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3rijm*rfal ^Barltaraem 41 THE NORTHERN STAR. j 7
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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5 < # SE OS" COMMOKS . —5 bh > a 5 s Jbkb ie . . j-tljiBohm of CroimonB , someconversation 1 Arose JzS fag 4 fce Stsde DmSasa , and tha present £ aie of ^ SijJtiaiiflns with-HaBdTCTxespecfing ~ HienL Tha ^ S aee t 2 lie replies of Sir Boberi Peel ana Mr . *^^ jogneseons « Ekea by lard PalHiatUHi , J > t ^^ j ana He . Hufct , "was , that saSters affil 2 ^ 5 indefinite and nnseffled , though the British ** ° SninEni -would probabj Boon be induced to ™ nfcB * g 55 ttiiia » Jo «* t . - - ^ r £ 9 ; Eri £ cess l 3 « Ti £ t » * B Annuity Bin -was proposed w , BeconftJeadin « J an -srMtfc ^ goBo'sncK suggested the propriety of making Jde proTison fcr the family of Ms lateJRoyal iS ^ es &e 3 > ais oT Sussex . He did net expect " ^ present answer to iis proposition , and none was *^ S ese"flien saadthat lie should take a division lS » cond xeadiig of the 3 iIL
^ P"" ^^^^__ • _ . <^ ¦ ¦ i ¦ ill l ~ l T ^~ I ~ I ^ - *^« . ^* ^ fc . T ^ __ * * - * j . arnsan accordingly toafc place , -when there ^^^ FaHihesecond reading ..,.., lfl ^ gainst it ... »— ... ...... — ,.. „ 37 25 ajority 104
ISISH AKMS BLLL . -jjje ggjsifnrEEd ^ s ^ hn * " ! on the Irisa A-rma Bjn waa jjutm * 3 2 > J " ^ tSaiBatAS GBJfffFOSD , -who traced the ais-^^ nt « f the iensn&j to their treatment by the WjlcHds , and pressed on ihs GoTerment the import-—jj cf nnSertaknig some remedy for their wrongs and ^ ffaj ^ TtPR . ; Mr . IEEB 0 T dreaded the Irish landlords , and etpEeedhis legret that tfiey should he made the subjsct 5 a © d 3 Bt a « ick . j& . BiSise Wxu . "was satined that if the € o-7 anlH 12 i 1 t would announce its intention of govern g , ji ^ and -on = caBdBatory Instead of coercive mea-^ srs * . it wonld 40 more to repress agitation than jjrtfcjBS they conld attempt He highly disapproved £ »" fljB present -Mil , "which was inopportune and
injsiSa OBS . »" 3 Ii . pshjp HOTTiBD , TPifiiring the hill as uncon-^ ifiaasl , could no ; support it . He hoped it -would preferred i ^» select committes , in order to he
rejcKdi ed . - ^ . y . Sinart lemaxkea -npon the fact , that the ^ sSjaJScssjanly 0 f Ireland had been long governed by jbe JtotesSnl minority- A want of confidence waa £ s natural resolt ^ f this s ^ ate of things . Bnt 4 hongh jgigsippr ° Ted cf bejQnngvmeh would iave . the ^ jesiEMy of pladng Ireland "nnder -martial law , he ^ tstld sg ) TCJrt the Arms B 21 in its present stage , beosa-lieieisthititTras required , merely reserving to ^ gnseB lhe Edit ef supporting ail amendments in yBBTmtiaB-ghich would remoTB ^» r mitigate ItB objeciEBbleproTiaoss .
_ 3 ii . BEDiSGTO 5 considered the preseat state of Ire-¦ £ & to he dnetotiifi pojicy of ike present Go-remyCTt . Jtlsvs -werepassed &r Cis benefit of landlords , g ^ j ihould also do somethtng towards leaching the indlcrds -what -vare . their duties . The present Bin snfed imeonstirunonal enactments , sot justified "by j ^ of the preTious Bills of more recent date . The jn £ h members were imgeneroosly taunted Kith having jssaied toprecedmg AnnsBflls ; but their successful -ggjgs agan ^ ooena-re measnra -were forgotten , as ¦ kE as the fact &a& , urifisr the adminisrration of a jKno ^ Executive , they had been compelled , by ihB sppoB&m of Sir Bobsrt Peel and his supporters , Id aflopi measures -ssieh they-would otherwise have
resisted Mr . Escsn believed that the Teal cause of the present slate of Ireland , as compared -with -what it iu under the "Whigs , arose from the fact that the present Government did not choose to place the jfltrons 4 » e of that country at the disposal of Mr : jQiQoijneQ , lit Sergeant Htjbfht contended that the discontent d the Irish people arose from a conviction of leal and HiWsnft * rt wrongs . Coupled -wiih the fact of the disposal wf Magistrates , in -whom the people had confi-^ cnyiPj the probability "was , Unrt the present bill "would tena to arm theProtestsnts , and to disarm the Catholics . 28 -womd oppose any Anas Bill , -whether proposed by he thin
Tfiigor Tcry ^ could conceive that -was a time for rarh a measure , -when it h »^ been incontest-&oly proved that crime In Ireland -was steadily 4 ecresEEi . It cave a po"arer to the Hagistracy -which ccmifl hardly eaape fihnse ; in Ulnstration of -which he Jdld a raiartable instance , in -which "the mother of 2 fsmllj-, in the absence of hsr husoand , had bees tauFporiea en the cinsrge of conceding arms—a fact Vmch aiove her husband to the " wild justice of jj etss ^ B j , * by -which his own life and that of the comsnBmg aiagiEtrate ^ were sacd&ced . The only mode of itsting the Repeal agitatica vae to wipe iway all iirnaiausiiTrEfrom &eEtatnte-book , and place Enjlish-TfiFnand Irishman onsfoolinz of perfect ecualitr .
Cotaffil Cosoixt looked npon the Bspeal agitstion zs iniulTing a caade against propaty . It-seemed to Jam thst fee circnms&nces of Ireland imperafively taSed for such a BiQ as the present . Mr . Iciie conceded the point that an Arms BH 1 'was JHjmred fdt Ireland , hut dia not ti-. iT >> that it should gwi ^ ain so many penal proviaoiis as tb £ present oiiB He £ sprecated ths exagceraied statements respecting 2 j ? lamsliers arJendiEg Sepeal meetings in Ireland , vludi "were calculated to excite nnnecessary ai » rm ; inrm . his ovn knowledge , he inew that Qie ilnHingar nffieSng , -EMch -was said to have been attended by aarly SOOXtfO inflmaTals , could not have comprisHl -H 8 B 8 than 12 .-000 . Penal measures ongiit to be pre-¦ cededbycoimits ^ tgyciies ; and these ha "would support , came front Tihat SavsmniEiit they might .
-StBobebi Jeei . adverted to the story told by Mr . Sg ^ antSurphy , "which oceBned twenty-eight years Zfor , ^ rfaen he -gas Chief Secretary of Ireland . A mafj ^ rate , -who had tat en an activapart in bringing inffinanals to jusfice in a ease of gross ontrage , -was Pandered by a conspiracy fonnsd agsiast "him - a T&TCrd of five tbouand pounds was offrred for the jjfccuiery of -iha Tnimf prerB ; the individual -who had ttgsn&ed the conspiracy became t > ip inlormer , and he | Sr Btibert Pcd ) had himself paid two thousand jwmds to the betrayer of those -whom h » had seduced haa fba crimB , and had been threatened hyiim with aacSon of damages for not having paid the rerafoflfT . Xhses like fiiisiather strengthened the argu-Jnrats in fevoHr of the Bill , -which -was not intended lot any-political olgect , but to secure the light * and * fey of fiie people .
BtBoiBTCK overlooked the iact that tte present EH "Kasa renewal of previous enactments . The law " ¦ wteaporsry , and tm each re-enactment it -was expe-™ nl that a easeakould be made ont for the measure . : state of Ireland dM- not s . t present jusfif y any ex-^ "ujnarymeaEnre ; and the bill-was comply pemicpu , ^ Cnda it a man might get his arsis branded with the nams of ammsnspeciing ntiglibonr , and hav-&j ecanmirted Bmrder , contrive that the blame should all on as innocent individnsL The -whole country " ¦ D tme-rasi garrison ; fee people felt that they -were * 3 > pieBel , not only by distinctions , bat by measures Ttlaeh "Wasan insult as well as an icjury . The Church Js » tbecsneerems sore , the great abomination ,-of Ire-J » % sad though , doubtless , they were excited by de-^^ wpes "who converted publierwrong into private
ad' ^ kge ^ flie causes of their discontents "were real and -XftaSaaSaL Ssrerss the case ; place the Orangeman giaeriheBoHian Catholic priesthood , and compel Mm a JBEportihe gorgeens Chnich of Borne , from -which afidaitedaK ) advantage , and -we should speedDy hear 5 ^ "toj fromtte < feno % s , converted into O'Connelis . JarfiobErtPeelhad been dragged into a blunder , in eanaaendng a - » ar -wifliTnagistetes for attending meetx > 9 to djaaissa Enlaect-whieh ttey had as much right » snlertainas the House to argne the guestion now « wre ^ em , Here he -was , on the floor cf the Honse « Ccmmons , ^ eelEring , Snlangnage not to be mistaken ^ he-wishedthe downM of the Church of Ireland : _*» tkat a snScient csuse fcr depriving him of any ^ mott -which he possessed , or to interfere -with his J * itI lookmetotiiB arcmnstanoeBof the country
' ™«» 7 erge of a eonTulsion , he believed that the most S ^ ne ^ ns measure -which conid be passed was ths JaiAnns BilL ^ & JiHis 6 fciHA 2 £ contrasted the topics -nrced « w the motion on -which ihfj were advanced . 2 fot xa&Js : Irdand , - » ith all the accompannnents of ^^^^ araflon , hut in the House , the destruction ™ Toe Church of Ireland ¦ was insisted on , as a condi-~® ° fpeace ; from "whence he drew an argument as jP ^ s ^ Pediency and necessity of the bill , in order to ~ V « j » msici-nanee of law asd order . Addressing ^ seiftottfijtatjsacg ^ f y-r- Pigot , in his speech of ^^^^ Tenin&Ke addnced Sgnres to show that ^ r ~ J $ * to the popnlation , crime -was mnch more ^^ antmlreland than in England ; and . adverting H > tce large sieasaireafiT / viTjre ^ CTfm «» ^ . ncHiaiion -which mice
Z ?^*^ pa ^ the Act of Emancipation , r * t ^ flat ths jreat ejiSEtioins incidentally raised as ~ « 28 St ^ estaat church , fixity of tenure , and so forth , " ^ Isrtoo ansportant to be mscnsseil caenany on a £ *™ a Jite iho presenL He , and other advocates of ITTr £ nsandpaiion , had znpportsd it , on the nn-^^ eing thai lie Established C 3 inrch -was thereby ~ " ^ - * ed more secure . Tetseethe posaion at which C ^^ ° W arrived , -when ^ after concfliaiion in Ire-£ & tod been earned to its utmost extent , it was said Tr ^ Jrihing but the overthrow of the Protestant ^^ ai and = "fixi ^ of temne" -wonld safisfy the de-^^ ds of the Soman Githolics . Confining -himself to r *™ iefore the House , ^» d looking to the existing £ ** & Ire ^ nd , he anticipated that it -wonld be car-/^ S y an ovanrhelBBin ^ miJ ^ tgr . ¦ M ^ j ohn Sbjkrt . t . tmafc-nni -rofnsfl tn His sresent
^^ naeat powers-which ha himself , aa ^ jnember of j ~* - « te Government , had felt to be necessary . Bnt - ^^ ao ieaKm for rgiving new and extraordinary : £ * ' ?» * "eh « -woe asiea by the pre » ent BiIL The ^«*«? Sr James enhasor conveyed . the ; imp « sao = ^^^^ coaadered the Boman Catholics w ^ re no . bd&-^^" giate&ilfHr the coEcesaions whichhad been mace j ^* a rSach an opinion , coming from » Cabinet : ^^^ " » onia make * a deep impression . 'The Whig jg ^^ jaents of lg 06 ^^ 3 ^ 35 ^ ^ jgne-wing the Arm ? ijjj *" 7 « - | d accempanied : th&m -with prepositumB for the : 6 ^^^ ait and - ^ eHExe cf Ireland : and the late ^ f ^ had labcinredtobeEttrw on that country the jj ^^ opal franchise sa that of England , as = well ^^ sheneficial snaetments ; but they -were resisted , * » jear ; , Bafiiitey -fftje ^ glad TO secure for $ he
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^ SySrtS * ^^ * - F ^ ty of t en «« inui » Tery capttraang phrasa , ana ealcnlated toexdte the TO * a « fit f « « mSderaHon . ^ ajtend ana fiteoUana ^ r ^ L ^ " ^ *** H * i « it for the majority ot tJd ^ Bpeetive pepulatioas ; and if they ^ rerl to ^ ceed by analpgy , the Roman Catholic Church ^ uld be esb ^ Bshed in Ireland . Had hl « appropnation mBara » been adopted , he believed it -would have beea benefclal ; as it was , their course -was « icompassed -with fliffionlties . He -would raise the ttoOe
? SS . ^ Church , not depress the Protestant -Establishment ; but nobody could sffinn that the present condition of the ecctedasUcal establishment of Ireland rested on a permanent basis . Lord Eliot had rafased personal compliments , at the expense of the Government -with "which he -was connected . In that case , heinu compelled to say , that thB Government * " unfitted to manage Ireland in the difficult cirenmstaness in -which it found itself placed The « ovenrment might Taunt that it had a great majority in the House , but in doing so it but imitated the bad example of Mr . O'ConnelL -when he turned tha
people against the Saxon . " He hoped that the GoTemment instead of imitating the spirit of either the Lora High Chancellor or the Home Secretary , wonld think better ef their high duties , and preserve to the Grown the affection of the loyal Irish people . l « rd Staxiet charged Lord John Russell -with the gnat of ttootring the great -weight cf his character into Hie critical circumstances of Ireland , and taereby iE £ amng an excitable people to madness , for the mere stke of gratifying his spirit of opposition against the Government If the people of Ireland had not hitherto been treated en a footing of equality . Lord John Russell must bear his share of the responsibility and tfee blame , reeing that when the Reform Bill -was Passing , he- had Joined in resisting all attempts to extend the franchise , His own celebrated Franchise
Bill , -which -was the rtaitiTtg horse of the Tory party ¦ when in opposition , he protested was not brought for--ward in a party spirit ; and nothing more surprised him than to find it converted into an engine of party contention , lord John Russell found fault "with the Church in Ireland , but -was not prepared to bring forward a motion on it , though Mr . Ward and Mr . Roehnek avowed that they -were ready to do so . He wished that the motion were made , in order to see how they stood npon that snbject . The -wealth and the property of the United Kingdom were in favour of the present Government ; and in themldsl of much of invective , no accusation had been preferred by Lord John Russell which rested on any very intelligible grounds ; and he trusted that the House -would go into committee on the Arms Bill , in order to give a due consideration to its provisions .
3 ir . Hobb O'Ferkau . affirmed that the Irish Catholics had acquiesced in the accessisa cf the present Government to power ; if they had not felt it their oatytoaapportit , they at least had not given it any factions opposition . But the sentiments of Sir James Graham , in his speech of that evening , -were not deserved by the Irish Catholics , and -were calculated to create great excitement in Ireland . It was not Catho-Iicb who , in the course of the debate , had recommended the abrogation of the Established Church . Sir Chjlribs S-iPiEB . moved the adjournment of tha debate , on which a division was called for ; when there appeared—For the adjournment 67 Against it 235 Majority 168 Captain Beskeliy then explained his reasons for his vote . -
Mr . GiSBOKSB next moved the adjournment of the debate . Mr . M . J , O'Cossell , who had been alluded to by Lord Stanley , said it -was unfair to place him in the position of either eulogist or apologist of Mr . O'Connell ; but-whatever might be considered the violence of his distinguished relative ' s expressions , they could not do more mischief than the . expressions -which had bees 'BseS by Sir Jakes Graham that evening . Mx . Philip Ho-wabd also repelled the insinuations conveyed in Sir J . Graham's speech . Sir H . W . Bakros also termed . Sir James Graham ' s language ¦ " insulting" to his country and his Catholic fellow-conn trymen . Sir Jaues Gsahah asked for a specification of the expressions -which were alleged against Mm as insulting .
\ lr . P . Howakd said that Sir James Graham had insinuated ' that the Catholic nebility and gentry had violated their oaths . Sir H . TV . Bassos , Mr . Wtsk , and Lord Clbhests confirmed this as their impression of the meaning of &e language employed . Sir James Graham disclaimed all intention of conveying any snch impression . Mr . REBI 5 GT 0 N said that the calm tone and quiet manner of Sir James Graham hart in some measure removed the indignant feeling -which he had originally felt The OCosob Dos also accepted the explanation . The debate was then adjourned .
Mossat , Jttsk " 19 . Sir Robert Peei in reply to Mr . Hindley , expressed his strong sympathy -with the Regent of Spain , -who , iu the midst of many difficulties , bad acted np to the responsibilities of his high station ; and should he be driven from power , he -would still have the consolation cf knowing that he had mainly contributed to lay , the foundations of constitutional Government in Snain . Mr . FERRA 5 D moved for Teitorns of the names of persons -who have been appointed governors of the Skipton "Union Workhouse dnring the last two years , trite the reasons -why they resigned , or -were dismissed frcm the office ; also a copy ef all communications addressed to , or received from the Poor Law Commissioners by the Board cf Guardians , relating to any charges bronght sirainst Sir C . Mottram , master of the said Union Workhonss , -with the proceedings of the
board tbrrebn ; of the names and ages of all inmates of the £ 216 C : don TVorihonse { as -well as of the names of their parents ) "who are now , or who have been employ « i in any factory since the 1 st day of January last , with the number of hours per day they have besn compelled to "work , as well as of the amount cf their -wages , and of the names of the persons to whom the same have been pai * ; and stating whether the- owner of the factory is a member of the » aid Board of Guardians , and wheiber the employment of the said inmates was sanctioned by the Board of Guardians , by the Poor Law Commissioners , or by any Assistant Poor Law Commissioner . Also , a copy of all contracts for food , elothicg , oalB and timber , -which have been entered into by tfce « aid Board of Guardians , since the formation of the Union , with any member , or with any one in partnership with any number of the said board . Ordered .
HOW TO " MANAGE' PETITIONS Ie reply to Mr Hindley , Sir Jxmes Graham said that the Government intended to proceed with the Factories' Bill , though the emission of fee erincational clauses wonld render some alteration -of the details necessary . Accordingly , a motion -was made by Sir James Graham , that the Honse should go into committee , ia order to introduce the necessary details ; bnt Mr . CHB . IS 1 OPHEK said he had to call the attention of the House to a subject involving a gross breach of the privileges of the House , and a great abuse of the right of petitioning , -which wonld , he thought , be deemed sufficient to justify the motion with -which he meant to conclnde . It would be recollected that on the Sth of
Msy last ths Hon . Member for Preston had presented what pnrported to be a petition from the inhabitants of Htpworth , a purely agricultural parish in Lincolnshire , containing a prayer to the effect , that " although the petitioners were inhabitants of an agricultural district , they felt the com and provision laws to be greatly injurious ; asiJ , believing them to be the cause of the existing oistress , tbey prayed that they might be repealed , as arbitrarily and oppressively interfering -with the wise and beneficient designs of Providence , and tendiBg to deprive the people of their daily bread . " Now , -whether from publication in the papers , or from some other noJf ce , thfc inhabitants of Hep * orfb became acquainted ¦ with the fact of such a pretended petition having been presented , and a public meeting was
heia , at -which a counter petition was prepared to tha effect that the fonner one " had been a forgery , and that the owners and occupiers of the parish -wished for an inquiry into the circumstances attending the perprfcatlon of the fr-md , which had now become too common , and by which thB opinions of constituencies -were too often thus misrepresented . " At first he declined to present such petition , and , requesting further evidence , ths vestry-dak of the parish jwith -wbici he had been in connexion for npwards of thirty years ) had sent np a " declaration" ( in place of an affidavit ) nu . de before a magistrate , npon examinatiog of an authenticated copy of thfc signatures to toe petition , of which declaration the following was the Enhstance " Thatont of all the 213 namts attached that three
f » the petition , it had been found only p " oso 3 S had signed kno" « ing its prayer ; and ten-more had scned because they "were informed it prsjed for cheap tea and sngar ; one of the three also -was now a pruoner in the Horn * of Con « Sion-tbear > -and seventh or eighty were the names of parties not known in the parish at all ; while the residue of the names T ^ ere positively forged . " Under such cbxumstences , nothing remained to be said ; and as he fonnd that in 18 ^ 7 on a similar event occurring , with respect to an Athlone election petition , the subjeet was referred to a select committee , on tha report of which subsequently the parties to the fraud had been apprehended and imprisoned by order of the house , he should now propose feat the same course be adopted , and moved that the potions ^ accordingly ***** - * %% _ „
_ _ . Sir G . STBiCKlAKD said , on receiving notice of the cireuBista ces he had of course made iDquMes , and had found that he had net received the petition from the Srndo * . Anti-Corn Law Association , bntfrom asimnai association at Dondster—( Ironical cnes of Hear , hear '! Htf had written to some of the parties whose Sa te , to the petition , and their replies confirmed ihesto'emeutsof fee Hon . Gentleman— ( beai , hear ) He had also received a letter from tile secretary to the AEtr-Ora Law ^ association st Doncaster , which stated t sabs ^ cs "that the person who had taken the petit-o * to H « -worih had teen recommended to them as a rXtf 'ble vsTts—iiiaxical aizB of bear ;)—and that he ^ 5 ' cSld the frand-ZbHaD-adding , thst most of the . nises he had obteiced were siren seder a promise
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tbat he would not disclose them for tbat they were fearful of the tact being discovered —( bear ) . Nor wu this confined to Hepworth f 01 it had been found that agriculturists generally had been afraldf to sign such petitions— . ( hear )—so abject was the bondage in which they were held —( ironical cries of hear , hear , and oh , oh !) The secretory aaid , further , that he did not know what motives could haveindnced theper « on they employed to commit snch a frauds —( ironical cheers )—and that they had carefully cautioned him against obtaining other than bona $ &e signatures— ( continued ironical cheers )—nor could they imagine how he could have found time in one : day to forge US signatures—( a laugh , and hear , The anti Corn Law League could have no wish to screen « nch persons—( hear , hear ;)—but it ' was proper to put the saddle on the right horse —( loud icries of hear , hear ) —aiwtlhinkins that a committee might have the effect of discovering some facts important in the cob © , he should support the motion —( hear * hear ) . The ; motion waB accordingly carried .
THE KING OF HANOYER . Mr . ; Blewitt rose , according to notice , to put a question of tha deepest importance to her Majesty ' s Attorney-GoneraL It respected the extraordinary position occupied by the King of Hanover , who , while by birth owing allegiance to the British Crown , and moreover a peer of Parliament and a Field-Marshal , also exercised the rights of an independent , if not arbitrary , monarch abroad . It did not appear possible how his Majesty could exercise properly rights 80 Utterly at variance . As a peer of the British Parliament he claimed the Tight , of sitting in -the House of Lerda , and of intruding on the councils of the Executive , ( laughter . ) while , as a Marshal in the British army , he might claim the privilege of leading the troops of this
country—( lansshter )—even when at war with it ( Loud laughter . ) Hon . Gsntlemen might laugh—( hear ) bnt the very absnrdity of the thing was hie chief complaint That admirable constitutional lawyer , Blackste > De f . k * 8 Commentaries , laid it down that by changing his country a British subject would not change his allegiance ; and agsin > that the peers of Parliament were the hereditary councillors of the Crown , and as such had a right to advise it on all matuirs important to the public welfare . So anomalous was tbe King ' s paBitiun , that it bad been said that the Duke of Wellington had declined his Majfs ^ a proxy whe n offered . In conclusion , the Hon . Gentleman Baid he hoped the Learned Gentleman would not forget his oath of office , —( laughter , )—and jiot answer , or decline to answer , from " fear , favour , or affection *—( Laughter ) . , The Hon . Member then referred to his qaestion , which * * tood thus upon the
¦ votes :: —•• On the motion for reading the order of the day , Ito ask a questioa of Her Majesty ' s Atteniey-General whether , in his opinion , it is consistent with the Constitution and the confi-i ^ uig duties of His Hanoverian Majesty , as King of Hanover and Duke of Cumberland , that his said Majesty ihould take his seat in the House of Lords and exercise ; his right as a peer of the reaim and councillor of the Quetn . In case ihe Attorney-General should decline to answer that question . jto move as an amendment to the motion for reading the orrfer of the day , that anjbuHible address be presented to Her Majesty , praying that Her Mojesty wQl b 8 graciously pleased to revoke aDy license which Her { Majesty may have granted to enable His Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland to vote by proxy in the House of iords ; and that Ber ^ Majesty wil l further be graciously pleased not to renew such license while bis Royal Highness shall remain Kine of Hanover . "
The Attornei-Genkral said , ' he had every desire to discharge the dutieB of his office properly ; but he thought , sincerely , that on the present occasion he should best discharge his duty by declining to answer the question—( cries of Hear , hear" ) . Mr . Blewitt intimated , thatjowing to a private suggestion from the SpeSker ( on a point of order ) , he hadjbeen led to believe that he could nofc proceed with the remaining part of his notice . '
THE FACTORY BILL . Sh-J . Graham , in answer to Mr . T . Duncombe , stated that it was not the intention of ; the Government to abandon any portion of the Factory Bill except the educational clsuses^—( bear , hear . ) Those clauses having been abandoned , various alterations in detnil became necessary . He Bbould propose , that the bill be recommitted pro forma to enable him to make them ; when the bill would be published precisely in the form in which he Bhould propose it again —( hear , hear . ) If it were the pleasure of the House , he Bhould wish to take the committal as soon as possible—( hear , hear)—and as it stood on the orders for to-night , ptrkaps it could be taken now . " , O . i the order for the committal of the bill beSng read ,
Lord Ashley said , although he deeply regretted the loss ' of the educational clauses , he , for the sake of the rest of the bill approved of the resolution the Government had come to . Even had it been possible for the Government to havo carried the measure in that House , he did not think it would have met with that cordial sympathy and co-operation from the different classes affected by it , without which it could not have been effectually carried out . It should be borne in mind , that the Church , with a view to conciliation , were ready to make the very largest concessions , larger certainly than they had ever done before '; but concessions marie in the hope of conciliation and peace . But when they found that the terms which they proposed , so far from leading to conciliation and peace , only led to greater disunion and almost to tfiectu&l war , they had no alternative but to stop , at all events at the point to which they had alreaay advanced . Somewhere or other ,
however , a very great and deep responsibility did lie- ^; hear , hear . ) It was not for him to point out who wer « the parties really responsible for the position at which they had now arrive . ! . He certainly must aay that the Government had shown their readiness to act . He saw the church prepared to make concessions for the sake nf conciliation and peace , and on the other hand he saw the great body of Dissenters rejoicing that they had been successful in their efforts to defeat the measure Wherever the fault lay , one thing was quite clear—that the really suffering , parties were the vast body of neglected children , wao , as far as present appearances went , were now consigned to an eternity of ignorance . ( Hear ) . At ; the same time , hovever , thathe deplored the result to which the measure had come , he must be allewed to rxpiess his satisfaction at the manner in which it had been received and entertained in the first instance ; and at the absence of all violence with which it hud
been received by the Dissenters in that House . That reception did tertainly afford Boine ground for hoping that hereafter something might ^ effectually be done to arrest the further progress of vice , ignorance , and immorality in the country by mtans of some system of education . At present , however , it appeared that if united education were to become hereafter possible , the question was at present involved in the greatest difficulty , and it was one that had already produced tha greatest agitation in the country . He , for one , therefore , was prepared to say , that unless a very mighty change should take place in the mutual temper ef hota patties , he would never be a party to any
system , the object of which was , by mutual concession , to bring antagonist parties to act together in the same general plan . Once more , he desired to express his gratitude for the manner in which the proposition had been first received , and since entertained , and also to state his cordial hope and prayer that the time was not far distant when some means might be discovered whereby the men and women of this country in future generations Blight be put into that state which would fit them to be good subjects , and above all , Christians , and' extend to them the fruits of a religions education , by preparing them to share in a blessed immortality .: ( Hear , hear . )
Mr . M . Gibson could not Tindtrstand how it was that the Noble Lord used the word " concession , " as regarded the conduct of the church with respect to the education clanses of the Factory Bin—( hear , hear . ) He protested ag * inst the use of that word , " conces" sion . "—( hear , hear ) . On the contrary , he could tell the Noble Lord that it was because the framers of that measure bad proceeded on tke doctrine that there was some recognised superiority in- Churchmen—( "hear , hear , "' from the Ministerial benches )—some sort of divine right in them —( hear , hear )—to trample on the religions liberty of the Dissenters—( "No , no "); and to ' take the money of the Dissenters to teach the tenets of I the Church of England— ( hear , hear ;)— -it was because yon persisted in recognising this sort of superiority
that yon have failed in accomplishisg the object of a general system of education . Pxpceed on the real principle of religious freedom ; let men not be treated with reference to their theological opinions , but simply as citizsns of a free country , having the right to worship their God in their own way , freely according to their own conscience ; adopt this as the principle of legislation , and it wonld not fail . ( Hear , hear , from the Opposition benches . ) But , in fact , the N «* ble Lord's remark about the concessions , as he called them , of the church having failed , oniy amounted to an admission that the church had not conceded enough . Treat ali sects in the spirit of justice , and never fear for the accomplishment ef the benevolent objeet they had in vie-w—( bear . ) Even , however , if the Ministerial plan had been carried , it mast be ' admitted that it was a
very partial and pitiful proposal ; considering the great amount of destitution with regard to religious education that prevailed in the manufacturing districts . It was admitted by all . parties that the measure now abandoned would not have caused the education of a single child in the large city of Glasgow , and of not many more in the manufacturing districts in England , than were educated now ; forit was only intended to apply to cotton , flax , silk , and woollen factories ; and it left the children in mines andj collieries ^ and in many other employments , wholly unprovided with education . The small amount of education ; that would have been , afforded by the measure was one reason for not so much regretting its rejection . It was a plan that could not have effected much good , but which was certain , on tiie othsr band , to have done much harm —( hear , hear ' . I
• Sir R . Isglis hoped that Ministers wonld not abandon their principle . If they had taken a more uncompromising course , they would have had a stronger support from a large body of the well-wishers of their measure . jMr , HiKDUST thanked the Government for having abstained from pressing this measnre , as shea strength might have eHabled them to do . He denied that the GbuTch had given up anything , and hoped that in auotHs-r session the Churchmen would see the fitness of acting very differently . . Sir G . Gbet considered this failure as by no
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means absolving the Ministers from the obligation of looking to the education of the people . He would advise them to increase the annual Parliamentary grants . j ; Some further conversation followed , in the course of which Sir J . Graham intimated that tha Gaverninent wonld gladly recommend an increase of the Parliamentary grant , If voluntary contributions should be raised in dn » proportion to it , I An attempt was made by Sir V . Blake to iittoduce a discussion respecting the precautionary Oieasures lately applied in Ireland , upon the plea of their involving a bteaqhi of privilege ; but ; the Speaker decided that the ! tpplo was not of sutib a class as to be entitled , to precedence of the orders of tho day . | . ;¦ The adjourned debate on the Irish Arms Bill was then resumed ,
Mr . Gisborne was the flret who addressed himself to this exhausted subject He criticised tht tone of the speech delivered by Sir J . Graham on Friday , and { contended that the question of the Irish Church was a topic not improperly introduced into the discussions of the preceding nights . He disapproved the conduct of the Government . in dismissing ; the magistrates who * had attended Repeal meatinga , and in appointing Judges who , though men of high honour and character , had evinced in the House of Commons what , for want of a better word , he must designate aa bigotry . A person of the anti-Protestant party [ wb « Should be tried before them would reasonably feel misgivings like t&ose of the poacher , who , being sunimoned before a couple of Norfolk justices for killing a cock pheasant , told them they might just as well trjfhim before a jury of cock pheasants . \ '
Mr . Colquhoun maintained that the state of Ireland required an Arms Bill . Witnesses and Jurors in ; that country were in danger of their lives for the evidence and the verdicts conscientiously given by them . Individuals were denounced , , by J the priests from the very altars , and thus placed ' in ajstate of frightful insecurity , for no crime but that of voting for Protestant candidates . He cited examples of tbeEe things from th < s evidence given before tbe Lords' Committee on Ireland , and argued that . Ireland thus differed so widely from England as reasonably to require laws which in England would be inapplicable . Uk enlarged upon the peculiarities of the Repeal agitation , as furnishing additional reasons for thiB legislative precaution . He ' .. read extracts from speeches and songs of the Repealers , breathing as fierce a hatred agaiDst the Whigs as against the Tories , and thence rebutted the assertion that all
which was wanting for the tranquilizition of Ireland was to restore the Whig Ministry . It was not true that the whole body of the Irish Roman Catholics adhered to the present movement party of Ireland ; and it was the duty of the Government to protect those peaceable subjects of her Majesty from the tenors of an unconstitutional agitation . ; Mr . Williams aaid , that Ireland would be quiet enough if the Government and Parliament of Eu ^ land showed a disposition to do her justice-Lord J . Manhers referred to Mr . Roebuck's repetition of the proposal for paying the Irish priesthood—a
proposal bassd upon a mosliundne belief in the powers of Mammon . That priesthood was not to be silenced . Indeed , it had been well said of that plan , that i there are two objections to it—first , that the priests were not willing to be bought ; and , secondly , tbat we were not willing to buy them . It was not historically true , that the religion of Romejwoa the ancient religion of Ireland ; it had been first introduced by Henry II ., and formed part of the very system of English conquest against which the agitators were so loudly protesting :. He feared that no material benefit was to be secured for Ireland , unless some improvement could be made in the physical condition of her people .
Sir H . W . Barron , alluding to Sir J . Graham's enumeration of the concessions made to Ireland , contended tbat they were concessions made only from fear , and in the most ungracious manner . Emancipation had been forced . Reform had been stinted . Then as to the Church property ; it was proved by history and by the statutes to have been destined for ; three purposes—religion , education , and the relief of the poor ; bnt it was not now so'applied—a great portion of it was spent in keeping up Protestant liviugs where there were no Protestant ! congregations . There was no such preponderance in the amount of crime in Ireland over the amount of crime in England , as to justify the enactment of this special law against the Irish people—nay , the proportion of crime was greater in
England ; and though Sir J . Graham had presented a contrary view , yet when certain returns should be produced -which wonld be moved for , Sir J . Grahams view would be disproved . Sir H . Barton then attacked the bill in detail . The act , as renewed by the Whigs , Wiis free from the objectionable clauses of this bill . He did not mean ito speak disrespectfully of the present ministers ; but he would say that the- whole Irish people was against them , " by reason of the ; judges whom they bad appointed , and of the stipendiary magistrates whom they had dismissed . The Bishops too had been selected frjom tha enemies of National Education . The Cabinet itself was wholly disconnected from Ireland : not a single member of it was Irish : and
accordingly no measure had been introduced by it for the redress of any Irish Sfirievanee . The Church was not the only grievance of Ireland : she bad many others which required the attention of Government . It had been said , that the wealth and intelligence of the country were with Ministers ; but London and the other great cities were a good criterion of these , and the majority of their representatives were adverse to the Government . Nay , even the counties , which had at first bten with the ministers , would be found against them if they ventured on a dissolution now . Ho admonished them that the Catholics were no longer a powerless race , but equal to the Protestants in every civil right . 1
Mr . Hardy took thereal question to be , whether there were not in Ireland extraordinary circumstances , requiring this extraordinary remedy . If there were , then that man was an unreasonable man who would not submit to a little particular inconvenience for the sake of general seenrity . Ha referred to the analogy of the law under which thejhonses of people employed in the woollen manufactures of Yorkshire and Lancashire may be entered , for the purpose of putting them to the proof that aay worilen goods found the : e have been honestly oome by ; that was a law reversing the-. general rule of proof , and a law not extending to the kingdom at larga . Mr . Hardy prbce . ded , at some length , to deal with several of the general topics of Irish politics ; but the impatience of the House made it difficult to apprehend bia arguments .
Mr . E . Ellice , though , he bad supported the former bills on this subject , felt himself obliged to oppose this , as a part of a system of coercion , for the Government had now declared that conciliation bad reached its limit . The Church snd the tenure of land were , ho knew , very difficult subjects ; but was Government , therefore , to shrink from coping with them ? At all events there should have been some inquiry on the subject of the tenures . And as to the Church , it was so monstrous an evil , that he regarded Mahomet as a merciful conqueror in comparison of those Who bad founded its establishment in Ireland . He would apply its whole revenue to
purposes of real - utility : for the Irish people . The Government of Lord Grey had the will and the power to deal beneficially with Ireland , and was in a course of such dealing—and who had interrupted it ? Those who seceded from that Government—Lord Stanley and Sir J . Graham . They who told ca there was to be no more conciliation were the real causes of the excitement In which Mr . OConnell was so active . He would not conclude without expressing his con vie . ion that the downfal of this empire would date from the day which Fhonld sever the kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland ; bat he could not , therefore , consent to concur in a system of coercion . '
Mr Milnes said thatjthe great error of this and of all former Governments had been that th « y had neglected the feelings of the Irish Catholics , who were a people essentially religious . He must own , indeed , that he could not see what real grievance that people now sustained ; certainly i they would gain nothing from tithe abolition , whichv since tithe had been commuted into rent-charge , would be a mere transfer from the clergyman to the landlord ; but history ehowed that even imaginary grievances had important consequences , and ought not to be disregarded . He thought this measure necessary ; and trusted that Ministers wonld continue to fulfil thar pledge of impartial government . ;
Sir C- Napier made ! a somewhat angry attack on Lord Stanley , insisting particularly , and amid much laughter , upon the necessity nf good temper in debate . He censured the conduct ; of Government with respect to Ireland , and bestowed an equal reprobation upon Mr . O'Oonnell . For , bis own part , be did not wish to see tQH Irish CLurch destroyed ; but he wished to see it reuueed to the Teal wants of the country ; not , howeyei , with any view of suffering the reDt charge to sink into the income of the landlords xMt . Sackville Lane Fox entered into the question of the Irish Church in referer . ee to the Roman Catholic Relief Bill , whiih be regarded aa a very injurious measure ; and he quoted many texts of Scripture as authorities for his opinions . I
Mr . M . J . OConneljl commented on Sir J . ( srabam ' 8 speech ; which , however , as well as the other speeches on the subject of agitation in general , appeared to him irrelevant in a debate upon an Arms Bill . He then examined , and found fault with , some of the details of the bill . Mr Mtjntz justified agitation in general , having himself ., at the time of the Reform Bill , been an extensive agitator . He and bis coadjutors bad then been encouraged by Sir J . Graham , and no harm had'come of it , and no harm had beea meant by it Why then it was fit to leave the same latitude to the Irish . Still , however , if the' great qaestion of the stomach were riffht , be believed Mr . O'ConrieU ' s agitation would be all in vain . He wished the Government would resort to conciliation instead of coercion . The Houso then divided on tho motion that the bill sboald be referred to a select committee .
For the motion ... 122 . Against it ... ... 276 Majority fc j r the bill 145
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HARMONY HALL . j LETTER XT . TO THB EB 1 T 0 B OF THB NORTHERN STAR . In my last letter I stated mf intention of reverting at length to some points of Mr . Oven ' s preliminary Charter , and showing their relative impoijtar . ee when compared with other objects of agitation , which now engage the puWio mind ; but previous to doing this , I talnfc it desirable to Inquire what axe really the chief wants of man * j That question , calmly and seriously pat by any reflecting mind , may be easily answersd , and will show what are , in reality , the most valuable kinds of wealth . We shall find the chl 6 f requisites are air , water , food , clothes , shelter , instruction , amusement , tba nff-ctions of those with whom we associate , ! and good society ; and if these could at all times be procured in abundance , then would men have all the materials that could be desired to insure their health and
happiness . ! piness . j If we proceed to Inquire , in the next placo , whether the means exist to supply man with all the kinds of wealth thus shown to- be requisite for bis health and happiness ? we shall find that they do exist most abundantly , with one single exception ! The means required besides sir ( which all can obtain of some description or other , without purchase , ) are land , water , labour , skill , and capital . Th « se exist in great superfluity , not only for tho supply of the present population of the world , hut also for its unrestrained increase for many ages . All that is required is the knowledge how to apply the
materials to procure these results , and raainta n them through succeeding ages . If we further ask the question—how is it that these results have net been attained , and the well-b < ing and bappitjees of the human race have not hitherto been secured ? there can be but one reply , namsly , that we hjtve hitherto been too ignorant to understand our own interests , and to be bo united aa to apply the abundant means around us in a manner that shall secure our happiness , t To produce at all times the greatest amount of the most valuable wealth in the shortest time , und with
the greatest pleasure and benefit to the producers and consumers , it is necessary that upon a certain proportion of land there should be united labour , skill ) , capital and population ; and that these materials should he combined and directed by those who understand the three great principles , or fundamental truths on which I have proposed to base the society to be formed , nninety ,, tbat man does not form his own character , but that it is formed of his original organization , and of the circumstances that surround him in every period of his
existence ; that he has not the power to believejor disbelieve except in accordance with the impressions that are made upon his mind ; and that he has not the power to love or bate except in accordance with ) the feelings created Within him by any object Such per&ous would alone be enabled to unite in their due proportions the materials for the production of wealth . } Let us look at the present state of society , as it regards the whole business of life ; and jwhat can be conceived more absurd or irrational than is there presented to our view ? j
With land sufficient , if even moderately cultivated , to supply one hundred millions of people } we leave in this kingdom , with a population of about thirty millions , the greatest outcry made to allow us toj import corn from other countries , under the supposition that if this be net done we must starve ! whilst our own fields present a mean , beggarly , and pitiful appearance , solely because we do not apply to them that healthy exercise and skill which is capable beyond all other things of giving pleasure and enjoyment , both physical , mental , and moral , to all who can take part in the performance of the labour . I
With millions of our people unemployed , or ill employed , we keep them in idleness , daily and hourly contracting vicioua , degrading , and disgusting habits , destructive of all their powers of body and mind , and rendering them the scourge and dread of those who consider themselves their superiors ; whilst these supariers might , by rightly training and exercising their own faculties , and directing those of the parties who ] are now thus unfortunately placed , receive advantages of a far higher nature tnan any tbat have hitherto been ( placed within their reach . I
With plenty of well skilled and highly talented individual in every department of science , who are unable to obtain beneficial exercise for their skill ; and those who are employed being chitfly » r solely so , in minor , trifling , petty matters , such as are utterly unworthy of the present age , we suffer most grievously from the want of important measures Vioing carried out ; measures that would provide in the most liberal manner for the food , clothes , shelter , instruction , and rational amusement for every individual , and thereby prepare him to form a part of that good soeiety which ! Will tend above all things to gratify the feelinca and desires of all , and lead them forward with increased v ^ onr to the pursuit of more extended and enlarged happiness .
With a machine-power twenty-foJd larger than our population , and capable of extension in any proportion that may be required * we Buffer our people to be naked or ill-clothed ; we still permit man to perform heavy , laborious toil and exertion , more severe than that to which the inferior criminals are doomed ; and wo daily and hourl y depress the means of procuring the common necessaries of life , until , if we proceed much longer at the same pace , we shall be overwhelmed by such an amount of Vice , crime , and misery , as the mind of man has not hitherto csneeived . j With capital bo abundant that it can procure scarcely
any remuneration for its employment ; jwith between eleven und twelve Bullions of specie lying idle in the Bank of England ; and with a restriction of the circulating medium utterly incapable of representing the amount of wealth that is created , we allow land , labour , skill , and machinery all to stand separate , disunited , and unproductive , thtreby entailing an amount of misery upon our children and our country , which , When we Shall hive acquired the knowledge I speak of , it will appear to us almost an impossibility that we should ever have allowed to exist whilst the ( means of preventing it lay so immediately within our reach .
I am glad to see by the letter of your ] correspondent " Gracchus , " inserted in this days paper , that our Cbartist friends are likely to Ix come fairly roused to the importance of a National Society . Let as proceed fairly and promptly with this subject ;| and we may speedily acquire a strength capable of demonstrating to our rulers the tare with which every requisite for human happiness , may speedily be placed within the reach of all . j We need not longer to quarrel and contend about who shall possess this er that power . JThe power of doing good , of providing well for ourselves , our
families , and every individual of our species , is now within oar reach , and let us lose no opportunity of embracing it . Lst that spirit of unity which can alone lead to successful results be seen ajmong us . Let us find out the persons that are most advanced in the sciences of human nature and ef society , ( that they may direct our united energies in the best manner for the benefit of all . Let no bring into nse all jthe appliances which the ingenuity and invention of man has brought so liberally to oar aid , and we shall soon be enabled to produce such a change in the appearance of society as shall astonish and delight all who behold it
The crisis which Is now rapidly progressing , as is most evident in every department of society , r&quires that we act most promptly on some well defined principles , capable of universal application , that they shall Immediately be embraced by all . liet any rational man look at the feelings now being called out by the agitation of the various remedies that j are proposed , and then say whether he can expect love , peace , truth , or charity , to emanate from snch sources ] If we look at the Repeal question , ( tie debate now going forward is likely to excite and irritate to such an extent tbat until true principles shall be placed before them , must of necessity goad the different parties onwards to such measures as shall , if carried far e « ough , produce consequences at which the human mind shudders to contemplate . i
The education clauses of the Factory Bill have been obliged to be given up , on account of [ their want of universality ; the parties on both sides wishing to coerce the mind to believe certain matters , without waiting lor evidence being brought to ensure conviction . The repeal of the Corn Laws 1 b sought for on the most partial and imperfect grounds , and in a spirit calculated to arouse the most angry feelings , and to injure the personal interests of our fellowmen ; instead of being placed on tbe legitimate basis of our having free trade in ali things with all the world .
The advocacy of the People ' s Charter has hitherto been conducted in a spirit tho reverse of what I hope soon to see manifes ed . The numbers of its advocates , and of the Repealers in Ireland , are quite sufficient , as soon aa the spirit of unity shall be I well developed in both , and they shall proclaim themselves the advocates of universal measures beneficial io every individual , to produce a public opinion that shall urge upon the Government tbe necessity for a peaceful change , is a manner that they will be unable to resist Let this public opinion be once secured , and tha
whole of the practical stops necessary to produce an immediate change , as it were by magio , j are ready to be developed . Contention and strife , persecution and anger , may be immediately and for ever banished from among men ; and every one may enjoy fall that is truly essential for his well-being , physically , mentally , or morally . j I am , Sir , j Tour obedient servant , William Gaxpih . Harmony Hall , Hants , June 17 , 1813 .
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Negro Flying . —The editor of the Boston Mail ridicules Mr . Henson and his aerial steam-carriage , and predicts that the first career down the inclined plane will end somewhat like Sambo's firtst expert ment , when he undertook to fly from a garret window with a pair ofwin ^ B manufactured out of a leather aprcii . i'Lo honest aegro struck the pound with his head hard enough to break a sledg ; -hamaier ; and springing to his feet with a . kind of a rebound , scratched his wooUy pate , exclaiming , " Dem ' s fuss rnte Jlyinff ; no bird do him quicker ; but golly ! dty ' s dam bard lighting /"
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THE NATIONAL BENEFIT SOCIETY . ITS FOUNDATION , V BIKC 1 PI . B . TO THE CHARTIST PUBLIC . BaoTHEBS , —Mr . Galpin hath readily , and I may add , generouBly , ( seeing that it is not usual with disputants te make admissions in favour of their opponents , ) admitted , that under exciting circumstances his proposition will be open to all the objections which I make in the election of the central or local presidents ; and relies upon the impression that bis three fundamental truths are capable of making npon every individual wind for speedy success . ( See letter thirteen , paragraph nine . ) In the latter part of the fourth paragraph he sajs , " Vly dependence is not npon any person who may be selected to preside over the society , bnt on the truth of the principles on which it is to be based , and on the daily increasing . knowledge that will be gained of the science of human nature and of society . "
I must here remind you , Brothers , that the objection referred to above , whraeonto the forcgoins is a set off amounted to this ; that if , as Mr . G set forth , the people were incapable of electing a council for the society , they were equafly incapable of electing a president for the society . This position I conceive to be unalterable bj any circumstances It is self-evident that , if the first objection is valid , the second , of nec 6 B 9 ity , must be equally valid ; and , following the same comprehensive and easy mode of reasoning , if the impression of the truths whereof he writes , and the increasing knowledge of the sciences of human nature and society , are capable of rendering the people fit to elect the first presidents and all the local presidents , they will turely make them fit to elect the
centra' council , and the local councils to act with , and counsel , the said presidents . For what do we need a council ? ^ Is it to . sarve us or the president ? If it is to serve the body , how absurd to give . the president power to choose them , and dismiss them at his pleasure . ' When we appoint a council , is it not under the impression that their collective wisdom will be better than the wisdom of one man f Are they not appointed to take counsel together and decide on that course they deem best to perform the work we require to be done ? If there was any one member of a council that had all the knowledge and ability that is requisite to do the work himself , even then the propriety of your giving him the power to ( to as be liked would be questionable ; and if a president is
allowed to appoint his councillors and dismiss them at will , it is virtually giving him the power to act as he pie .-: see , without having any guarantee tbat'he possesses itiffiflieat ufeiiity &s& integrity , Again , if the Presisident is to be thought so superior to the council as only to listen to their opinions and act with or without them , what need of going to the expense of supporting a council for him ? because he could collect together any of tho members that lived near him and bave their advice , and afterwards if he felt inclined , tell them their advice was not good . He need not approve of it , and might not act npon it ; and thus dismiss them , without insulting them with the empty name of a council . Indeed , this council without the power to act , t > aing without a veto , reminds me of that act of the National
Assembly of France which divided the people by a sort of negative affirmative , into citizans active and inactive ; thereby disfranchising the great majority of the French nation , after they had declared all the male adults free and equally citizens of France . But are there not duties for a council to perform- other than merely giving their opinions , or deliberating ? Should they not take cognizance of the acts of the secretory , treasurer , and president ; and see that each of them do their duty te the society ? Should they not be watchers of tbe honesty of each ? checks against any inclination of either to defraud the body or act in any way dishonourable ? Should * not they have the power to see the book , bonds ., checks , and papers of every description pertaining te ' the association , tbat defalcations may be
cheeked ere they become ruinous ? In the societies , whether political or trade , to which I have belonged , Euch bave been the duties and powers of the committees or councils , where there waa money to any considerable amount There were stewards on the committee ; and the cash was placed in a box with three , four , or five locks , one for each officer , bo that the money should not be taken aut without the whoe were present . But if tbe council hold their office at the will of the president , how can they perform these important dutieB ? I maintain tbat to discharge these duties fully , they must hold their office at the wi'l of the members , and be responsible to them for the strict fulfillment thereof . It is a question bow far a good system of education and good circumstances from youth up would remove the liabilities of mankind
to errors and injustice . Bat , be that as it may , whilst we live in old society , and are open to the taints of her faulty institutions , we must be governed by our experience ; and therefore guard against all those faults of our race that have oecurred , and are continually occurring , and in all probability will continue to occur . Wherefore , however honest virtuous and wise we may think our fellow men , in placing them in offices of trust we must plaae sufficient guai'ds about them to prevent , if we can , the possibility of their doing ought dishonourable , and thereby preserve their characters unsullied , and our persons and properties unharmed . In support of tho necessity of . such mutual checks , I could cita numerous instances ; some where they have saved societies from tuin , and others vr-here the lack of it has produced ruin ; bat for the present shall rest on tho arguments I have adduced .
In reply to the third paragraph , I would say , that a Council without a vote eanoot be democratic ; and , in acknowledging the compliment to myself in the second paragraph , I must say I am happy to think that the spirit of my letter hath given friend Galpin such pleasure , as I would ever wish to carry on any discussion , in which I should engage , in a friendly , yet firm spirit ; and having found a similar spirit pervading my brother disputant ' s letters , I have felt like pleasure in the pe . iusal thereof . With these remarks , I move en to letter 14 . In reply to tbe second paragraph , if this applies to who should fill the chief offices , I must assure Mr . G . he mistakes me . I do not care who the persons are that
lead such a movement for the benefit of tbe people . It matters not to me whether they are sprigs of the court or the cabin ; peers , priests , patricians , or peasants ; nor of what sect . If they will sincerely and zealoa&iy , and industriously assist in such a work , they are of the people . I depend on the icflaence of the principles of truth and justice on the minds of men to effeet that unity of purpose and unity of action , that friend Galpin seeks to produce by vested power in the presidents of tbe association : and I hope yet to convert my honourable disputant to that faith in his own doctrine of circumstances and education , that he shall place his whole reliance on their influences on our fellow meu to produce that < l < sired unity , and abandon his love of despotic authority .
Third—With regard to Mr . O'Connell , or any othe * leader giving explanation of his conduct , I think it is pretty evident , that it should be done whenever required by those who have a right to know , and not be led blindfolded . Indeed , O'Connell hath recently given a strong proof of the necessity of leaders , explaining the motives of their actions . ( See his calumnious insulting refusal . of Chartist aid . ) Fourth—With respect to the Chartist agitation of 1839 , I join my hope with his . But a people goaded
with wroDgs , with increasing oppressions and starvation and death staring them in the face , will , however tame their disposition , sometimes become excited , I think that we did all that laid within oar power by our speeches , Stc , to show that the change we sought was for the benefit of all . But influence , patronage , prejudice , and ignorance made the middle and upper classes deaf to our appeals for political rights and common justice . Poverty , however , with its fearful strides , is breaking down those barriers to their feelings ; and there appears eome hope for their conversion .
Fifth—To stick a thorn in the sides of any Government , or of any individual of our fellowrnon , ia no wish or purpose of Mr . Galpin's . There is a principle in that but it is different to the law of the woods , as Hawkeye said to David Gammut No it is not the law of the Wilderness ; and we live in a mental Wilderness , and shall find ourselves obliged to act accordingly . Neither is it the law of the Socialists ; for are not they a thorn in the sides of the priesthood t Aye , as surely as the Christians were a tnorn in the aides of the Pagan priesthood ; as surely as the Protestants were a thorn in the Papal priesthood ; as 'sure as the Dissenteta were and
are a thorn in the sides of the Church of England priesthood ; and the priesthood deal with them as an irritating th » rn in their sides ; and if the Socialists succaed in drawing the people from tbe said priesthood , they will have served them as we did the Whigs , —bring them their high places to the earth . But th «» y will not find this task so easy as was ours with tbat ruling faction . Tney will find their work is even now scarce begun . I wiil not say they will ever do this ; but of one thing I feel confident , truth will ultimately prevail , be it on whichever side it may ; and longing for the age of truth . I remain , YourB in hope , Gracchus .
Untitled Article
A few weeks since , in an ancient chest bought at an auction ia Ipswich , was found , in a . hidden partition , a deed of the age of Elizabeth , connected with , apparently * a large estate in Kent , and some old coins . The chest had been in possession of the family from whom it bad been purchased ac ( he sale aa far as memory reaches , -without knowledge of its hidden contents . < Oh Tue « oat a desperate ca #% f bowk }* occurred in the - Infantry barracks . A private soldier named Marshall , who was acting as servant to one or" the
officers , put a period to his existenceTin a vafy cool aad extraordinary manner * He had tafc ^ u off frig shoes and stockings and laid himself riuwa en his back ; he then put the muzzle of his musket into hig mouth , and pulled the trigger with his ? toe . It ia supposed the gnn was charged with more than one ball cartridge , as a window in the room was shattered by the concussion . It is needless to say that the poor man died inr-tamVy . No cau ^ e can be assigned for thii divadr ' ul act . A very short time previous to its commission he seemed " in hi 3 usual good spirits . ^ Glasgow Chronicle .
3rijm*Rfal ^Barltaraem 41 The Northern Star. J 7
3 rijm * rfal ^ Barltaraem 41 THE NORTHERN STAR . j 7
Untitled Article
The Empire aad tbe South Amrrioa steamers , say ~ a New York papsr , in their ascending trip ou the 23 rd , ran one hundr . d ujiles in four hours and ahaif . Tbe question is jet uti .-. cided whichjboat has the greatest speed .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), June 24, 1843, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct807/page/7/
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