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(prtfrtnal Corr^pontwiw
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THE POWER OF THE MIDDLE CLASSES
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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(Prtfrtnal Corr^Pontwiw
( prtfrtnal Corr ^ pontwiw
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q ^ OSXOB ON CHURCH CHARTISM , TEETOTAL CHAKTISM , KNOWLEDGE CHARTISM , AXD HOUSEHOLD SUFFRAGE CHARTISM . M T FrStlA 5 £ D , BLISTERED , TJKSHOKK FE . IEITDS , ^ . ¦ R Hen a principle i » once agreed upon , the afe , the jore , wd the speedy means for its accomplishment 42 o old be the one great ud never abandoned object of Uj advocates ; and , therefore , the labour -which I hare ^ dsrt aken becomes narrowed to the simple consideration of the feet , whether Church Chartism , Teetotal Charti sm , Knowledge Chartism , or Honseiold Suffrage Qjufcim , are , 6 Mh or all , or any of them , likely to be t nit , % tore , and a apeedr means toward * th « achievement of the Charter .
j contend for it , that onles » the four sections form of tfjea aelTea , in the first instance , a quadruple alliance , OaX their four distinct and different means to an end , t hough that end be identical and the same , constitute a p rinh fade case against them , and is calculated to lad to sectional and party dispute , and , ultimately , to dta distinction . I contend further , that even if consolidated into one lEisaee , hiring but one object in view , tiu > t in th « propriety ef that alliance a large majority of the people most join , « ih « rwise it also becomes bnt a gectionil alliance , with a fonr-fold strength , and ten-fold power of QDing mischief . Bnt when I find that the four parties recommend distinct and separate means for the accomp lishment of the same end , then the case jgainst each becomes stronger and stronger .
I yhftfl first consider the Church party , 'under the jipificant denomination which it has assumed , the " Christian Chartist Chnrch" party . Now , in the outset , what does the title " Christian Chartist " mean ? or has it any meaning ? We must , for lade of explanation , take it literally to mean a new lyttem of Chartist Chttrehism , to be ready eat and dry , s » . substitute for & State establishment ; of tkia there OB be no doubt , because religien cannot , like politics , k put am and off according to expediency . In this riew , then , we haTe a substitute for the great grievance ol vbich all parties , save those who pocket by it , com plain .
Cfen «*« m Protestantism , or State Church , in its infucy , merely struggled for toleration ; but when it got ¦ p dmai strength , it looted for equality , and , when it gotpoStecai superiority , it look spiritual ascendancy , ad assumed political supremacy ; but , in its infancy , it ni just as tolerant a * the Ckristian Chartist Church ii bow , and , in its power , ' it is sot a whit more obnoxious , tyrannical , and exclusive , than a Chartist Qrarch would be if once sanctioned . State Church is the Christian Tory Church , and Ctartiam seeks , as one of its great and useful ends , the intitilition of the domination of that Church ; and the manner in which Chartists are called upon to test their sheerity in a desire to put down a State Chuich , is by establishing one of their own in its stead .
Christian Dissentism is the Whig Cburch , which ao » but waits for a sufficiency of political power to sale Dr . PnflpotU and Mr . Bainftt , the church-rate nartjr , as he is called , change places . There is no instance upon record of one church being even charitable to another church ; the strong is always tyrannical , the we ak is always tolerant , till its turn comes , and then it justifies its own intolerance upon the plea of retribution and religious vengeance for past fflffpfrn g .
As a political engine , let us now test the means by which os ? new-light Chartist Christians are to serve ibs principle for which they profess to contend . Does their incorporation weaken the enemy and strengthen thansalves , and does their increased strength , if they deriTe any , add to the general strength of Chartism ? They cannot weaken tha enemy , because the Staie chzrch -win haTe its dues ; and . if they recruit their church from the Dissenters' Tanks , they become but the foundation of a new diwsent sect They cannot , therefore , strengthen themselres , as they do not weaken the enemy , and , u a consequence , they can give no additional strength to Chartism generally .
wea , imi , ssy » * : p&star or Deacon , we can strengthen ocrsclTes -wiihont weakening thB enemy ; we can fire our disdples with religious enthusiasm , and , like all martyrs of old , breathe spiritual life into our political body . Then , I answer , you are fanatics , and not UulTBTsal Christians , because you admit an opposite creed to those with whom you contend , while the Tery essence at Chartism proclaim * civil equality to lead to to nniTEisal right of religious worship as each
» h » D deem fit Well , so we mean , say the Christian Cantata . Then , I ask , are all Chartists , who are not eomrmmi easts of your church , infidel Chartists ? and if your religion is so pure as to be uniTersally adapted by aD , yon nmst differ ia faith from all < rerti"g sects ; therefore produce your articles of rtligiotis faith , beticje haying founded a Church , which is even a more extensive term than a sect , you must hare some peculiar kith or yon are humbugs .
Well , but yon answer either that you haTe no creed , at that your creed is so universal that all men ought to * & opt it If you hare no creed you can haTe no church ; sad , if you hare a creed , and if that creed doss not embrace Catholicism , Protestantism , DissentlEi , QniterLsm , and an the minute ramifications of those sev eral parent stocks ; do you not exclude all Ireland as conscientious Catholics , and all England « conscientious Protestants , Dissenters , Catfco-Ea , or Infidels ? So that if you haTe no peculiar faith yon haTe no title to the designation you hsre taken ; and if you haTe a faith , and if il is noi a hodge-podge faith , a faith which con-> eiaatbas Christians : Trill not subscribe to , you become a excluHTe sect of- politico-religious adTenhirers , tia ^ J withyenu pious loaf to pop into the Chartist oren She moment it becomes heated .
I , for one , woul d abandon the Chartists and Ckar-&m tomorrow , if I thought that the noble political principle , for which I bave suffered so much in mind . Wr » and estate , wm , m a first ridsr , to be saddled * ith say peculiar creed , faith , or church ; or eTen if WETB Was to be a thing Culled " * Christian Chartis ; Co = rea ; - which , thougb mild in its name , and toler-* = * aaa sycophantic in its infancy , -would gain pre-Raptign as it gained strength , and increase in tyranny ** it increased in power .
" ell , but are yon indeed Christians at all , and are yoarTisws &s extensive and primitive as you profess ? t&ey are , liTe , aa before , upon your honest industry , ttd preaeh when you h&Te time , in the Zt fiiket-place , Bd cross-roads , and carry with you " neither purse nor toip .- ix , aoi oont j yow Katies in the same spirit m whi £ k T ° n haTe commenced your catling , by creating ttstent ion , cenfusion , and strife , instead of " peace ^ J » d will imoag men . " You haTe doae more , in rf 6 * lilort months , to create disunion , than in a whole ^ yw cou ld , by your preaching , heal . Do you ~ iagne Hoi it was left for you to found a creed r ^ wiu , to commence in strife axd . end Psace ; to lay its foundation in
dis-^ so and erect a superstructure in harmony ? Tours » eclasiTe dealing in religion ; a kind of spiritual ^ P&ttiTe store . The people tried these in ficsb temporal goods , and , in ' many instances , they ^ that they put doirn one body of shopkeepers , tf order . i sm }*• althougli an extensiTe , yet a weU-~~~^ poUtieal designation of a political party . 118
¦^ f ^ CaartisTn , thoug h apparentiy , aU-embracing sett * f ^^ ' CMries ^^ U ^ c 11161011 of H ot her from whom we expect poUtieal aid . TheCatho-» ouid become oar bitterest enemies if we allowed H Z ** " * ^ y ^ tb ^ t ; they haTe suffered from ° ^» wpianU ^ and would dread yon ; * o with the j £ «« rcwu » portian of the Dissenters ; while thoee of gj **** Chnreh , who wwild fladly go with as for ciTil Zyj * •» religiotti tyraany , whi ch is the worst of all *™ J . m the fore-ground of your Christian Chartism .
J ** *** * ¦• ord , I protest against your a » un > pttoB of ^^ "Chri « t ^ a 1 arti « ChBrclL'' Fiartly , as an ^«« ; « ooudly , „ trick- , thirdly , a * cal-» 3 wh * *** "" P" ^ < rf infidrtity upon & ii « f * ^ ^ « creed ; and , fourthly , because ¦* *> ph 6 d admisrion that the establishment of j ^ ai Polibeal liberty is to be followed by the estab-^ ia Scotlaad ; ( I mak e wlat Iconsider a fair and ^ st 7 S ? ' * Scotl 4 Bd . 0 * establishment of •** ' vnTECch preacher * » tsKi »>« /„ . * v *
, j ^ J- ^ snmchia . U , ey haTo not a State Church to ^^ t * h « b . it ctisU in England , they strengthen ¦ * the -J ******* *• ^^ 7 in the Tital point ' S-money ; and , tatbsr , many of the in-
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terested supporters of the Toluntary principle are our greatest political enemies . Again , it is a well understood thing that in . Scotland all the p # wers of Europe could not establish a Christian Chartist Church , or any other particular ascendancy Church , through the instrumentality of the Charter . Tfaepreache » in Scotland strengthen Chartism , while they -weaken humbugism . The preachers at Birminfha » weaken Chartism , while , fortuaataly , they do not much strengthen humbugism ; bat no thanks to them . In Scotland the preachers assume no distinct religious bearing ; and the best proof ot the difference between Sc » tch
sad English Chartist preaching is this : la Scotland it unite * th « people , aid weakens and disunites the enemy ; the funds go to advance the political principles , while no peculiar religious faith is preached or attempted to be enforced . In Birmingham , Christian Chartism tends to disunite the great body of the Chartists and to increase their opponent * , while it only unites a knot of mouthing , mumbling , preaching , gasconading hypocrites , who are already liring up « n Church property , and who , I will hold a trifle , are beginning to dress clerically and to turn up the whites of their eyes like a duck in thunder , while they are comfortably fleecing the dupes and doing the flits .
of course this will be ail contradicted and animadreried upon . J expect it fully ; no man cries " stinking fish . " But , h « w « Ter , I call upon eTery honest Chartist throughout the land , to put the extinguisher of honest and unsophisticated political principle , upon this Christian Chartist new-light humbng , which has , in so short a time , Ehown us so much darknesa . I tell them that no sound principle ever has been or ever will h * baUhed under the wing of fanaticism ; and , in the name of justice and of hearen , if we are to be beaten , d » nt let great tw « -fisted , starring , working men , at all eTents , be beaten by old women in breeches in the nineteenth century . I say down with all humbugs , and the humbag of fanaticism being the greatest of all humbug ! , down with that first .
I object to Teetotal Cbartism , because all who do not join in it , and I fear they are many , will be considered a > unworthy their ciTil rights . I object to Knowledge Cbartism , because it impHedly acknowledges a standard of some sort of learning , education , or information , as a necessary qualification ti > entitle man to ins political rights . In fast , the Whigs think opposition to Whiggery , and the Tories think opposition to Toryism , a perfectly good and Talid ground , whereon to establish popular ignorance , and a consequent political disqualification . I object to Household Suffrage Chartism , because it is not Chartism at all
In fact , I look for the Charter to promote Christianity , to insure temperance , to inculcate knowledge , and to giTe the House and something more , while the use of those several qualifications , as a means to an end , will but place the Charter , year after year , farther from our reach . The Christians will say , " you haTent your Chartist catechism . " The Teetotallers will say , " you're drunk . " The teachers will say , " you're ignorant . "
the Householders will say " you ' re QQtt&eiesa . " So that you need not one qualification , but four qualifications . A . bstinenee , knowledge , and a home will lack the still great essential , in the estimation of the pastors and deacons of Mother Church . Christian Chartism , Teetotalum , and knowledge will lack the House . Christian Chartism , knowledge , and the Honse -will lack the alatinencs , and Christian Chartism , Teetot * lism , and the House will lack the knowledge .
So belieTe me , my good and worthy fustian jackets , blistered hands , and unshorn chins , that no one of the crotchet-mongers will abate a pin ' s point of his dogma to carry the Charter ; and the more each section of dogmatists thriTe in their seTeral Tocations , by so much the farther will they take care t » shoTe the Charter from you . Treat man as man , and if they fail down , Christians Church and all , and swear by the steeple , dont you belieTe one of them , that they wouJd rather work , with the Charter , than preach and liTe fat and in idleness without it It is not in human nature ; and if they tell you it is their nature , laugh at them .
It is well enongh to be kept down by the force of cannen and Bight BeTerend Fathers in God , but it is rather Wo bad to be held in chains by froth and flummery , and Right ReTerend Fathers in the De-riL BelieTe me , if you allow thoM four sections to mix up each their peculiar tenets with your cause , you will haTe raised unto yourselTes four powerful enemie » , mad as sucking doTes while looking . for power , bnt saTage as roaring lions when they find your power liiely to OTercome theirs . We shall then haTe washing and cleansing Chartists declaring you are too dirty for enfranchise men t .
I am anxious to see eTery Chartist a good Christian a good neighbour , and a good friend . I am deairorw of seeing eTery Chartist Bober , indnstrious , and honest , full ef knowledge and filling bovses ; and it is because I belisTe , in my soul and my conscience , that a hypocritical use of those inestimable blessings will impede , or altogether destroy their possession , that I thus array myself , single-handed , against the quadruple alliance .
There neTar was a more patriotic , or useful agitator than the glorious Father Mathew , who has produced a moral reTolution in Ireland , making it the sound fooadition for any temple that shall be raised upon it , and , as a first-fruita , we find the Charter working its way in sober Ireland . Now , if the Christians will ge about as he has done ; if the Teetotallers and knowledge-mongers will do likewise , inculcating religion ,
abstinence , and knowledge , as a means to any end which they may unitedly produce , without establishing man ' s adhesion to any of them , as a political test , then I will giTe them my blessing and my eTery assistance ; and I am sare that each and all will lead te the accomplishment of ouf , ciTil and religious regeneration . Eut once make nonconformity ground for exclusion , and you establish sects and sections , instead of one universal corps of regenerators .
Hy mends , get your Charter , and I will answer for the religion , sobr iety , knowledge , and bonse , and a bit of land into the birgain . Upon the other hand , foster your Church and you nursa a Tjper in your bosom , ready to sting you to death , rather than allow you to thriTe to her detriment I did fondly hops that of all humbugs a Chartist State Cimrch would be the last tried , but there is nothing like a great effort to produce a startling effect , and , . 1 doubt not , but many who haTe read the trash of the "Xew Jerosalemites , " will haTe already said , •• What fools -we were to baTe allowed them to get a moment ' s footing amongst us . "
If Chartists you are , Chartists remain ; you haTe work enough vrithout entering into the new maze prepared for you , by the bishops , priests , elders , pastors , and deacons , of the sucking -doTe Chartist Church . I should be much more popular ill woold lend myself to the wiles and machinations of the poor man ' s enemiaa ; but come what will of me , you shall not be lost with your eyes shut , while I haTe a half one open ; and , in truth , they are now nearly both closed from CHAB . TIST SMOKE .
ily friends , bear in mind that I speak as a Chartist I haTe & perfect right to repudiate the ignorance , insolence , and intolerance of any parties "who dare to make traffic of any portion of a genaral political principle , of ¦ whieh I am a disciple , to serre any sinister purpose . The name is what I object to . No party in the State , except a majority of the Chartists , has any right to assume a religious designation , which may lead the world to suppose was to be the new creed of Chartism , which , I trust , has no set order of spiritual faith be yond loTing God and fearing erLL Let them call them-• elTes the Hokey Pokey , New Brummagem , © r old Jerusalem , froth and fiummerites , and preaeh Southey aad Shelley , and play the Highland bagpipes , aa a means of regenerating man , tiH they are black in the face , aad they shall nerar hear more from
Your faithful and watchful , though waRed-up friend , a sober , kaowledge-loTing Christian , AND A Chartist , Feahctjs O * Conwor .
The Power Of The Middle Classes
THE POWER OF THE MIDDLE CLASSES
L&ocarter Castle , March 4 th , 1841 . My I > ear M , —In my last , as well as I can recollect , I endeavoured to show that the middle classes constitute the supreme power of tie state i the power which now-a-days rules the destinies of the kingdom . They hare absorbed the national representation , —they elect all oar municipalities throughout the kingdom , — they compose our restrias and Boards of Guardians ; and , h » Ting the appointing of all parish officers , are as abso-
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lute in parochial affairs as they are in the corporations-From these classes , too , are all juries selected , and by them are all issues tried between the sovereign and his lieges ; so that , in the last resort , they hare every man ' s life or liberty in their hands . Add to this , the power of what has been called— " The Fourth Estate "— alima the power of moulding public opinion through the periodical press—( which Is almost entirely in the hands of the middle classes )—and 1 think you will agree with me that , no matter who may be our ostensible rulers , the real practical Qorernment of the country resides essentially in the
middle classes . Through the House of Commons ^ they controul the other two branches of the Legislature , and hold the Crown itself , or Executive , in the bonds of dependence . They can get passed , or repealed , what laws they like , or atop legislation altogether , by stopping the ( applies . They can starve the King or Queen into compliance with their will , having made the Sovereign entirely dependent for his maintenance upon a vote of the House of Commons . Through the Municipalities , or Corporations , they exercise the same absolute sway in local government that they do through the House of Commons OTer the general Government
Through the administration of Via laws relating to the relief of the poor , they not only hold in their bauds the issues of life or death to the unfortunate paupers themselves , but indirectly command the destiny of the independent labourer ; for , ia proportion as they degrade and maltreat the pauper within doors , do they terrify the poor labourer out of doors to accept any ¦ wages offered bim by his middle class employer . Eren Mother Church herself has not escaped their clutches ; for , through their vestry meetings , they have her sacred edifices , and the materials of her worship , in their keeping . They may cut off her bread and wine , stop her bell ringing , laave the parson without a surplice , and let the Church tumble
down about his ears for want of repairs- All this they can do by simply refusing a nts ; for , as to the remedial power of the Queen ' s Beaah , God help the parsons when it comes to that with them 1 So you see , my friend , that nothing , sacred or profane , has escaped the unclean touch of these harpies . Yet all their powers , enormous as they are , would not suffice to consolidate their empire , if they had not also extended it over trial by jury and the press . So they have taken especial care to establish such qualification for jurora , and such shackles for the press ( in the shape of surety bonds and stamps ) as have rendered these two great institutions mere Instruments of oppression in their ( the middle classes ') hands .
" The whole machinery of our laws" says a high judicial authority , " however vast and complicated , ultimately resolves itself into twelve jurymen in a box . " " Only giTe ma a free and unshackled press , " said Brinaley Sheridan , " and do you take King , Lords , and Commons , with army , navy , and what else you like , and I will undertake to beat you and put you down . " These secrets did not escape our prudent middle classes . They knew , the rogues ! that a power to make laws ia nothing without the power to execute them -, that a power to create
new crimes , and to enact new penalties , would be useless to them , unless they could obtain conrictions ; and that the only way to ensure that wag to usurp the Jury-box , as they had usurped the Cjmmons . They knew , also , that unless they could monopolise the expression of public opinion , their monopoly Of the Government would be but the " baseless fabric of a Tision . " These Btate secrets , I say , did not escape our prudent middle classes , and the consequence is , that ia no other department of public affairs , is the power of the middle classes more absolute than it is over
trial by Jury and the newspaper press . Now , M , all these powers haTe been usurped by the middle classes . They are , eTery one of them , toe work of usurpation . Our Constitution knows nothing of a middle class , ilagna Charta says nothing about them , or aboafc property qualifications . Even the Bill of Rights ( modern as it is ; makes no such invidiouj distinctions to favour one part of the Commons at the expence ot another . Our Constitution knows only three estates—King , Lords , and Commons . Every man , not a King or a Peer , is a Commonerhe is only one of the Commons ; and , in the eye of the Constitution , all Commoners are alike ; all born to the same rights , all equally eligible to to offices of public trust , whether Parliamentary ,
municipal , parochial , or therwiae . Whatever political privileges , then , the middle classes possess , to the exclusion of the working people , are but usurpationsimpudent , fraudulent , felonious , traitorous usurpations . They are every one of them the offspring of statute law , which has effected them by property qualifications , and that , too , in very recent times . There was no electoral property qualification , for instance , before the reign of Heury Yi ., when the forty-shilling freehold franchise was first established . In Ireland that franchise dates only from 17 * 3 , and it is now only twelve yean since we saw it demolished by a new statute , to give place to other and different qualifications , which last another statute is now about to set aside , by the substitution of an entirely new and different electoral system .
Our Parliamentary qualification , you know , dates only from the reign of Queen Anne , and to the present day you have no Parliamentary qualification at all in Scotland . Are not most of the present electoral qualifications for Great Britain the work of the late Whig Reform Act of precious memory , that is to say , the offspring of a law ten years old . And was not © ur present jury law , that which determines the qualifications for jurors , passed in the reign of George IV ., only fifteen years ago ? And were not all the malignant laws , which haTe converted our newspaper press into a rank monopoly , all-polluted and all-pollutiDg , passed in the three reigns immediately preceding the present
reign of V ictona , the last and worst of all dating only from the late king ' s , and passed by a reformed Parliament ? Thus , you see , my friend , that the middle classes are not only masters of our Govenment and institutions , but that they haTe acquired their mastership by a series of usurpations , every one of them of recent origin , ererj one ot them thd work of mortem statute law , eTery one of them anti-constitutional and anti-national , eytrj one of them in the teeth of Magna Charta and the Bill of Rights , every one of them destructiTe of our constitutional rights , and every one of them haUd , cursed , and disaTOwed by ninetenths of the British and Irish people .
Now , is it likely that parties who have thus invaded all our rights , and usurped the controul of all our institutions , to our utter and entire exclusion -, is it likely , I Bay , that these parties will unite with us to annul their ovrn woik , and to demolish their own usurpation ? If they are disposed that way , have I cot said unough to shew you that they have the power to do all we want , -without our forming " Unions" witfl them for that purpose ? It they are not so disposed { as is manifestly the case ) , what other than perfidious and miscbievous objects can they have in view , in demanding to unite with us ? Would it not be committing
political suicide to abandon our present independent position , and throw ourselves into their arms , knowing , as we do , that ¦ whatever power and influence we have recently acquired , has been won and conquered without them—aye , in spite of them ; knowing also , that we should , ere now , have accomplished the deliverance ot the nation , had it not been for their intrigues , their bribery , and for the traitors they had sent ainengst us ; and , above all , knowing , as we do , that they have but to will our emancipation to carry it , and that , if they do not will it , out business is to unite against them , and not with them ?
Hitherto , M , I have spoken of the power which the middle elasser possess through the organisation of tht Government . I have said nothing of the power they possess in virtue of their social position , alias through the existing organisation of society ; a power independent of any and all forms of Government , and which , alone , would render them Tirtually masters of any Government whenever they chose to make common cause with the working classes . Yes , M , though the middle classes did sot possess a single political
right or a single representative in Parliament , they would still , I contend , be more tfian a match for any despotism , in rictus of the social power they possess t » superintendents over the production and distribution of wealth , and aa the directors of our national industry , that is , provided they chose to make common cause with the workingmen . Bat I will reserve my observations on this head , as well as on the subject glanced at in your letter of yesterday , for a future commmonication . Meanwhile , I remain , &c , « James B . O'Bbieh .
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COLLIERY WAR OP EXTERMINATION . TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STIR . Sib ., —There is no lack of facto to prove that whatever be the nature of the power which the strong can , without responsibility , wield over the weak , that aueta power © Ter tends to despotisM . The slavery and oppression of the millions are not to be rectified by the poeaessitn of the franchise alone , unless that franchise be so used as to teallBe a , state of » od » l equality , to arrest the individual accumulation of wealth , the inonopoly of knowledge , and destroy the elassiflcatUns which those are the means of upholding . The labour seller is the slave of the labour buyer , and ever will be bo , until labour shall be deemed and felt a privilege and duty equally agreeable to , and binding upon , all . As it Is , the honest labourer Is taught to consider himself the recipient of a favour ; when a capitalist , or a money bashaw , condescends to buy his labour , he stoops to beg " a brother of the earth to give him leave to toil , " and how * ften doea he
" See ais lordly fellow worm the poor petition spurn / Unmindful though a weeping wife And helpless offspring mourn . " It is notorious , that it is Dot merely the ability to labour well , nor even the want of the kind of labour that is sufficient to induce the labour buyer , or the money tyrant , to pureUas * the labour he requires ; there must also exist the disposition to labour with servility of soul , —the labourer muat order himself "lowly and reverently , " ere he can be permitted to employ his skill in providing f « r his wants . He has no recognised right to tlifnk , and ( if it were possible ; still less to speak or to act in his own thoughts . He is a lion feeder , but does not get the jackal ' s share . He may have the crumbs after the dogs are fed , but then only
when he exhibits dog gratitude , crushes his mind , and padlocks his tongue . There is no field npon which he can employ his talents or labour , but by the sufferance of those who have monopolised alL The lands , minerals , sea , and all the materials « f existence belong to others , by legal fiction , and starving fact . There is no existent being more helpless than the human labourer . For a mere difference of religious creed he is mercilessly swept from the land of his fathers by the " clearance system" . Protestant aristocracy in Ireland , While the English labourer is scourged by the tame tyrunnous ^ rinciple in innumerable forms . These thoughts and feelings have been suggested and called forth , by facts which have come to my knowledge during a few days' journey amongst the collieries of this
country . There ia no class of wwkiug men ia Britain that are more vHlanousIf robbed and oppressed than the pitmen ; kind and unsuspecting , and too ignorant fox theii crafty tyrants , they are ia many ways duped of their earnings , and plundered by regulations , par , tial , vexatious , unjust , and unnceasary . It would , however , require far more time than I can now command , and more space than you can spare , to make others not acquainted with them understand the system which exists in the colliery districts . My present object is to expose a system of extermination which is now being put in operation against all who have been or are connected with the Chartist cause . It is the practice amongst the collieries of Durham , and probably prevails in other districts , to
bind the pitmen to a year ' s servitude by a bond which they are required to sign ; those bomis are without exception ( varying only in degree of iniquity ) framed for the protection of the master , and to enable him to plunder the workmen , by a syste . ii of fines and forfeitures unjust , mean , and tyranical ; of this , however , I shall have more to say hereafter with your leave . Within the last week or two , the binding for the next year , commencing April 5 th , has bean going on in all the collieries . It has been intimated to many , who during the last year were connected with the Chartist cause , that they would be marked , and accordingly tha owners of South Hattun , Hetton , Eleinore , and otker collieries bare marked all who had been guilty of doing their duty as men and as citizens . Or S&iurdty
last , all the leading Chartiste working at those collieries were informed that they might leave the colliery , that their services were not particularly required , and , therefore that the masters were not disposed to bind them , because they had too many men . To bhew , however , the hypocrisy and dishonesty of this excuse , some of those persecuted Chartists went to Putter , the viewer and manager of South HetUn Colliery , and requested to be Informed why they were discharged . He gave the reasons as above ; but when it was shewn , that contrary to usual custom , he had discharged many who had been employed for some years , and had also bound several fresh men , be was unable to assign a reason , and to get out of the dilemma , in which he found
himself , called one of the overmen to ascertain whether he could discover anything against the character of the parties . The overman , in reply to Potter ' s question , stated that he had nothing to say against them , that they were very canny men , but turning to one ( Hunter ) observed , " He ia one of the Radical chaps . " Hunter demanded whether he was expected to bind himself to certain principles , and whether hie Radicalism had anything to do with his abilities and conduct as a workman . He called upon Potter to state whether , during the two years he bad been with him , he had any fault to find . "No , " says Potter , "but I suppose you are discharged for some reason . " Yes , for some reason , truly , and a most discreditable one for you , Mr . Potter .
Several pitmen working at Hetton Colliery were refused work in consequence of having engaged a room to hold Chartist meetings , and to appropriate to a reading-room , and other means of improving their minds , habits , and character . There was less shuffling in this case , for the parties were plainly told that it waa intended not to bind any active Chartists ; but that if they would give up the room , and cease to agitate , they might Lave their work . The men , however , have nobly refused to comply with those degrading terms , and we rejoice to state that the tyrants have , in some instances , outwitted each other , Potter having got several Chartists from other collieries , and the Hetton owners having got Potter ' s pestilent fellows ! A fair exchange ! one which we believe will be greatly advantageous to the Chartist cause . There are many , however , unbound , liable to be
discharged at a moment ' s notice ; this is done to intimidate them and induce them to forswear their principles , and as a warning to others . 'Tls in vain . The voice of oppressed humanity will find utterance . The Coalpit Kings could not suppress it by imprisoning William and Binns ; the places they occupied and the work they performed was done well and nobly by others . They are again at liberty . Perhaps that is the reason why the Kings are so desperate just now . They dread that the coming summer will witness a great revival . It may not be exhibited in the same form ; we may not have our processions and demonstrations , but the cause shall goon . Libraries , reading rooms , lectures , and other mental machinery is designed and shall be constructed to make England the land of free and happy citizens , and these are examples to other nations of the fruits of freedom and the means of achieving it . I am , Sir , yours respectfully , J . Williams .
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TO THE CHARTISTS OF DURHAM COUNTY . My Friends , —O'Connor has called upon you now to do your duty to yourselTes , your country , your imprisoned and exiled patriots . He has pointed out the means by which you may speedtiy , cheaply , and effectually do it You have read or are acquainted with his earnest feeling and well-timed address . His plan you must have discussed , and I think almost , if not quite , unanimously approved . You have said , " Aye , that ' s the plan , " — ' it ought to be done ;" well , will you do it ? You cannot hesitate , unless you have prepared to abandon the Charter , to submit to oppression tamely , to leave tha imprisoned to perish , as Clayton has already done , as many others are now doing , under the hellish system of mental and physical torture , by which Whiggism has sought to crush all
manliness of character , or patriotism of sentiment . You cannot hesitate , unless you have willed that Frost and his illustrious fellow-citizens are unworthy of their native land , fit only to associate with murderers , rubbers , and the most degraded of their race . This can never be-, you have asked me " will they ever return ? " I have heard many of you exclaim , you would give al ! you possessed to secure their restoration to their native land . I believe these words were the sentiments of the heart . The hour of trial has then come . The Charter , the liberation of your championsand victims , and au honourable restoration of the exiles , all depend upon you , and your Chartist brethren . Have you any better plan to propose than that offert d by Mr . O'Connor ? You havenot ; thentakeit . Prove that you are what you Were , by providing the funds to send a delegate to the proposed Convention .
Sunderland alone cannot do this , but the brethren in Newcastle are willing to co-operate with us . Now , then , let us see the work done instantly . Here is a list of places , in which Chartism has long been preached , where its disciples axe uumerous , and consequently where the means to carry out the plan most be , and "will , I hope , be found . If they respectively subscribe , according to the following moderate estimate , the money will be raised , the delegate sent , the Convention established , the work performed , and the objects accomplished . Say , - £ « - d . Sunderland . 2 0 0
Darlington 0 10 Stockton ...... ., i o a Middlesborough .. 1 0 West Auckland .-... ^ 10 0 Bishop Auckland ... 0 IS 0 South Shields ......... 10 6 Gateshead . 0 10 0 Hartlepool o 10 o Winlaton , Swalwell , 4 c 0 W 0 South Hetton .............. 0 10 0 Coroforte and Coxhoe .... o 10 o Downes .,., 0 6 0 Easington Lane 0 5 0 Thornley-.. 9 5 0
The country now looks to yon to s « nd a delegate to the said Convention . I have shewn you the importance , the pressing Importance of your duty , and the above is sufficient to sbew , that If willing , it can be done—say that it shall . I am Faithfully yours , jr . WILMM&
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O'CONNOR'S DESPOTISM ! The following correspondence between Mr . Burnett , of Bradford , and Feargua O'Connor , has been handed to ua for publication : — Bradford , Sib , —I should have written previously , since our meeting on Wednesday evening last , it I had bad any time . Nothing but poverty , and being consequently obliged to work , would have prevented me . We met for the purpose of discussing the merits or demerits of the plan proposed by you , and which appeared in the Star a fortnight ago , for a Political Prisoners ' Liberation , and Charter Petition Convention , to sit in LondoB for the space of two weeks . The objections raised are the following : —
First . Part dissatisfaction has existed in consequence f you naming the men whom you think fit to constitute this Convention . To write all which was said on both sides in analyzing this would occupy too much Bpace , and , I think , be unnecessary . The greatest tress was laid upon this . Mr . O'Brien's recommendation will be sufficient It was said you thought no less of your own . It was considered despotic—limiting the Suffrage considerably more than at present—allowing the Executive , » r a public meeting in Manchester , tO have exclusive power of electing ten from the number nominated by the country . There wero some who declared if it was so , they could name eight , if not the whole of the ten , among the number named by you , who would be chosen as Competent persons . It was argued that every district or locality was best able to jud g * of the fitness of men to bold such office . You have , I dare say , seen the resolution in the Star respecting this .
The next objection was the time yon had appointed they should meet—Easter Monday , when Parliament is not met . Several thought they would have been producing more good by visiting the Members of Parliament , and getting them , if possible , to support the prayer of the petition , tham they would do with agitating Lond » o . We were given to understand that the Londoners would take little or no notice of the harangues of country people . They were unanimously of opinioK that some good might be attained by a Convention meeting in London for a fortnight , but no more , to receive petitions , aad see that they were presented , as it would create a spirit of inquiry , and cause seme agitation in the country . I remain , your's , he , Hknby Burnett , Sec . 13 , Reform-street , Bradford .
p . s . — I have had at vaj house to-day the mother of John Riding , a Chartist , in Wakefield House of Correction . She says he is nearly dead ; his head and neck are much swollen , and filled with sores that are centlmully running ; ha is so deaf that be can bear nothing , and appears almost insensible . The poor woman is ia a very distressed condition ; be is her only son , and was a healthy young man previous to being Imprisoned . York Castle .
Dear Burnett , —I cannot give you half thanks enough for your letter ; it is just what one man , looking for a certain object , has a right to expect from anetber , looking for the same object If , instead of nibbling at me behind my back , every honest man would take tho trouble of thus reasoning with me , and censuring ; me when in tha commencement of error , I should be a more useful public servant , even than I have been ; because I am not dogged , and I never would persist in . error , neither do I consider myself by any means infallible . -
I wiU now reply to each objection In your letter , and , firstly , as to my naming the men who were to constitute the Convention . Here I must refer you to my letter as * whole , in the first instance , and also to the circumstances tinder which it was written . You will baervetbat it was written in a hurry , under the most excited feelings , and with a view to have it ready for any cruiser that presented , for its safe convoy ; that tho object was to do as much as could be done , in a hurry , to stop heart-sore , disease , suffering , and death , and that such course , from its adoption to its completion , was suggested by the possibility of the Star , and othsr Radical papers , communicating the result of each meeting in that week's paper . Thus , tho adaption one week , election another , selection a third , and convention the fourth .
Well , I did not name the men , but I contend for my right to have named some of the very men , and I never contend for more thaa my right Now , bear In mind that the Convention was to be a " Prisoner ' s Liberation Convention , " and that I was a prisoner ; that I had a perfect right to state , at all events , in whose Bafe custody I would repose my liberty and character ; because I would not sacrifice a particle of th « latter for the possession of the former . And , as to O'Brien's recommendation being sufficient , I still say so , as he is another prisoner , who knows Chartists in districts with which I am unacquainted . In fact , if the prisoners could have been coasuited , I nave ao hesitation in saying that their recommendation * f men should have been conclusive with the country , and would have been conclusive , not only as to their own release , or endeavour to procure it , but also as to the furtherance of the Charter ; for every man who will honestly strive for the release of the prisoners , will as honestly struggle for the Charter .
Again , observe , I went upon a previously adopted principle ; Moie and Williams were previously chosen , and , in order to effect all at once , their attendance would save time , and then the election of one of the Frost , Williams , snd Jones * Restoration Committee became indispensible . These three , then , were previously elected ; and bear In mind , that the only person whose appointment I thought indispensible , was that of Piikethly , and even that was bat a just and fair recommendation . In fact , I Bald there were thousands of others ; and when I emitted such men as James Taylor , of Rochdale , Woodbouse , of I ^ eicester , and Biack , of Nottingham , and yourself and others , you uiuat be aware that I was in a hurry . This , you say , "was considered despotic . " Then is it despotic to nominate a candidate at an eleotion—then is it despotic to " give honour to whom honour is due , " or to declare confidence in whom you truly repose it ?
Then , ast « allowing the Executive of Manchester the exolusive power to select from those chosen . Now , here again , I contend that such a power must be Vested in sonic body , and in what body more satisfactorily , than in the ouly one recognised by the whole nation ? but they had no such power ; for in the event of a public meeting preferring another , the meeting had a power of over ruling ; and , observe the necessity . Ten were as many as we could pay ; many more have been already chosen , and , suppose twenty or thirty to be choseii , must not some means be taken of selecting the proposed number from that body , or kow are they to be paid ? However , Mr . Hill has very properly put this iu a better view , for which I thank him . You say that it was deemed that each locality was most fit to judge for itself . Exactly so ; and hence each locality choosing a good man , the Executive could not go wrong , and if inclined , a public meeting of the men of Manchester would not allow them .
Then as to the day of meeting in Xondon , the 12 th , ( Easter Monday . ) Here I admit , and plead guilty to a charge of despotism , of the very worst of all despstisms , " ignorance ; " for , believe mo , Burnett , that when I wrote that letter , I no more thought of such a festival as Easter than I thought of the man in t ' ue moon . Indeed , I would have been mad to name that day , for the very reasons stated in your letter , because I think the week , from the 12 th to the 18 th , while members were absent , and the London people amusing themselves , and the country people difficult to begot to petition meetings , would have been just so much time thrown away . I acknowledge it , and , therefore , to Bradford the country will owe this correction of my blunder , as of course it will be remedied .
Now , as to the effect of country delegates In London , you were never more mistaken in your life ; nothing gives the London Cbartista half SO much pleasure &S being able to show their provincial strength to the enemy , and hence one great reason I had in recommending men who were speakers , and men who who were already known to the wh # le Chartist party ; and , bear in mind , that the metropolitan Chartists are very suspicious , and as the time was short , only two weeks , the whole would have been wasted in strangers forming an acquaintance with Chartists in the metropolis . Had it been a Convention to sit for two or three months , they may devote some time to introducing themselves ; but twelve days was short enough , without any portion being thrown away in ceremony . I never contemplated the sitting of the Convention would exceed one fortnight I think It ought not
Now , my dear Burnett , to shew yon and to prove to yon that I merely suggested the plan , sad avoided all further intercourse , I have actually appeared rude and negligent , by not answering letters from Edinburgh and several other places , asking me for an opinion upon details , not one of which have I even replied to . Believe me , Burnett , that the greatest « f all despotism is a dread of making a bold stroke for the benefit of a just cause , from the apprehension of being called a despot . If » y conduct has been despotic , we live in a nation of despots , for I rejoice to toll you that I have a pile of letters , four feet high , from England , Ireland—aye , Ireland , ScotUuad , and Wales , in which ., throughout , there is a spirit of noble feeling breathed , and not ene dissentient
However , I thank yon for the jnst " oeasonhip ; " it Is to censorship of public men I have ever looked as a means of keeping them honest . Censure me , and scold ne , when you think roe wrongs andwhsnyou convince me of error , I shall not be obstinate . I conclude with a sentence front the « ptendld letter of T . F ., a Scotch Chartist , to the Editor of the ScoltUh Patriot .- — * "Many boasters are now quiet ; and many 'determined fellows' have slunk from the battle . Then trust not all new comers . "
Now , my good friend , it was because I did not wish to trust the short work of a fortnight to " new oomen" that 1 exercised what I thought a legitimate privilege , in naming men in whose honour , zeal , and honesty I was -ready to risk tha life and liberty of self and fellow prisoners , and the furthcHmec of the cause . The more I reflect upon the project , the more certain
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I feel that £ «• , or £ «•• , was never so beneficially spent in the cause of Chartism . It is tho very nick of time , and the very way of meeting it Those who wi'l not , ' when at liberty , work for those im bondage , do not know the use of the blessing , or deserve its possession . Of one thing you will acquit me—" self Interest ;" fur , believe me , that if nine millions of signatures wera seat to both Houses and the Queen , on my b < half , they would not procure for me a day ' s remis 3 ion of Whig tyranny ; but , I feel confident , it will hava th « effect of sotting many fr « 6 , and bringing us all nearer the haven , by adding a thousand-fold increase * strength to the Charter . ... Again , I . tbaok you , and in the best spirit I thanlc yon , And remain , your faithful friend , FEARGUS O'CONHOU .
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RELEASE OF F . O'CONNOR , ESQ . TO THE CHARTISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN . Brbthsen , —As the time is now approaching when that unflinching and incorruptible patriot , Feargus O'Connor , Esq ., will be released from tha fangs of hla merciless and tyrannical oppressors , we deeai it our duty to give you timely notice of our intention of having a public demonstration on that occasion ; and we call upon you to j # in with us in shewing to the world our ndmiration of his patriotism and devotion to thecsus * of suffering humanity , and our detestation and abhorrence of the base tyrants by whose unjust decree he has been so long consigned toeolitary confinement in a felon ' s dungeon .- *
We View with great pleasure the determination of several of our London brethren to honour the " nobls patriot" by being present on his emerging from bis " living tomb , " and we call upon our brethren of the east , the west , and the north , to join with the brava men of the south , in their l&mdable and praiseworthy determination , by sending on thatday delegates from all parts of the kingdom to swell the ranks of freedom . Brethren , we hail with delight the approach of that day , when our glorious chief , restored to tke arms of a . graceful people , snail again breathe the pure air of heaven , again to battle in the cause of freedom against the hydra-headed-monstertyranny ; again to raisehl » powerful voice in behalf of the oppressed oiilliono , and show to his and our oppressors , that although he has been so long immured within the walls of a dungeon , he is still thtir enemy so long as the system of oppression exists ;
Brethren , if there be aught that can substantiate our claim to your notice more strongly on this occasion , it is , that we are living , and he is imprisoned within th » very sink of corruption and priestly dominion , where the voice of freedom is seldom heard , but which only requires to be once raised to arouse its inmates to a sense of their ignominious and degraded position , to tear aside the veil of prejudice , and embrace the principles of truth and justice . Fellow-countrymen , although our numerical strength be small , yet there is amongst us a determination to be free . Public opinion is fast increasing in our favour , and we hope the day is not for distant when the walls of our ancient city shall ring with the echo of indignation which shall burst from its inhabitants , at the baaa system which hath held them eo long in thraldom , aad persfcuted their truest friend ; that have treated with contempt the pe titions of the sufferer and given hear to the " shallows" who are unworthy to be his slaves .
Brethren , we are aware that many calls have been made upon you , which must have necessarily detracted from your funds ; ami as further calls will have to be made upon you to carry out the forthcoming agitation , we recommend you , as the easiest method , to imitate the example of our London brethren , by having boxes made to place upon your association tables , fur the purpose of receiving voluntary contribution * , to defray the expences of your delegates , cent on that day to sliOW your attachment to that graat and good man to whom we are desirous to do honour ; and as the place of his ^ confinement , was the place of bis trial , to let it be hia tarting post to a fresh career ; let us see thousands assembled pa that glorious day to raise their voices in exultation of the event , and to convince him of } our love of the glorious principles for which toe has so unjustly suffered .
Brethren , we now leave you for the present , in the hope of hearing your favourable response to our call . Hoping that what we have above stated will be a sufficient excuse for addressing you at such an early period , We remain , Brethren , On behalf of the Committee of Management , Yours obediently , Edw . Burlky , Chaitnia * . W . COEDEUX , Secretary . York , March 29 , 1841 .
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LONDON AND COUNTRY CHARTISM . " Cab . Tell me , can you see your face ! Bau . No , Save by reflection from other things . " JULTCS CiBSAR . London has been much blamed for its apathy in the Chartist cause . The country has gone on struggling and suffering , and often looking anxiously to London , not so much for help as for encouragement ; but London , like the monarch-Bire of the Black Prince , at the Battle of Cressy , looked on as though it were willing that the country alone should have the honour of the victory . It is true , many good battles for auxiliary cause *
have been fought and won in London , aa , for instance , the battle of the unstamped ; but the greatest and best ot all—the battle for the cause itself—for the charter , has yet to . be won , and London must not remain a spectator ; it must aid—it must do more—it must lead . Inactivity in London is the more to be deplored , as many people in the country wait till London rises ; they wa nt its example to animate them , for the name of London , like the name of a king , would be a " tower of strength" to all those who require the prestige of a name , as well as the justice of the cause , to rouse and encourage them .
Let London come down , and the victory would soon be gained ; let it stand aloof , and success must be protracted , though it will not be prevented . With or without London , the cause will be won . This is the critical period—now , or never ! London ! take the lead , or thou art distanced for ever . What am I talking about ? seme will say . Has not London come forward ?—was it not the first?—is it not the foremost ? I answer no 1 The ceuntry took the vanguard—the post of honour . Nor do I rest upon " empty volubility ; " I bring proofa . Since I came to London , many contests have I had with the Londoners on this subject They of course stand up for the town , I for the country . They deny that the country is in advance of London ; but what is the fact ? Our nmslles are words—the engine that shoots them , the presaeditors are our engineers—writers supply ammunition .
This is our physical force ; thus we fight Well , what gTeat guns does London biing into the field ? In London there is but one avowed Chartist periodical , and it is a halfpenny one . It is called the English Chartist Circular . Why not give it its proper name—London Halfpenny Chartism ? It is an imitation of the Glasgow Chartist Circular , which , however , beats a more modest title . Now , there is not a town in the country but would be ashamed to contribute no more to the cause than a little weekly halfpenny book . There is the Northern Star ; why ^ wos it not instituted in London ? Because tbe spirit of Chartism was not strong enough to support a Star in the south , witness the Southern Star . The north—aye , the north—the glorious north is the land of liberty ! It was in Yorkshire that Chartism was bora and bred ; Chartism was cradled on our moorland hills—rocked by our ocean winds—reared like a giant amid tbe storms of the north .
I do not say there ore no good Chartists in London ; praise be blessed . ' there are many who are all the better for being so , In spite of the evil circumstances that surround them . A good Chartist is a superlatively good man- —a Christian . There is Cleave , the chief Chartist publisher in London—the sound-thinking liOVttt— imprisoned Hetherington—Messrs . Neesom , Boggis , Wall , fee . && , all good men and true . The wonder is that , with such leaders , London is not more " op to the mark . " But there are causes for the apathy of the working men in London—disgraceful causes , as they must be , perforce—causes which ought to operate as a removal of their own consequences , for , in this instance , the effects ought to cure the causes . In a future paper , I will endeavour , to trace some of these , and to hold up to the Londoners a glass , wherein they may see the inmost part of them . The recent meeting at the Crown and Anchor Tavern , when Cleave cleft the heart of Walter , but could not persuade him
" To throw away the worser part of it , And live the better with tbe purer half ;" The spirit at that meeting gores ' promises of better " life in London . " Yes , there is hope that the , " dayspring from On high" will shortly visit the metropolis . Metliinks I see the " Morning Star" arise ! when O'Connor cemes forth from bis living tomb ; will he not animate London ? will not her resurrection be conjunctive with his ? " His form and cause conjoin'd , preaching to stones , Might make them capable !" Eloquence such as bU , might , in the words « f Republican Milton— " create * aonl Under the ribs of Death . " Jon * WviKia * . London , 22 , Chadwell-street , Middleton-sf oare . .
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A ppeal to Christians . —An advertisement under his head appears in another part of onr present paper , affording an instance of the scandalous mod * m which the immense revenues of the Established Church of this country are distributed . While many of its useless incumbrances are rol jng in luxurious affluence , this poor man , who seems to have been » working clergyman of good character during bis whoie life . is reduced in the period of affliction to the necessity of soliciting eleemosynary aid . Wo cordially commend his case to tbe consideration of tho benevolently minded of tbe upper and Jniddle classes of society . The very existence Of Sfi « h a « M 6 U ft st&Bdal to those classes .
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_ ¦ __ THE NORTHERN STAR . 7
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), April 3, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct700/page/7/
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