perform , that of doing gtod to others , of relieving the oppressed , and setting the captive free .
The value of my plans has ever been that they » re inexpensive , and , if followed , must lead to BDLCC 6 S 9 , while they done all the avenues against jobbing and political traffic Here is my plan . Send ten gooi . men to London , to meet there upon Monday , the 12 th of April . Call them " The Political Prisoners' Liberation and Chartist Petition Convention . " I must stuff the Charter in everywhere , as the means of putting an end to a recurrence of the eviL London , from » ur ranks , will add five to the number , making a compact Convention of fifteen . Let their duties be to receive petitions from all parts of the kingdom , for the liberation of all political offenders , and for the Charter—one prayer , and a short one , will answer for both . Let them divide London into
ten districts , and let a delegate and a London friend attend somewhere in his district every night , for the purpose of creating a proper feeling , and of getting up petitions . Let the missionaries , and all class-lea 4 ers , and all news-vendors , and all barbers and friendly shopkeepers have sheets for signature , and let notice be given , tit the several meetings , where the sheets lie , and have sheets at ail the meetings . l * t all the addressas ami petitions in favour of Frost , && , be sent at the same time . Thus you will have a compact working body of fifteen upon the spot , performing several duties at once . You will have yonr Transported Victim Convention , your Charter Convention and yonr Prisoners' -Release Convention all tria juticla in uno—three joined in one . 1 now come to the means .
If every hontst Radical in the kingdom will join me , we will do it at the slight expence ot one penny . Bear in mind that I can only rely npon roy own staff , and what do 1 ask thtm for i Why , one halfpenny a week , for two weeks , and no more ! If all consent to give one halfpenny for each of the last two weeks in April , it will pay jour delegates £ 3 per week a man ; pay for a place of meeting , and leave a surplus ; but we must pin our friends to a sura , say £ 30 a week for ten country delegates ; the London friends will cheerfully give a helping band in turn . I propose that the delegates shall remain in London till Monday , the 26 th of April , just one fortnight , and arrive , say on Monday , the 12 th of April ; that they shall receive two weeks' saUry , paid weekly , and that each district shall pay the expence of sending its delegates , and bringing them bade from London .
Oa or before Friday , the 23 rd of April , all petitions should be presented ; and on or before Thursday , 22 d of April , Mr . Dancombe , whom I recommend for the job , should give notice that on Friday , the 23 rd , ( upon the House going into committee upon the Irish Registration , I he will more upon the first part of the prayer of the petition , namely , as address to the Queen for the libera tion of all political prisoners . Whigs and Tories stand by each other better than we do , and they both unite against us ; whereas , if we were to unite heartily against them , their opposition would be bnt as the ripple npon the current
Now let me explain what we get by this . In the first place , we once more bring our question of national right before the world . You find that Lord John Russell attaches great importance to the eflect produced by domestic feelings and excitement , upon our foreign relations , and unless you absolutely throw yourselves in the -way ot the prfcfcS , it Will not report your proceedings , . AVliat makes the Irish bubble of more consequence than the strong current of national opinion throughout Great Britain ? Why , the Bimple fact that the press keeps it eternally boiling and it has its due weight .
Rtcollect that Mr . Charles Bnller has told you that " the most effective insurrection is that which never actually breaks out , but which is always to be apprehended . " Now , what do yon < rain for your £ 60 * Lvt us see . Firstly , you ought to have more than two millions of signatures for the Charter and tho release of your prisoners . Secondly , instead of allowing the Whigs to close the session , and snap theirflngera at the Chartists , exalting in having for ever put them down , yoa will have proved your increased resolution ; for , observe , ray friends , yon must not im . tgine that because you are satisfied in your own minds , that we have now two Chartists f « r every ene we bad before persecution led to the wider dissemination of our principles , that , therefore , those who read Whig and Tory newspapers , and who merely judge of questions according to their effect , as stated in the House , are tqually well informed upon the fact of the increase of Chartism .
There Ls one fact which , I think , ought to settle the question . It is this . I assure yon that notbiDg could possib . y give the Whigs so much pleasure as yonr total and complete silence upon the question of the Charter . O'Connell and his party wish { o make the Ministerial Irish humbug agitation an extinguisher for all others ; let us just put an extinguisher upon his rushlight for a fortnight . Again , if we are to have a dissolution , it is indispensable that you should be able to judge candidates by their most recent acts , and , believe me , many will willingly tell yon , for the sake of another seven year's lease , that they have changed their opinions since the National Petition , and would , if more recently tested , have voted for the Charter ; and as for the Chartist prisoners , tbey never heard of petitions or any great anxiety about them .
Again , London deserves well at your hands ; our brave and glorious Peats , Neesoms , Walls , Camerons , Spurs , and Boggis ' s have fought a glorious winter ' s campaign -, making war to the knife , Ofainst the united factions , In the very citadel . Tbey deserve aid , help , and succour from the provinces . I will , in another letter , prove to you that vre were all to have been sold , first , at L&tda , on the 21 st of January , and then in London . Well , you invigorate our noble garrison ; you strike terror and dismay into the amalgamators , and , above all , always bear in mind that Ministers never take the slightest notice of progression ; they are governed by results , and such results as would be produced by my plan would be more effective than meeting in thousands and tens of thousands ic the provinces , and not noticed by the press .
Again : the country never has , even to this hour , expressed itself upon the case of ^ e incarcerated Chartists ; and well may Mr . OConnOT go to his patriots at the Corn Exchange , and say , " Only just think of the rascally Chartists , with 431 prisoners , for mere political offences ; they allow them to die in gaol * , upon ths t * e&d-xDiu , without an effort for their liberation . O ! if we had but one repealer in , would ' nt he make the country too hot for any government that dared to keep him there against law and justice , and against Ireland ' s will . Oh ! I always told yon they were a paltry beggarly set , that did ' nt care for liberty . " Now could yon blame aim ? Oa my soul , I could not .
Recollect that I bat preach as I practised . Again , I ask you to think of my exertions for the D » rchester labourers , the Glasgow Cotton Spinner * , Frftrt , Williams , and Jones , and all the Chartists . I ask you to read OTer the numerous meetings that I convened for M'DjujJI , Lovett , Vincent , Collins , and the Subscription Committees , that I had appointed all over England and Scotland , and how I stood by the dvck on Frost ' s trial in December , 1839 , to the close at Liverpool in 1849 . Surely , we haTe a demand npon every man who ass been released , to come boldly forward .
But what is the expence ? Why , just a mite from each . Let us hear England , Scotland , and Wales speaking by next Saturday , snd teen the Editor will be prepared to lay a more detailed plan before you ; and , in the meantime let the mite from each place be collected forthwith throughout the land , and again I offer to be the Prisoner ' s Convention Treasurer , and to account for the
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monies , pledging myself , as usual , that the settlement shall appear against myself , rather than against the country . Send to my credit to the Leeds and West Ridtag Banking Company your subscriptions at once ; it shall not be touched , bnt by my order , and that only given according to your instructions ; there shan't be a sticking to the fingers , or deduction of half a farthing . Then , at once , proceed to elect yonr delegates . Elect them at public meetings ; appoint Monday , the 22 nd , for the election day ; you can give legal notice and . need not have tremendous meetings ; they may be all indoor , or oat-door , as you please , b « t let them be public meetings , and not the meetings of any district , or separate bodies , and let the people take care that each delegate is a South Shields Chartist , " the whole hdg , bristles and all . "
Now , we will hare no fending or proving , or afterclafs about thi * . I lay down the objects and means distinctly , and simply give you a list of persons from whom you may or may not , select ten to carry out these objects . The objects are to release yoar friends from hells and mad-houses , and to revive the Charter , and present the addresses , on behalf of Frost , Williams , and Jones . The means are a mite from each district ; a national fond to release our prisoners . The mods of carrying out the object is , by electing ten persona from the subjoined Ust , or any other ten whom you may think proper . The persons whom I name are : —
Mr . Moir , Glasgow ; Mr . Morgan Williams , Wales . They are pledged already by not having refused to present the addresses for Frost . Williams , and Jones , which can be done while they are iu London . Mr . PitkdtMy ; * Mr . Binos , or bia partner , Williams ; Mr . Arthur , Carlisle , Some one of the Frost , Williams , and Jones' Restoration Committee , from Birmingham . He also must be chosen at a public meeting . Mr . Deegan ; Mr . Leech ;
Mr . Jones , of the National Charter Association , residing at Leeds : Mr . Arran , ditto , Bradford ; Mr . Maraden , ditto , Bolton ; Mr . Duncan , Edinburgh ; Mr . Dover , Norwich ; Mr . Gill , Sheffield ; Mr . Cbarlton , Newcastle ; Mr . Martin , lately released from Gaol ; Mr . Smart , Leicester ; Mr . SkeTington , Loughborough ; Mr . Greaves , Oldham ; Mr . Wilkinson , Halifax s
In fact , thousands , whom I don * recollect at the moment . I don't mention M'Dounll , as I find , that he will be engaged about his new publication just at the time . Now , if all those named will send in their assent , or dissent , to the Star , at once , the list can be published on the 20 th , and the elections can take place upon the 22 nd ; sad , if more than the ten should be chosen , I propose that the names of all chosen should be sent to the Executive , at Manchester , who , from the numbers chosen , shall select ten , the names of which ten they shall submit to a public meeting , upon Monday , the 29 th , and should the meeting think proper to substitute any of those postponed by the Executive ,
for one chosen , let a show of hands be taken . Always bearing in mind that three are already chosen , vi « ., Moir , Williams , and the Birmingham delegate , and , I think Pitkethly ' s presence is absolutely indispensible : he is the most practical man for such business of our party , and ¦ works like a horse when humanity or principle moves him ; and here I take the opportunity of saying that whatever credit I may deserve for my exertions npon behalf of Frost , Williams , and Jones , and the Glasgow Cotton spinners , that it is my firm conviction , and always has been , that but for Pitkethly , Frost , Williams , and Jones , would bave been murdered , and the Cotton-spinners would have been transported . He is the man for work—he knows every one , and never spares himself .
Then in London you have Sanlcey , Peat , Watkins , Neesosa , Cameron , Boggis , Wall , Spurr , and the rest of the troops who have so nobly kept watch and ward during the winter , and you will have the invaluable aid of Lovett , as far as the remnant of health left him by the Whigs will admit . In short , London won't be behind . If these things are worth £ 60 let them be done ; if not , let Martin , the Irishman , continue to shame you , one and all , every week in the Stmr . Let the subscription be national , and should there be a surplus , the surplus to be given to the Executive of the National Charter Association , to assist in beating and keeping down the cock-tails .
Who will sead me the first letter announcing that a lodgement has been made to my credit , as above ? Hudderafleld , Barnsley , Carlisle , or ( JlMgOW ; one of those against the field . When any sum baa been transmitted , let a letter be Bent to me stating the amount . Chartists of England , here is a new , a safe , and a delightful field open to you , without a'single briar in it ; no illegality , no hobgoblin : up then , an <{ let us have a short run , what tMe sportsmen call a " blood run , " the Charter , for fourteen days . The Spectator has asked when the peopk's business is to come on in the House ? I answer , now , n « w , this instant Bear in mind , that a little from each will do , and will be money well spent , even if we take a mercantile view » f the case , as success will relieve the country of the burden vt the families of the Chartists .
We Lave seen the eft « et produced upon the House l > y humbug agitation ; let us shew them that " the moat effective of all insurrections , is that whictl neTer actually breaks out . but -which is always to be apprehended . " I thank the Rev . Mr . Hill for impressing the maxim of Mr . Buller upon my mind , and upon the minds of his numerous flock . Mark , Englishmen , Martin is my countryman , and I aru proud of him ; and if I was the only Irishman in England , I hereby pledge myself to drag Master Shepherd to the bar of justice ( if we can find it ) , as be dragged Mr . Martin .
Again , observe , you have the following Irish Chartists , prisoners , er liberated after suffering : —The schoolmaster , your teacher , O'Brien , Martin , Hoey , Asuton , White , Byrne , Duffey , Doyle , and O'Connor . Now , I tell you what : I know they won't let me out , antl , in faith , I can scarcely blame them ; and I hereby release them from all obligation , and will b ? satisfied , if they let the others out , and will pledge myself not to send out another despatch during the who ; e period of my imprisonment ; bo they will be better off than ever . Now , then , let us put a leg under Chartism , and knock Whiggery and humbug off its crutch , otherwise , beliyve n » e , " plain jonn" will chuckle and say , Well , didn't I put the Chartists down for you , and got the Peers out of the Cardigan scrape " upon my honour : " he did , but , apon my soul , he shall not put down Chartism so long as Feargus O'Counor lives .
I have no more to say , but that I will look upon every penny sent as a rich gift , from the poor bui generous and grateful people . I am , A Beggar , But only for the Captive , and I am , Your Friend , Feaugus O'Connor . P . S . Mr . Hill should give a draft of a petition irith groat care , and make it national , so that one will do for all , and then the several districts will merely
require to bave it read from the Star , and when adopted , without the slightest alteration , ( if adopted at all , ) as any alteration in a particular district would invalidate the signatures from that district , particularly in the form of prayer . Let the sheets be then signed , and sent at once to whatever address the delegates shall publish as their place of meeting , after arrival in London . Sign on one Bide , and have the paper ruled ; one pennyworth will contain six hundred signatures , if properly done . Let tbe men and women Bign different sheets , so that the men ' s and women ' s petitions may be presented separately .
I believe that not a man whom 1 have named can bepurchased for gold , or corrupted by the influence of the Court , or tbe cock-tails . Let us hear nothing about dictation . Elect whom you please , but I have thought it right , as I have an abundance of time , to ossiht , as much as possible , in simplifying the arrangements . And , again , bear in mind , that Pitkethly , Moir , Williams , Deegan , Q 11 , Smart , Skevington , and Marsden have been already honoured with public confidence , by tbeir appointment to the Convention , and Deegan a second time , by being elected to the highly honourable and important office of district missionary . Leech the talented and honest missionary , has also b « en honoured with your confidence , and so has cboritoa , of Newcastle , as I met him upon the Frost , Williams , and JoneB * Delegate Meeting , at Manchester , and so have the gallant Williams and Binns been honoured , both by persecution , and election to
sundry missions , and so has Martin , who has just emerged , pare as gold , from his twelve months' tomb in the hell madhouse , and all Yorkshire will answer for Jones and Arran , and Robert Wilkinson ; as for DoTer , the Bishop of Norwich , and all the nobility and clergy will testify for him . Lancashire will testify for James Greavfa ; indeed , he was a delegate to Leeds upon the glorious 21 st All Scotland will approve of John Duncan , and all Cumberland of honest James Artliur , of Carlisle . In fact , to me it matters ' not one farthing , provided you select no cock-tails , or Household Suffrage men , who ¦ would merely take our money and their expences , and then sell us in the London market , while I defy the whole gang to purchase one I bave named , and that Is what you want if O'Brien knows any one in Brighton , er the South , let him name is many as he ean think of , and bi » recommendation will be enough .
Let all who object to be put in nomination communicate at ones with the Star , and let any other person name ten , or twenty , or ten thousand , if they are as honest , as talented , and as well-tried as I have named , and as free from cock-tail influenza , and you cannot go wrong .
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TO HER MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY THE ¦ ' ¦ . ; .. .. - . . QUEEN . . . : MASAK . —HaTing noticed some of the points to which the attention of Government should be directed as to individual reform , we will nowproceed to examine those institutions of society to which immediate and searching attention should be given , in order to their being brought into accordance with the demands of justice and Christianity , and made to conduce to the general happiness and improvement of the people .
On this subject , I mast , notwithstanding Its importance , be rery brief ; which , however , is of the less consequence , because I must of necessity return to it at considerable length , id ih& conclusion of these letters . For the sake of order , I will class the institutions of society which so imperatively demand re-organisation under three heads , as subjects of observation and enquiry : —the arrangements of trade , the influence of the Church , and the constitution of Parliament , including , in the latter , the appointment of Magistrates and other ExecutiTe Officers .
First , I Bay , that nothing like a sound , healthy state of society can be produced , consequently , nothing like » general developement of good and virtuous principles can be rationally expected to pervade the bulk of the nation , till a Radical Reform is effected in the prevalent customs and arrangements of the trading community . Persons engaged in trade , I include , of course , under this general description , manufacture and commerce , may with strict propriety be divided into three broadly marked and distinctly recognised sections : —those possessing Urge capital , and who , by that means , have the power of ruling the
markets , whenever they think proper to do so ; those who have small capital , and who are , therefore , only purchasers at such prices as the interest or enpidity of the others , may permit them , and who , besides , must render themselves the bond slaves of wealth , by taking long credit , and giving it in return , at the influence ol which they are passive to the support of every base and nefarious scheme which is generated by the graspers of property , for their own use , and the aggrandisement of their families ; and , lastly , the working bees , who are compelled to labour in a state of most perfect competition , against accumulated gold , and untaxed machinery .
Tht first of these sections would U * O Well to obtain fr « m the Herald ' s Office , a patent to adopt and use , in all their transactions , and to have emblazoned upon every part of their splendid equipages and mansions , the bone leeab , as a crest , and the words " Give , give , " as a motto . To fancy anything more destitute of feeling or humanity ; to suppose any combination of intense selfishness and low cunning more perfect , than the grasping , wealth making capitalist , is impossible . The prophet Joel bos drawn their picture to the life— " The land is as the Garden ot Eden before them , and behind them a desolate
wilderness , and nothing can escape them . " The ledg « r is their Bible , and the mill , or the counting house , their temple ; they would grasp at every green thing , and and would accumulate house to house , and field to field , till they were left alone ia the midst of the land . Let your Majesty issue out a commission of enquiry , and let them report faithfully to Parliament how many landed estates , which had been in the hands of the nobility ever since the Norman conquest , have , within the last fifty years , by purchase or marriage , passed into the hands of those who have risen from the ranks of the working classes ,
solely by a system of legalised robbery ; a system which has enabled them to advance to opulence and affluence , by coining the life , and blood , and soul * of men , women , and children , into heaps of shining ore , or to rear up for them places of almost imperial magnificence . Let the Commissioners also further inquire how many thousands of acres of land , once common right , have , during the same period , been misappropriated by the operation of Inolosure Bills , and how much of the said inclosed lands are now in the possession of the same monied and mushroom aristocracy ; iviul , in conclusion , let the said commission ascertain , as far as possible , how many families who , in an age which rewarded industry , occupied comfortable homosteads , and brought up their families in habits of
useful and productive labour , ate now , in this age of mills and machinery , of railroads and steam navigation , pining away in # ellars , or dying slowly in Unien workhouses . Let your Majesty , I say , issue out a commission to report faithfully on these subjects , ( the nation , impoverished as it is , viill not grumble at tbe expence , ) and I will warrant that yon will be convinced thi » t the very class whose prosperity you ore taught to consider as synonymous with the prosperity of the empire , is in truth a vampire , sucking the very heart ' s blood of the nation , and seeking to gratify the insatiable craving of its own infernal avarice by at once undermining the legitimate influence of the landed interest , and the comfort , happiness , and independence of the industrious classes .
Turn we now to the second section of the trading population—the men with email capital , who go to market at the utmost possible disadvantage , and are reduced to tbe necessity of resorting to means the most disreputable , in order to maintain their station in society . And even this they cannot effect , as the numerous failures among them abundantly testify . This section , as a section , are as bad as the rest . Their coat of arms should be the lash and short weights ,
quartered with the New Poor Law ; the supporters , a slave driver and a vulture ; the crest , a spaniel ; and the motto , " Legion . " For , to wealth and station they ate fawning as a spaniel ; to tbeir dependents they are cruel as slave-drivers ; an inexperienced customer , a greenhorn , as they call him , they will cheat a » d bid " God bless him , " as the pious hypocrites ot Glasgow have recently testified ; to be Poor Law Guardians , &c . is their heart ' s delight ; and upon an unfortunate creditor they will fasten like a vulture .
We never find these gentry ( I mean as a body , for , doubtless , there ore many honourable exceptions ) trying to ameliorate the condition of society . On the contrary , the little wages of the labourer they make still less by their base adulteration of goods , and by their scandalous overcharging in price . It would be an Herculean task to cleanse this Augean stable . The interest of the nation
does , however , demand that the river of legislative interference should be turned in among these gentry without delay , especially among the licensed victuallers and beerhouse keepers , and the small shopkeepers The latter ought to be placed under a salutary system of surveillance , that they might become honest by good looking after ; and the two othera should be swept away altogether as on intolerable nuisance , no longer to be endured .
The manner in which these small capitalists conduct their business is sufllolent to prove that , -whatever pretensions they may have to brains , they have none at all to hearts . They employ as . few hands as possible , and at rates of remuneration "which will not permit them to procure the means of mental culture , even had they time to make use of them , or to enjoy the more refined amusements of society . Time , however , they have not ; they are now considered only as machines ,
and are used accordingly . Late hours destroy at once their bodily health , and their moral character . Only think of the hundreds of young men and women , who are nightly compelled to travel the streets of this vast metropolis , and every otJhet large town In your Majesty ' s dominions , exposed to all the moral contagion which walketh about in the darkness , and with far more destructive consequences then the most fatal pestilence that ever visited the land . Yet , this is a small matter in their estimation ; the lives , and health ,
and souls of those young persons , are nothing In comparison with their fancied interests-Yea , not a few of them can keep them to an hour in which they would not Buffer their own sons and daughtera to be abroad , without parental prote * tion ; andcaniin the plenitude of their sanctimonious hypocrisy , whine out thai their bnslneas requires their late attendance ; but they hope they will be safe under tlie protection of ProTidence . The above may serve as a very imperfect sketch of two of the sections of the votaries of trade . Let US for a . few momenta surrey the thir € .
The portrait of the labouring classes of this country was painted long since by a masterly hand :- " law char is a strong city , reaching down between two windows , and he saw that rest was good , and the land that it was pleasant , and he bared his shoulders to bear , and became a servant unto tribute . " A likely way , truly , either to enjoy the goodness of rest , or the pleasantness
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of the land ; none but an asa would have hit upon such an expedient , and no wonder that he found two burdens to crouch under . Yet this is the exact prototype of the soulless conduct of the weak , producers of thl « country for many years back . They have laboured to make them rich who now look down with sovereign contempt upon them , and who , from all the fruits « f their incessant toil , can afford tkem ne more than a " coarser food" diet , while they are capable of workings and the cold charity of a poor-house to solace the mmoinder of their days .
Thank God , a new state things is approachiug : » state of things in which the Bible law » f equity will be acted upon , and "he that laboureth will be first partaker of . the fruits . " This is , as all unprejudiced people wiJl admit , nothing more than fair and reasonable . But the present usages of trade must be altered , and altered most materially , before this state of evenhanded justice can be found amongst us . But we are on the march ; and it is beyond the power of men and devils to keep us back . We have next to inquire into what I have designated the influence of the Church ; but , as I have occupied all my space , I must conclude for the present .
lam , Madam , Your Majesty's faithful and obedient subject and servant , KUMA London , February nth , 1841 .
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BKONTEKRE ON THE MIDDLE CLASS UNIOIT . ( From * letter to a friend i * Edinburgh . ) Lancaster Castle , February 18 th , 1841 . MY dear M , —The more I reflect on it , Uaa more I am convinced that the new project of " uniting with the middle classes" was originated in Machia-Telism , and will , if it goes on , eventuate in the disorganisation of tbe Chartist body . With every disposition to discard prejudice and factious feeling , lean BtiHcom * to no other conclusion than that it is the offspring of fraud , begotten upon the body of folly ; the fraud ef th « capitalists who have started it , —the folly of the few
workpeople who hare become parties to it If tb former were honest men they wonld have long ago coma to some explanation with the Chartist *; or , at any rate , interposed between them and the l&te furious proscription in which 80 many thousands of them have suffered in and out of prison . That they have not done so proves that the despotic conduct of the Government ( and ot its " instigators , the middle classes ) has had thoir sanction . It also affords the strongest possible presumptive evidence that had not the tyranny of tn * Government so signally failed to subdue or crush us , wa should never have heard aught of the redoubtabte " Fox and Goose" Union .
I bave already observed that I should not be opposed to a union between the middle and working classes if I . saw any likelihood of &n . honest union ; a union having for its object equality of rights and mutuality of interests . But I see no such prospect ; nor do I think such a union possible in the existing state of parties . Indeed , I regard the proposal as a downright insult to the Chartists ; for , let them twiat and turn it as they may , ¦ what is it , &ftet all , but a proposal to us to unite with the very tyrants of tuhtse tyranny we complain , and
jgaxntt whom we demand the protection tfself-government * A union with tbe middle classes against the Government , forsooth ! A union , as I remarked before , with the Creator against his creature . A union with tbe opprestor ^ gamBtthei'istrumenlhe makes use of to oppress us . ' Is there not folly on the face of it For what else is the present Government than a Government of the middle classes ? What else is that Government than the tool and creature of the middle Classes ? at OBCti tkfl breath of their nostrils , and the Instrument of all their liberticidal projects ?
Is net the Queen the mere puppet of her ministry for the time being ? Are not these ministers the mere creatures of the House of Commons ? Can they hold office a single week without the consent and support of the House of Commons ? Can any branch of the public service be carried on without the consent of the House of Commons ? Does not that HoUSd hold tho purse strings of the country ? Does not the official existence of every minister and ether public functionary
depend on its votes of credit , and may it not , by withholding the supplies , suspend the entire action « f tbs Government-machine , and make all the constituted authorities march in whatever direction it may choos * to dictate ? These questions must be answered in the affirmative . It must be admitted that the House ef Commons possesses all this power , and admitting that , you must admit tbe corrollary—iliat the Government of the country resides essentially in the House of Commons .
But by whom is the House of Commons elected ? By about 700 , 000 usurpers , of whom it is notorious that the vast majority belong to what we call "the middle classes . " Even your leading Whig organ in Edinburgh —the Scotsman—bas admitted that the middle classea constitute upwards of three-fourths ot the whole electoral body . I know they form a still forger proportion , but taking it even at three fourUis , we have thereby the fact established that the constituency is a middle class constituency ;—that the House of Commons is of middle class creation;—that the representation of the country is but the breath of the nostrils of the middle classes . ' —and consequently , ( every other department of the Government being dependent on the House of Commons , ) that in the middle classes resides essentially the government of the country .
When , therefore , it is proposed to us to unite with the middle classes , in order to bring about an organic change in the Government , what else is it than a proposal tounite wilh the Government , what else is it than a proposal to unite with the ' usurpers to set aside their own usurpation , by helping' them to break the instrument of their own despotism- ^ -the very instrument by which tbey uphold their usurpation ! If this be not delusion I know not what delusion , is . Why , folly herself is outfooled by such a proposal !
I might , if I chose , call your attention to the various institutions and local administrations of the country , and shew you , by the irrefragable evidence of living facts , that the usurped dominion ef the middle classes is even more glaring ( as it is more absolute ) in these departments than in the general Government itself . But I knew I am writing to a man of sense and observation , and , therefore , I need not inform you that middle-class influence reigns paramount in all our municipalities—in all our Town Councils—and In all our local administrations and jurisdictions . Are not all our corporate bodies composed almost exclusively of the middle classes J Are not the civic authorities
elected by them ? Are not all . our borough magistrates ( though nominally appointed by the Crown ) appointed at their suggestion , out of lists furnished by them t » the Home-office ? And ia not the local administration of justice ( or rather of . the law ) altogether in the hands of those authorities and magistrates?—I mean as regards criminal matters ; for the rogues will not trust civil cases ( which concern their own properties ) to other than the regular judges of the land ? And is not the military as well as the civil force of the country at the permanent beck and call of those authorities , and obliged inalftimes or under all circumstances , to act upon their requisition—even to the extent of
slaughtering the very people who pay for their maintenance , and towards whom our constitution declares they shall stand in no other relation than aa defenders from aggression ? Do not the middle classes effectually control the police , through , the commissioners elected by them , aa they do the military , through the civic authorities of their nomination . And is not the administration of the Poor Law entirely in their hands or in those of their creatures ? Except a few em-officiot , have they not the election of guardians , overseers , masters , and mistresses of workhouses , See ., and are not even the taojJuAo guardians , as well as the Poor Law Commissioners themselves , indirectly appointed
by them through their toola in the General Government ? And , above all , Is it not from the middle classea that juries are selected , and haTe they not , therefore , aa jurors , a sort of supreme power of life and death , liberty or captlTity , happiness or mig « ry , ttc , fcc , over the rest of their follow-subjects 7 Buttt i » Only wasting time and words to pursue the subject forttoer . A single glance at our institutions must shew anyman of sense that the whole substantial power of the country is wielded by the middle classes . Yet , we are modestly iuvitad to coalesce with these classy for the demolition of the fabric of their own power ! I defy Daniel O'Connell himself to stomach the impudence and quackery of » nch a pror o : al I
* . ? . ? ? Yours , devotedly , James F . Q'Briwx
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THE NORTHERN STAR . J
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 13, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct697/page/7/
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