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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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rrCO > ' > "OR 0 K csrRCH CHARTISM , TEETOTAX CHABTISil , KNOWLEDGE CHARTISM , 45 D BQVSBBOLD SUFFRAGE CHARTISM . vi rrsrii-fKD , Blistered , Usshork Friesds , ^ ffben s p rinciple is once agreed upon , the safe , the "" Kid the speedy means for it » accomplishment ^ y be the one great and never abandoned obje ct of ^ jroeato ; ana , therefore , the labour which I have * lj cft . * m , become * narrowed to the simple considera-^ aj of the & «* , whether Church ChartUm , Teetotal gprim , Knowled ge Chartism , or Household Suffrage Qtll ^ gm , are , euh 01 all , or any of them , likely to be ale , a rare . ¦»* » speedy means toward * the acbieve-Lotrf the darter .
I eoniani for it that rales * the four * 6 ctions form of a ^ sadves , in the first instance , a quadruple alliance rtjjt fliar low dMinct and different means to an end , o&agh flat a » d be identical and the same , constitute a -, £ 5 ^ / x * case against them , and . is calculated to t j ^ ito sectional and party dispute , and , ultimaUly , to gjsj ( iigtiueaon . I eontaid further , that eTen if consolidated into one ^ Sujee , bavin *; but one object in Tiew , th ? t in the wep riety ef **** alliance a large majority of the peop le must join , tbtrwire it also becomes but a ggsaal alliance , with a fonr-fold strength , and ten-fol * pswa of doing mischief . But when I find that the jscr psrtw * recommend distinct and separate means for £ . jeeomp Hsiiaieni of the ttme end , then the case jpiart each becomes stronger and stronger .
I skill tot consider the Church party , under the ^ reifieant denomination which it has assumed , the . < Christian Chartist Church" party . jCot , in the outset , -what does the title " Christian gjjr tirt-niein ? or has it any meaning ? We most , & *]» & of explanation , take it literally to mean a new , jjtem of Chartist Chnrchism , to be ready cut and dry , ii i isbstitote for a State establishment ; of tkis there » a beM doubt , because religien cannot , like politics , y pat on and off according to expediency . In this Tier , then , we haTe a substitute for the great grievance tf irikh all parties , sate those who pocket by it , easp ' oa . QBBtan Protestantism , or State Church , in its
infmer , merely straggled for toleration ; but when it got postal strength , it looked for equality , and , when it got political superiority , it took spiritual ascendancy , Bid sasamed political supremacy ; but , in its infancy , It tw jest as tolerant as the Christian Chartist Chm-ch it but , and , in itr jttver , it is not a whit more dbomoo , tyrannical , and exclusive , than a Chartist CfcEci -rosld be if osce sanctioned . Sate Church is the Christian Tory Church , and ChirtifiB aeeis , as one of its great and useful ends , the 1 TT pin « Hrm of the domination of that Church ; and the uxeus in which Chartists are called npon to test their tsxeixj in a desire to put down a State Cfawch , is iT estiKisMng one of their own in its stead .
CfcnsSja Dissennsm is the "Whig Church , which bot bai Traits for a sufficiency of political power to naie Dr . Pbilpotte and Mr . Baines , the church-rate nartji , as he is called , change places . There is no nuance open record of one church being even cbarite&e to another church ; the strong is always trasiual , the we ak is always tolerant , till its turn comes , and then it justifies its own intolerance upon the pis of retribution and religious Tengeance for past yrfEsrfwp
Ai » political engine , let us now test the means by , winch oar new-light Chartist Christians are to serre ! ths principle for which they profess to contend . Does their incorpontion weaken the enemy and strengthen ; tiaaselTii , and does their increased strength , if they deriTe any , add to the general strength of Chartism ? ; r « y eanED * . weaken the enemy , because the State ; Gcsrci will hive its dues ; and if they recruit their ebsrch £ rc 3 i tie Dissenters" ranks , they become but the I fosmd&tioa of a new dissent sect They cannot , there- j fare , strengthen themselves , as they do not weaken the i eaemy , and , at a consequence , they can give no addi- ;
tonal strecgtli to Chartism generally . Well , bat , says a Pastor or Deaefh , we can strengthen oorsclTes without w eakening the enemy ; we can fire OCT disciples Trith rsHgioas enthusiasm , and , liie all I martyrs of old , breathe spiritual life into our political ; body . Then , I aanrer , jon are fenatics , and not J TniTeml Cizristi&ns , beeause you admit aa opposite creed to those with whom you contend , while the rery i essence of Chartism proclaims ciTil eqnality to lead to r tbs nairarsaj rignt of religious worship as eaeh ; * fc » naeem £ t . -R- ell , bo we mean , say the Christian Chartists . Then , I ask , are all Chartists , who are not
eoiaimmiRVitB of your church , infidel Chardsts ? and if yosi rdifioa is to pure as to be uniTersaUy adapted by all , yoa mest differ in faith from all existing sects ; thariCBe prodtice yonr articles of religion * faith , bseaae tyring founded * Church , -srhich is eT « n amcre e&zsiie term than a sect , you must haTe some peculiar f&hi en yem are humbugs . ^ ell , but you answer either that you haTe no creed , or UaJ your creed is so unrrersal that all men ought to k * wp > it If yen hare no creed yon can haTe no e mdl ; and , if yon haTe a creed , sad if that creed ka not embrace Catholicism , Protestantism , Dissent
^ Quakerism , and all the minute ramifications of £ * setoi 1 parent stocks ; do you not exclude ail fc * 51 ^ as conscientious Catholics , and all England « eonsrieatiitts Protestants , Dissenters , Catbo-& * , or itSdds ? So that if you haTe no peculiar && yon haTs do title to the designation yon cm Uien and if you haTe a faith , and if £ _ u cot a ho . 3 ge-podge faith , a faith which conlt 8 £ ^ a Christians ; will not subscribe to , you become E ^^ ts sect of politico-religions adTenturers , ^ 7 "with yenr pious loaf to pop into the Chartist oyen *** ^ oseat it becomes he&trf .
,. ' J one > "wonld abandon the Chartists and Cfear-^ f- ^ now , U I thought that the noble political f ^ Pie , for which I haTe suffered so much in mind , -I . K 4 estate , was , is a &nt rider , to be saddled t ^» n 7 pecaiiar creed , faith , or church-, or even if £ ^» m to be a thing ^ i ^ .. , Christian Chanis : j ^ - ~ ;* which , thongh mild in its Hiaie , and toler-•^^ i sjtopijaEtie in its infancy , -would gain pre-~^ f " it gained strength , and increase in tyranny "'• aoa sed in power .
p-V ^ J 0 T 1 ^ ' ^^^ tnuistiana at all , and are . If Tj * " * M 5 x * -easiTe and primitire a * yon profess ? jj , ^* ' ^ ' t ^ fore , uponyonr honest rainstrj , ^ -Jss * ea-rtea jouhaTe time , in the Market-place , j-L *?*" ^ "d «* rry with you " neither purse nor jj . ^ Dot continue your duties in the same spirit ' e o :: ^ r ° " hlTe com"ne ] iced your calling , by creating ia ^ r . T ' - " 21 ^ 011 ' aad Sttlfe > instead of " Peace jv ^ 'Tj ^ aaaag men . " You haT « done more , in j pt . " ^* * ° -iis , to create disunion , tha-q in a whole hsjj ^ £ j \ - yonr preactin , teal . Do you j ¦»>; " v " ! t ™ lefi for you to found a creed i
ia j _ ^ ^ c-Dmmen ce in etnfe and end BaaiT * ' t 0 ky its foniidation in disit jj ' " er 6 c : a superstructure in harmony ? Tours i er ^^^ d * aiia S ia reUjion ; & kind of spiritual ' » i : & ~ *'** ' Tiie P ^ P 16 Wed i hese ^ fl "' ' j Io ^> . , ? OTal S ^ ds , and , in many instsj ; e « s , they ¦ jrhi ^' ^ ? dow n one body of shopkeepers , <* iias Z fJleir P ™ in establishing a new sect ds * ^ ' ** > a 3 tllQt ^ b . an exteasiTe , yet a well-Q ^ T ^ * e » snation of a political party . k Jt ej ! *^' ' th 0 Ugh ^ PP " ^/ . all-embracing K ^ n ^ T ^ ' < arries ' tk i > exclusion of an other Ba *»« a 2 * ' re SXpiCt pom <* 1 « d - TbeC&tho-3 rou '* eciv ? * 0 abitU : resteiieiIliesif we « Uow « d ! — ^ "AOvUa Tcm » > u « o ... ii , a- _ » - — " ¦ i ? irom
• u itt in .- - «; "^ eaaTe sunerea Mai »» Pirttts , ssd would dread you ; so with the tt ( S * fe SlfT " ° ^ Ditt « « n ; » hito tfao « of ^ ^ v ^ ^ W 0 Hld ^ "y * ° ^ th us for dTil ^ h ^ f " t 7 rMDy > 1 fiicl 1 u *« wont ° * u j ™ * -5 « mnd of yonr Christian Chartism . Hn *« , ^ n *^ 3 protest t «» ic * t youi aatumption of Utfj ^^ Utortii D Chartut Church . " Firstly , as an •^ to ' oT ^ ' " * Wck ; ^^ y- »• ed-^ ^ ire nM 0 ? " 16 8 taPldon <* infideMty npon ^ imoZ"Z 00 *^ ! « wi . fourthly , because teH ^^ T * dndMion that the est ablishment of *** « IiSi ?** ' * ° * fonoired b 7 ^ e ^^ ^' feS " a make what x ^^^ » fair and C S * WSS ° D ' ta ^ tland , the esteblishment of S ^^ S ^ T *™ *" ttem a ^ ^ "i ^ " *** ^^ y ^ ae rital point " * - *«« y ; and , farther , mmy of the in-
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terested supporters of the Yoluntary prinsiple are our greatest political enemies . Again , it is a well understood thing that in Scotland all the pavrers of Europe could not establish a Christiaa Ch * rtl * t Chnrch , or aay other p » rticnl * r ascendancy Ckurch , thr » u | h the uutrumenUlity of the Charter . The preachers in Scotland strengthen Chartism , white they weaken hn » bujism . The preachers at Binningha * a weaken Cbartiasa , while , fortuaately , they do not much strengthen humbugism ; but no thanks to them , in Scotland the preachers assume no distinct religions bearing ; and the best proof of the difference between Scotch
and English Chartist preaching is this : In Scotland it unites th » people , and weakens and disunites the enemy ; the funds t ; o to adTancethe political principles , while no peculiar religious faith is preached or attempted to be enforced . In Birmingham , Christian Chartism tends to diiunite the great body of the Chartists and to increase their opponents , while it only unites a knot of mouthing , mumbling , preaching , gasconading hypocrites , who are already liTing up « n Churth property , and who , I will hold a trifle , are beginning to dress clerically and to turn np the -whites of their eyes like a duck in thunder , while they are comfortably fleecing the dupes and doing the flats .
Of course this will be all contradicted and animad-Terted upon . I expect it fully ; no man cries " stinking fish . " But , h « weTer , 1 call up » n eTery honest Chartist throughout the land , to put the extinguisher of honest and unsophisticated political principle , npon this Christian Chartist now-light humbug , which has , in so short a time , shown us so much darkness . I tell them that no sound principle eTer has been or eTerwill be hat « hed under the wing of fanaticism ; and , in the name of justice and of beaTen , if we are to be beaten , d » nt let great tw » -flsted , starring , working men , at all eTents , be beaten by old women in breeches in the nineteenth century . I say down with all humbug * , and the humbug of fanaticism bting the gwaUst of all humbugs , down with that first
I object to Teetotal Chartism , because all who do not join in it , and I fear they are many , will be considered as unworthy their dril rights . I object to Knowledge Chartism , because it impliedly acknowledges a standard of some sort of learning , edncation , or information , as a necessary qualification to entitle man to his political rights . In fast , the Whigs think opposition to TVhiggery , and the Tories think opposition to Toryism , a perfectly good and Talid ground , whereon to establish popular ignorance , and a consequent political disquoliflcatioa . I object to Household Suffrage Chartism , because it is not Chartism at alL
In faet , I loek for the Charter to promote Christianity , to insure temperance , to inculcate knowledge , and to giTe the House and tomething more , while the use of those seTeral qualifications , as a means to an end , will bnt place the Charter , year after year , farther from our reach . The Christians will say , " you haTent your Chartist catechism . " The Teetotallers will say , " you ' re drunk . " The teachers will say , " you're ignorant , "and the Householders will say " you ' re houseless . " So that yon need not one qualification , but four gualifie&tiona . Abstinence , knowledge , and a home will lack the still great essential , in the estimation of the pastors and deacons of Mother Church . Christian Chartism , Teetotalism , and knowledge will lack the House . Christian Chartism , k nowledge , and the House will lack the abstinence , and Christian Chartism , Teetotalism , and the House will lack the knowledge .
So beliere me , mj good and worthy fusti&n jackets , blistered hands , and unshorn chins , that no one of the crotchet-mongers will abate a pin ' s point of his dogma to carry the Charter ,- and the more each section of dogmatists thrire in their seTeral Tocations , by bo mnchihe farther will they take car © t # shore the Charter from you . Treat man as man , and if they fall down , Christians Church and all , and swear by the steeple , dont you belieYe one of them , that they would rather work , with the Charter , than preach and lire fat and in idleness without it . It is not in human nature ; and if they tell you it is their nature , laufh at them . It is well enough to be kept down by the force of cannen ani Right BeTerend Fathers in God , but it is rather too bad to be held in chains by froth and flummery , and Right ReTerend Fathers in the DeTil .
Belifre me , if you allow those four sections to mix up each their peculiar tenets with your cause , you will haTe raised unto yourselTes four powerful enemies , mild as sucking doTes while looking for power , but BaTase as roaring lions when they find your power likely to oTercome theirs . We shall then haTe washing and cleansing Chartists declaring you are too dirty for enfranchisement . I am anxious to see eTery Chartist a good Christiani a good neighbour , and a good friend . I am desirous of seeing eTery Chartist sober , industrious , and honest , full ef knowledge and filling houses ; and it is because I belisTe , in my soul and my conscience , that a hypocritie&l use of those inestimabl * blessings will impede , or , altogether destroy their possession , that I thus array myself , single-handed , against tha quadruple alliance .
There neTer waa a more patriotic , or useful agitator than the glorious Father Mathew , who haa produced a moral reTolution in Ireland , making it the sound foundation for any temple that shall be raised upon it , and , a * a first-fruits , we find the Charter woTXing ita way in sober Ireland . Now , if the Christians will ge absut as be has done ; if the Teetotallers and knowledge-mongers will do likewise , inculcating religion , abstinence , and knowledge , as a means to any end which they may unitedly produce , without establi shing man's adhesion to any of them , as a political test , then I will giTe them my blessing and my every assistance ; and I am sura that each and all will lead te the accomplishment of our ciTil and religious regeneration . Bat once , mike nonconformity ground for exclusion , and you establish sects and sections , instead of one universal corps of regenerators .
My friends , get your Charter , and I will answer for the religion , sobriety , knowledge , and house , and a bit af land into the bargain . Upon the other band , foster your Church and yon narse a Tiper in your bosom , ready to sting you to death , rather thaa allow you to thriTe to her detriment I did fan Hy hope that of all humbugs a Chartist State Caa / ch would be the last tried , but there is nothing iLfes a great effort to pr » ciuce a startling tffeet , and , I doubt not , but many who have read the trash of the "Xsw Jerusaleoii' . ea , " will haTe already saiu , " What fools we were to have allowed them to get a moment ' s footing amongst ns . "
If Chartist 3 you are , Chartists remain ; you have work enough withont entering into the new maze prepared for you , by the brUhops , priests , elders , pastors , and dfeiCOCJ , of the sucking -dore Chartist Chnrcli . I should be much more popular if I would lend myseltto the wiles and machinations of the poor man ' s ene : nies ; but come what will of me , you 6 hall not be lost with your eyes sh » t , while I have a half one open ; and , in truth , tfroy— ars now nearly both closed from Chartist . sm ^ ke . My friend /; bear in mind ttat I speak &s a Chartist I haTe a perfect right to repudiate the ignorance , insilecee , and intolerance of any parties who dare to make
traffioof any portion of & general political principle , of whieh I am a disciple , to serve any sinisier purpose . The name is what I object to . No party in the State , except a majority of the Chartists , hu any right to assume a religious designation , which may lead the world to jnppoas was to be the new creed of Chartism , which , I trust , has no set order of spiritual faith beyond loTing God and fearing eTil Let them call themselTe * the Hokey Pokey , New Brummagem , er old Jerusalem , froth and flummerites , and preach Sonthey aud Shelley , and play the Highland bagpipes , as a mean * of regenerating Bias , till tbey are black In the face , and they shall neTer hear more from Your faithful and watchful , though walled-up friend , a Mber , knowledge-ioTiag Christian , AND A Chartist , FBAEtcs O'OojrjfOR .
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THE POWER OF THE MIDDLE CLASSES . Lancaiter Castle , March 4 th , 1841 . My Dear M , —In raj last , as well as I can recollect , I endeavoured to ahow that the middle classes constitute the supreme power of the state ; tile power which notr-a-days rules the destiaiea of the kingdom . They h&ve absotbad the . national representation , —they elect all our municipalities throughout the kingdom , — they compose oarTestries and Boards of Quardi&ns ; and , having the appointing of all parish officers , are as abso-
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lute in parochial affairs as they are in the corporations . From these classes , too , are all juries selected , and by them are all issues tried between the sovereign and his lieges ; 80 that , in the last resort , they haTe ertry man's life or liberty In their hands . Add to thU , the power of * hat has been called— " The Fourth Estate "— olius the power of moulding public opinion through the periodical prew —( which is almost entirely in the hands of the middle classes )—and I think you will agree with me that , no matter who mar be our ostensible rnlera , the real practical QoTernment of the country resides essentially in the middle classes . Through the Home of Commtnt they
controul the other two branches of the Legislature , and hold the Crown itself , or Executive , in the bonds of dependence . They can get passed , or repealed , what laws they Ilka , or stop legislation altogether , by ¦ topping the ( applies . They can tUrre the King or Queen into compliance with their will , having made the Sovereign entirely dependent for his maintenance upon & Tote of the House of Commons . Through the Mtixicipolitict , or Corporations , they exercise the same absolute sway in local government that they 4 o through the House- of Commons over the general Government Through the administration of tht laws relating to the relief of the poor , they not only hold in tbeir hands the
issues of life or death to the unfortunate paupers thkiniselTes , but indirectly command the destiny of the independent labourer ; for , in proportion as they degrade and maltreat the panper within doors , do they terrify the poor labourer out of doors to accept any wages offered him by his middle class employer . Even Mother Church kerself has not escaped their clutches ; for , through their vestry meetings , they have her sacred edifices , and the materials of her worship , in tbeir keeping . They may cut off her bread and wine , stop her bell ringing , leave the parson without a surplioe , and let the Church tumble down about his ears for want of repairs . AH this they
can do by simply refusing a rate ; for , as to the remedial power of the Queen ' s Beech , God help the parsons when it comes to that with them ! So you see , my friend , that nothing , sacred or profane , has escaped the unclean teach of these h&rpies . Yet all their powers , enormous as they are , woald not suffice to consolidate their empire , if they had not also extended Mover trial by jury and the press . So they have takes especial care to establish such qualification for jurors , and such shackles for the press ( in the shape of surety bonds and stamps ) as haTe rendered these two great institutions mere instruments of oppression in their ( the middle dassas ') hands .
" The whole machinery of » ur laws" says a high judicial authority , " however vast and complicated , ultimately resolves itself into twelve jurymen in a box . " ' Only give m « a free snd unshackled press , " said Brinsley Sheridan , " and do you take King , Lords , and Commons , with army , . naTy , and what else you like , and I will undertake fe > beat you and put you down . " These secrets did not escape our prudent middle classes . They knew , the rogues ! that a power to make laws is nothing without the power to execute them ; that a power to create
new crime * , and to enact new penalties , would be useless to them , unless they could obtain convictions ; and that the only way to ensure thai waa to usurp the Jury-box , as they bad usurped the Commons . They knew , also , that unless they could monopolise the erpresrion of public opinion , their monopoly of the Government would be but the "baseless fabric of a vision . " These state secrets , I say , did not escape our prudent middle classes , and the consequence is , that in no other department of public affairs , is the power of the middle classes more absolute than it is over
trial by Jury and the newspaper press . Noir , M , all these powers have been usurped by the middle classes . They are , every one of them , the work of usurpation . Oar Constitution knows nothing of a , middle class , tlagna Charto says nothing abont them , or about property qualifications . Even the Bill of Rights ( mixlern as it is ; makes no such invidious distinctions to favour one part of the Commons at the expence of another . Our Constitution knows only three estates—King , Lords , and Commons . ETery man , not a King or a Pear , is a Commonerhe is only one of toe Commons ; and , in the eye of the Constitution , all Commoners are alike ' ; all born to the tune right * , all equally eligible to to offices of public trust , whither Parliamentary ,
municipal , parochial , or therwise . Whatever political priTiieges , then , the middle classes possess , to the exclusion of the working people , are but usurpationsimpudent , fraudulent , felonious , traitorous usurpations . They are eTery one of them the offspring of statute law , which has effected them by property qualifications , and that , too , in very recent times . There was no electoral property qualification , for instance , before the reign of Henry TL , when the forty-shilling freehold franchise was first established . In Ireland that franchise dates only from 17 t 3 , and it is now only twelve years since we saw it demolished by a new statute , to give place to other and different qualifications , which last another statute is now about to set aside , by the substitution of an entirely new and different electoral system .
Our Parliamentary qualification , you know , dates only from the reign of Queen Anne , and to the present day you have no Parliamentary qualification at ail in Scotland . Are not most of the present electoral qualifications for Great Britain the work of the late whig Reform Act of precious memory , that is to say , the offspring of a law ten years old . And was not our present jury law , that which determines the qualifications for jurors , passed in the reign of George IV ., only fifteen years ago ? And were not all the malignant laws , which have converted oar newspaper press into a rank monopoly , all-polluted and all-polluting , passed in the three reigns immediately preceding the present
reign of V ictoria , the last and worst of all dating only from the late king ' s , and passed by a reformed Parliament ? Thus , you see , my fritnd , that ths middle clajs-s are not only masters of our Govtiiment and institutions , but that they have acquired their mastership by a series of usurpations , every one of them of recent origin , every one of them the work of modtrn statute law , erery one of them anti-constitutional and anti-national , every one of them ) n the teeth of Magna Charts and the Bill of Rights , every one of them destructive of our constitutional rights , and every one of thum hat&d , cursed , and disarowed by ninetenths of the British and Irish people .
> ow , is it likely that parties who have thus invaded all our rights , and usurped the controul of all our institutions , to our utttr and entire exclusion ; is it likely , 1 say , that these parties wiil unite with us to annul tbeir own work , and to demolish their own usurpation ? If thty are disposed that way , have J not saiJ unough to shew you that they have the power to do all we want , without our forming " Unions" with them for tbat pnrpose . ' If they are not so disposed ( as is manifestly the case ) , what other than perfidious and mischievous objects can they have in view , in demanding to unite with us ? Would it not be committing
political suicide to abandon our present independent position , and throw ourselves into their arms , knowing , as we do , that whatever power and influence we have recently acquired , has bean won and conquered without them—aye , in spite of them ; knowing also , that "we should , ere now , have accomplished the deliverance of the nation , bad it not been for their intrigues , their bribery , and for the traitors the ; bad sent amengst us ; and , above all , knowing , as we do , that they have but to iriii our emancipation to carry it , and that , if they do not will it , our business is to unite against them , and not with them ?
Hitherto , M , I have spoken of the power which the middle classer possess through the organitation of the Government . I have said nothing of the power they pos * e * s In virtue of their social position , alias through the existing organisation of society ; a power independent of any and all form * of Government , and which , alone , would render them virtually masters of any Government whenever they chose to make common cause with the working classes . Yes , M , though the middle classes did not poiaesj a single political
right or a single repreaentativa in Parliament , they would still , I contend , be more than a match for any despotism , in virtue of the social power they possess as superintendents over the production and distribution of wealth , and as the directors of our national industry , that is , provided they chose to make common cause with th © workingmen . But I will reserve my observations on this htad , as weK as on the subject glanced at in your letter of yesterday , for a future comuimonication . Mean-while , I remain , Ac ., Jahei B . O'B&iex .
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TO THE CHARTISTS OF DURHAM COUNTY . > li Friends , —O'Connor has called upon you now to do your duty to yourselves , your country , your imprisoned and exilud patriots . He has pointed out tiie nieaua by which you may speedily , cheaply , and effecLuaily do it You have read or are acquainted with his earnest feeling and well-timed address . His plan you must have discussed , anil I think almost , if not quite , uuaniiuously approved . You have saitl , "Aye , that's the pian , "— "it ought to be doue ;" well , will you do it ? You cannot hesitate , unless you havu prepared to abandon the Charter , to submit to oppression tamely , to leave tho imprisoned to perish , as C' ! : vyton has already done , as many others are now doing , under the hellish system of mental and physical torture , by which Wuiggibiu has sought to crush all
manliness of character , or patriotism of sentiment . You eaunot hesitate , unless you have willed that Frost ami ais uiuau ' fellow-citizeus tire unworthy of their native land , fit only to associate with murderers , robbers , and the most degraded of their race . This cau never be ; you have asked me " will they ever return ? " I kave heard many of you exclaim , you would give al ! you possessed to secure their restoration to their native land . I believe these words were the sentiments of the heart The hour of trial has then come . The Charter , the liberation of your championaand victims , and an honourable restoration of the exiles , all depend upon you , andyour Chartist brethren . Havu you any better plan to propose than that offered by Mr . O'Connor ? You have not ; then take it . Prove that you are what you were , by providing the funds to send a delegate to the proposed Convention .
Sunderland alone cannat do this , but the brethren in Newcastle are willing to co-operate with us . Now , then , let us see the work done instantly . Here is a list of places , in which Chartism has long been preached , where its disciples are numerous , and consequently where the means to carry » ut the plan musk be , ftud wilJ , I hope , be found . If they respectively subscribe , according to the following moderate estimate , the money will be raised , the delegate sent , the Convention established , the work performed , and the objects accomplished . Say , £ m . d . Sunderland .... so * Darlington 0 10 Stockton 10 0 Middlesborough . 1 0 0 West Auckland ....., „ . 10 1 Bishop Auckland oil 0
South Shields . ,. 0 10 0 Gateshead .... t 0 10 0 Hartlepool © le o Winlaton , Swalwell , cto 10 0 SouthHetton 0 10 0 Cornforte and Coxhoe . 0 18 0 Downes . 0 5 0 Easington Lane 0 5 0 Thomley ... .. 0 6 0 The country now looks to yon to send a delegate to the said Convention . I have shewn you the importance , the pressing importance of you * duty , and the above is sufficient to shew , that if willing , l \ can be done—s » y that it shall . I am , Faithfully yours , J . WIXI . MN * .
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York Castle . Dear Burnett , —I cannot give you half thanks enough for your letter ; it is just what one man , looking for a certain object , nas s right to expect from another , looking f « r tbe same object If , instead of nibbling at me behind any back , every honest man would take the trouble of thus reasoning with me , and censuring me when in the commencement of error , I should be a more useful public servant , even than I have been ; because I am not dogged , and I never would persist in error , neither do I consider myself by any means infallible .
I will now reply to each objection in your letter , and , Firstly , as to my naming the men who were to constitute the Convention . Here I must refer you to my letter as a whole , in the first instance , and also to the circumstances under which it was written . You will observe tbat it was written in a hurry , under the most excited feelings , and with a view to have it ready for any cruiser tbat presented , for its safe convoy , that the object was to do as much as could be done , in a hurry , to stop heart-sore , disease , suffering , and death , and that such course , from its adoption to i ts completion , was suggested by the possibility of the Star , and other Radical papers , communicating the reaultof each meeting in that week ' s paper Thus , the adaption one -week , election another , selection a third , and convention the fourth .
Well , I did not name the men , but I contend for my right to have named some of the very men , and I never contend for more tba » my right Now , bear in mind that the Convention was to be a " Prissner ' g Liberation Convention , " and that I was a prisoner ; thai I had a perfect right to state , at a ll events , in whose safe custody I would repose ray liberty and character ; because I -would , not sacrifice a particle uf tha latter for the possession of the former . And , as to O'Brien ' s recommendation being sufficient , I still say so , as he is another prisoner , who knows Chartists in districts with which I am unacquainted . In fact , if the prisoners could have beea consulted , Lhave » o hesitation in saying that their recommendation ef men should have been conclusive with the country , and would have been conclusive , not only as to their own release , or endeavour to procure it , but also as to the furtherance of the Charter ; for every man who will honestly strive for the release of the prisoners , will as honestly struggle for the Charter .
Again , observe , I went upon a previously adopted principle ; Moir and Williams were previously chosen , and , in order to effect all at once , their attendance would save time , and then the election of one of the Frost , Williams , and Jones' Restoration Committee became indispensible . These three , then , were previously elected ; aud bear in mind , that the only person whose appointment I thought indispensible , was that of Piikethly , and even that was but a just and fair recommendation . In fact , I said there -were thousands of others ; and when I emitted such men as James Taylor , of itochdate , Woodhouse , of Leicester , and Black , of Nottingham , and yourself and others , you must be aware that I was in a hurry . This , you say , " was considered despotic . " Then is it despotic to nominate a candidate at an election—then is it despotic to '' give honour to whom honour is due , " or to declare confidence in whom you truly repose it ?
Then , as t » allowing the Executive of Manchester the exclusive power to select from those chosen . NOW , here again , I contend that such a power must be vested in some body , and in what body more satisfactorily , than in the only one recognised by the whole nation ? but they had no such power ; for in the event of a pufilic meeting preferring another , the meeting had a power of over ruling ; and , observe the necessity . 'feu -were aa many as we could , pay ; many niOTe have be « n already chosen , and , suppose twenty or thirty to be choseu , must not some means be taken of selecting the proposed number from that body , or how are thoy to be paid ? However , Mr . Hill has very properly put this in a better view , for which I thank him . You say that it was deemed that each locality was most fit to judge for itself . Exactly so ; andhenceeach locality choosing a good man , the Executive could not go wrong , and if inclined , a public meeting of the i . ! it-n of Manchester would not allow them .
Then as to the day of meeting in London , the 12 th , ( Easter Monday . ) Here I admit , and plead guilty to a charge oi despotism , of the very worst of all despotisms , •* iynorance ; " tor , believe me , Burnett , that wheu I wrote that letter , I no more thought of such a festival aa Easter than I thought Of the man in the moon , indued , I would have been mad to name that day , for tbe very reasons stated in your lett&r , because 1 think the week , from the 12 th to the ISHh , while members were absent , and the London people amusing themselves , and the country people difficult to be got to petition meetings , would have been juit so much time thrown away . I acknowledge it , and , therefore , to Bradford the country will owe this correction of my blunder , as of course it 'will be remedied .
Now , asto tha effect of country delegates in London , you were never more mistaken in your life ; nothing gives the London Cuurtists half so much pleasure as being able to show their provincial strength to the enemy , and hence one great reason I had in recommending men who were speakers , aud men who who were already known to the wh » le Chartist party ; and , bear iu mind , that the metropolitan ChattisU are very suspicious , and aa the time was short , e-nly two weeks , the whole would have been wasted in strangers forming an acquaintance with Chartists in the metropolis . Had it been a Conventioft to sit for two or three months , tbey may devote some time to introducing themselves ; but twelve days was short enough , without any portion being thrown away in ceremony . I never contemplated the sitting of the Convention would exceed one fortnight . I tkisk it ought not .
Now , my dear Burnett , to shew you and to prove to you that I merely suggested the plan , and avoided all further intercourse , I have actually appeared rude and negligent , by not answering letters from Edinburgh and several other places , asking me for an opinion upon details , not one of which hava I even replied to . Believe me , Burnett , that the greatest * f all despotism is a dread of making a bold stroke for the benefit of a just cause , from the apprehension of being colled » despot If my conduct has been despotic , we live in a nation of despots , fw I rejoice to tell you that I haves pile of letters , four feet high , from England , Ireland—aye , Ireland , Scotland / and Wales , in which , throughout , th « re is a spirit of noble feeling breathed , audnot ene dissentient
However , I thank you for the just " censorship ; " it is to censorship of public men I have ever looked as a means of beeping thorn honest Censure me , and scold me , when you think me wrong ; and when you convince me of error , I shall not be obstinate . I conclude with a sentence from the splendid letter of T . F ., a Scotch Chartist , to the Editor of the Sco ( - ( uh Pttriot ;—" Many toasters are now [ quiet ; and many 'determined fellows' Lave slunk from the battle . Then trust not all new comers . " ¦
Now , my good friend , it was because I did not wish to trust the short work of a fortnight to " new corners" that I exercised what I thought a legitimate privilege , in aftming men in whose honour , Zsa ) , and honesty I was ready to risk the life and liberty of self and fellow prisoners , and the furtherance of the cause . The more I reflect upon the project , the more eettain
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I feel that £ « # , or . £ «•• , was never so bentScially spent in toe cause of Chartism . It is th « very nick of time , and the very way of meeting it Those who will not , when at liberty , work for those ia bondage , do not know the use of the blessing , er deserve its pos session . Of on « thing you will acquit me— " self interest j " for , believe me , tbat if nine millions of signatures w « i « seat to both Houses and the Queen , on my behalf they would not procure for me a day ' s r « mis = ion ? £ Whig tyranny ; but , I feel confident , it will hava the effect of sotting na * y ° . < u > d bringing us all Bearer the haven , by adding a thousand-fold increase * strength to the Charter . - Again , I thank you , and in the best spirit I thank you , And remaia , your faithful friend , Feabgus O'Conjjob .
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RELEASE OF F . O'CONNOR , ESQ . TO THE CHARTISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN . Brethren , —As the time Is now approaching what that unflinching and incorruptible patriot , Fearfaa O'Connor , Esq ., will be released from the fangs of hi * merciless and tyrannical oppressors , we deem it oar duty to give you timely notice of oar intention of having a public demonstration on that occasion ; and -we call upon you to jem with us in shewing to the world our admiration of his patriotism and devotion to thecaast of suffering humanity , and our detestation and abhorrence of the base tyrants by whose unjust decree he ha » been so long consigned to solitary tonfinement inafolon ' a dungeon .
We view with great pleasure the determination of several of our London brethren to honour the " noble patriot" by being present on his emerging from bi » " living tomb , " and we call upon our brethren of the east , tbe west , and the north , to join with the brav * men of the south , In their laidable and praiseworthy determination , by sending on that day delegates from all parts of the kingdom to swell the ranks of freedom . Brethren , we bail with delight the approach of that day , when our glorious chief , restored to the arms of a . grateful people , shall again breathe the pure ait of heaven , again tobattle in the cause of freedom against the hydra-headed-monster tyranny ; again to raise his powerful voice in behalf of the oppressed millions , and show to his and our oppressors , that although be ; ia # be « n so long immured within the walls of a dungeon , he is afcill their eneny so long aa the system of oppression exists .
Brethren , if then be aught that can substantiate ot » claim to your notice more strongly on this occasion , it U , that we are living , and he is imprisoned within th * very sink of corruption and priestly dominion , when the voice of freedom is seldom heard , but which only requires to be once raised to arouse its inmatea to a sense of their ignominious and d « graded position , to tear suMe tbe veil of prejudice ,, and embrace the principles of truth and justice . Fellow-countrymea , although our numerical nirength be small , yet there-is amongst us a determination to be free . Public opinion' is fcwt increasing is our favour , and we hope the day is not far distant when the walla of our ancient city shall ring with the echo of indignation which snail burst from ita inhabitants , at The liaaa system which hath held them so long in thraldom , and persecuted their truest friend ; that have treated with contempt the petitions of the sufferer and given hear to the " shallows'' who are unworthy to be his slaves .
Brethren , we are aware that many calls have been made upon you , which must have necessarily detracted , from your funds ; and as farther calla ¦ wi ll have to b « made upon you to carry out the forthcoming agitation , we recommend ; you , as the easiest method , to imitate the example of our London brethren , by having boxea made to place upon your association tables , for the purpose of receiving voluntary contributions , to defray the expences of your delegates , sent en that day to show your attachment to that graat and good man to whom we are desirous to do honour ; and as the place of his ^ confinement , was the place of his trial , so let it he his tarting post to a fresh career ; let us see th' usauda assembled on that glorious day to raise their voices in exultation of the event , and to convince him « t 5 our love of the glorious principles for which he has so unjustly suffered .
Brethren , we now leave yon for the prest-nt , in ths hope of hearing your favourable response to our call . Hoping that what we have above stated will ba a sufficient excuse for addressing you at such an early period , We remain , Brethren , On behalf of the Committee of Management , Yonrs obediently , E » w . BURUT , Cliainnasu W . Cokdeux , Seoretary . York , March 29 , 1841 .
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LONDON AND COUNTRY CHARTISM . " Cab . Tell me , can yon see your face T Bau . No , Save by reflection from other things . " JULTUS CiESAR . Londra has been much blamed for ita apathy iu th * Chartist cause . Tbe country has gone on atruguHnjT and suffering , and often looking anxiously to London , not so much for help as for encouragement ; but London , like the monarch-sire of the Black Prince , at the Battle of Cressy , looked on as though it were willing that the country alone should have the honour of the
victory . It is true , . many good battles for auxiliary cauhcs have been fought and won in London , 58 , fox instance , the battle of the unstamped ; but the greatest and best of all—the battle for > the cause itself—for the charter , has yet to be won , ami London must not remain a spectator ; it must aid—it must do more—it must lead . Inactivity in London is the more to be deplored , as many people in the country wait till London rises ; they want its example to auionate them , for the name of London , like the name of a king , -wouui be a " tower of strength" to all those who require the prestige of a name , as well as the justice of the cause , to rouse and encourage them .
Let London come down , and the victory would soon be gained ; let it stand aloof , and success must be protracted , though it will not be prevented . With or without London , the cause will be won . This is th » critical period—now ; or never 1 London ! take the lead , ortbou art distanced lor ever . What am I talking about ? same will say . Has not London come forward ?—was it not the first ?—is it uot the foremost 1 I answer no I The country took the vanguard—the post of honour . For do I rest upon " empty volubility ; " I bring proofs . Since 1 came to London , many contests have I had with the Londoners on this subject . They of course stand up for the town ,
I for the country . They deny that the country is in advance of London ; but what is the fact f Our n . i «< i ! e « are words—the engine that shoots them , the presseditors are our engineers—writers supply ammunition . This is our physical force ; thus we figLt . Well , what great guna does London bring into the field ? I ; i London tiers is but one avowed Chartist periodical , end it is a halfpenny one . It is called the English Chartist Circular . Why not give it its proper name—London Halfpenny Chartism ? It is an imitation of the Giamjov Chartist Circular , which , however , bears a more niuitust title . Now , there is not a town in the coun ' . ry but would be ashamed to contribute no more to the cause
thaa a little weekly halfpenny book . There is the Northern Star ; -why was it not instituted in Loudta T B 6 CuUSe the Spirit of Chartism was not strong enonill to support a Star m the south , witmesa the Sow' furn Star . The north—aye , the north—the glorious north is the land of lilwrty ! It was in Yorkshire that Cl < rtism was born and bred ; Chartism was cradled ou < . <> ir moorland hills—rocked by our ocean . Winds—reared like a giant amid the storms of the north . I do not say there are no good Chartists in London ; praise be blessed ! there are many who are all th « tetter
for being so , in spite of the evil circumstances that surround them . A good Chartist is a superlatively good man—a Christian . There is Cleave , the chief Chartist publisher in London—the sound-think ing Lovett—imprisoned Hetherington—Messrs . Neesom , Bogglg , Wall , & . c . ice , all good men and true . Tn « wonder is that , with such leaders , London is nut more "up to the mark . " But there are causes for the apathy of the working men in London—disgraceful causes , aa they muat be , perforce—causea which ought to operate aa a removal of their own consequences , for , in this instance , the effects ought to cure the c&uges .
In a future paper , I will endeavour to trace some of these , and to holdup to the Londonersa glass , wherein they may see the inmost part of them . The recent meeting at the Crown and Anchor Tavern , when Cleave cleft the heart of Walter , but could sot persuade him " To throw away the worser part of It , And live the better with the purer half ;" Th « spirit at tbat meeting gives promises of better "life in London . " Yes , there hi hope that the "dayspring from on high" will Bhortly visit the metropolis . Metliinks I see the "Morning Star" arise ! when O Connor cornea forth from his living tomb ; will h * not animate London ? will not her resurrection be eoajunctive with hia ?
" His form and cause conjoin'd , preaching to stoaw , Might make them capable I " Eloquence such as bis , might , ia tit * ww « a ef Republican Milton— "creaUasoul Under the ribs of Death . " Jonir Wathim . London , 23 , ChadwelJ-street , Uiddleton-s «« are .
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Appeal to Chustuks . —An advertisement jucn his head appears in another part of our present paper , affording an instance of the scandalous node in which the immense revenues of the Established Church of this country are distributed . While many of its useless incumbrancea axe rolling in luxnrjo » a affluence , this poor man , who seems to have been a working clergyman of good character during his whole life , is reduced in the period of affliction to the necessity ef soliciting eleemosynary aid . We cordially commend his case to the consideration of the benevolently minded of the upper and middle olaaaes of society . The very existence of suth s > ease it a s «* adal to those cImms .
Fail * ¦ #R I£Inal Corrtgpon^Enc?.
fail * ¦ # r i £ inal Corrtgpon ^ enc ? .
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COLLIERY WAR OF EXTERMINATION . TO THE EDITOB OF TBK MOBTBEKH STAR . SIR , —There la no lack of fact * to prove that whatever be the mUure of the power which the strong can , without responsibility , wield over the weak , that rath power ever tends to despotism . The slavery and oppression of the millions are not to be rectified by the possession of the franchise alone , unless that franchise be so used as to realise a state of social equality , to arrest the individual accumulation of wealth , the monopoly of knowledge , and destroy the elassificatUns which those are the means of upholding . The labonr BeUer is the slave of the labour buyer , and ever will be bo , until labour shall be deemed and felt a privilege and duty equally agreeable to , and binding upon , all . As it is , the honest labourer Is taught to consider himself the recipient of a favour ; when a capitalist , or a money bashaw , condescends to buy his labour , he stoops to beg " a brother of the earth to give him leave to toil , " and how « ften does he
" See his lordly fellow worm the poor petition spurn , Unmindful though a weeping wife And helpless offspring mourn . " It is notorious , tbat it is not merely the ability to labour well , nor even the want of the kind of labour that is sufficient to induce the labour buyer , or the money tyrant , to purehase the labour he requires ; there must also exist the disposition to labour with servility of soul , —the labourer must order himself " lowly and reverently , " era he can be permitted to employ his skill in providing f » r his wants . He has no recognised right to think , and ( if it were possible ) still less to speak or to act in his own thoughts . He ia a lion feeder , but does not got the jackal ' s share . He may have the crumbs after the dogs are fed , but then only
when he exhibits dog gratitude , crushes his mind , and padlocks his tongue . There is no field upon which be can employ his talents or labour , but by the sufferance of those who have monopolised alL The lands , minerals , sea , and all the materials « f existence belong to others , by legal fiction , and starving fact There in no existent being more helpless than the human labourer . For a mere difference of religious creed be is mercilessly swept from the land of his father * by the " clearance system" of a Protestant aristocracy in Ireland , while the English labourer is scourged by the same tyrannous principle in innumerable forme . These thoughts and feelings have been suggested and called forth , by facts which have come to my knowledge during a few days'journey amongst the collieries of this
country . There is no elasa of working men in Britain that are more villanouafe robbed and oppressed than the pitmen ; kind aud unsuspecting , and too ignorant for their crafty tyrants , they are In many ways duped of their earnings , and plundered by regulations , par , tial , vexatious , unjust , and unncessary . It would , however , require far more time than 1 can now command , and more space than you can spare , to make others not acquainted with them underatand the system which exists in the colliery diBtticts . My present object is to expose a system of extermination which is now being put in operation against all who have been or are connected with the Chartist cause . It is the practice amongst the collieries of Durham , and probably prevails in other districts , to
bind the pitmen to a year ' s servitude by a bond which they ure required to sign ; those bonds are without exception ( varying oniy in degree of iniquity ) framed for the protection of the master , and koenublehim to plunder tha workmen , by a syste . u of fines and forfeitures unjust , mean , andtyranical ; of this , however , I shall have more to say hereafter with your leave . Within the last week or two , the binding for thu next year , commencing April 5 th , has bovn going on in all tbe collieries . It has been intimated to many , who during the last year were connected with the Chartist cause , that they would be marked , and accordingly the owners of South Hutton , Hetton , Elemore , and other collieries have marked all who had been guilty of doing their duty as men and as citizens . O « Saturday
last , all the leading Chartists working at those collieries were informed that they might leave tbe colliery , that their services were not particularly required , and , therefore that tbe masters ware not disposed to bind them , because they had too many men . To shew , however , the hypocrisy and dishonesty of this excuse , some of those persecuted Chartists went to Potter , the riewerand manager of South Hett » n Colliery , and requested to be informed why they were discharged . He gave the reasons as above ; but when it was shewn , that contrary to usual custom , he had discharged many who had bven employed for some years , and hud ulsir bound several fresh men , he was unable to assign a reason , and to get out of the dilemma , in which he found
himself , called oue of the overmen to ascertain whether he could discover anything against the character of the parties . The overnmn , in reply to Potter ' s question , stated . that he had nothing to say against them , that they were very canny men , but turning to one ( Hunter ) observed , " He is one of the Radical chaps . " Hunter demanded whether he was expected to bind himself to certain principles , and whether his Radicalism had anything to do with hia abilities and conduct as a workman . He called upon Potter to state whether , during the two years he had been with him , he had any fault to find . " No , " says Potter , " but I suppose you are discharged for some reason . " Yes , for some reason , truly , and a most discreditable one for you , Mr . Potter .
Several pitmen working at Hetton Colliery were refused work In consequence of having engagtd a room to hold Chartist meetings , and to appropriate to a reading-room , and other means of improving their mintls , habits , and character . There was less ehufllmg in this case , for the parties were plainly told tliat it waa intended not to bind any active Chartists ; kut that it they would give up the room , and cease to agitate , they might have tbeir worfc The Dlen , however , have nobly refused to comply with those degrading terms , and we rijoice to state that the tyrants have , iu some instances , outwitted each other , Potter having got several Cturtists from other collieries , and the Hetton owntrs having got Potter ' s pestilent fellows ! A fair exchange ! one which we believe will be greatly advantageous to the Chartist cause . There are many , however , unbound , liable to be
discharged at a moment ' s notice ; this is done to intimidate them and induce them to forswear their principles , and as a warning to others . 'Tia in vain . The voice of oppressed humanity will find utterance . The Coalpit Kings could not suppress it by imprisoning Williams and Binns ; the places they occupied and the work they performed was done well aud nobly by others . Tney are ayain at liberty . Perhaps that ia the reason why the Kings are eo desperate just now . They dread that the coming summer will witness a great revival . It may not be exhibited in the same form ; we may not have o ' ur processions aud demonstrations , but the cause shall go on . Libraries , reading rooms , lectures , and other Tiienlal machinery is designed aud shall be constructed to make England the land of free and happy citizens , and these are examples to other nations of thu fruits of freedom and the means of achieving it . I am , Sir , yours respectfully , J . Williams .
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O'CONNOR'S DESPOTISM ! The following correspondence between Mr . Burnett , of Bradford , and Feargus O'Connor , has been handed to us for publication r— Bradford . Sib , —I should have written previously , since our meeting on Wednesday evening last , if I had had any time . Nothing but poverty , and being consequently obliged to work , would have prevented me . We met for the purpose of discussing the merits or demerit * of the plan proposed by you , and which appeared in the Star a fortnight ago , for a Political Prisoners ' Liberation , and Charter Petition Convention ., to sit in London for tha space of two weeks . The objections raised are the folio whig :.
—First Part dissatisfaction has existed in consequence « f you naming tbe men whom yon think fit to constitute this Convention . To write all whieh was said on both aides hi analysing this would occupy too much space , and , I think , be unnecessary . The greatest stress was laid npon this . Ur . O'Brien ' s recommendation will be sufficient It was aaid yon thought no leas ot your own . it was considered despotic—limiting the Suffrage considerably more than at present—allowing the Executive , hi public meeting in Manchester , to have exclusive power of electing teu from the number nominated by the country . There were some who declared if it was so , they could name eight , if not the whole of the ten , among the number named by you , who would be chosen as competent persons . Ii was argued that every district or locality was best able to judge of the fitness of men to hold such , office . You have , I dare say , teen the resolution la the Star respecting this . -
The next objection was the time yon bad appointed they should meet—Eastet Monday , when Parliament is not met Several thought they would have been producing more good by visiting the Members of Parliament , and getting them , if possible , to support the prayer of the petition , tham they would do with agitating Leud « a . We were given to understand that the Londoners -would take little or no notice of the harangues of country people . They were unanimously of opinion tbat some good might be attained by a Convention meeting in London for a fortnight , but no more , to receive petitions , and sea that they were presented , as it would create a spirit of inquiry , and cause seme agitation in the country . I remain , your ' s , tc , Heitrt Burnett , Sec . 13 , Reform-street , Bradford .
P . S . —I have had at my house to-day the mother of John Riding , a Chartist , in Wakefield House of Correction . She says ht is nearly dead ; hia head and neck are much swollen , and filled with sores that are continually running ; he is so deaf that he can hear nothing , and appears almost insensible . The poor woman it ia » very distressed condition ; he is her only son , and was a healthy young man previous to being imprisoned .
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— ¦ ; THE NORTHERN STAR . 7
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Northern Star (1837-1852), April 3, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct849/page/7/
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