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Cteitet fttttefliscuce.
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—^ TSTo ^ MALLET , OF THE DUBLIN CH ABTrST ASSOCIATION , u mjb coci-a-loninr jig , -T ^ n who has no hair , ^ j » wfnHywBir » -wig . pxi * 0-Mi . iLEi . —I offer theabovtas-anap . __[ L i » w * U > *« 1 ** ° agitation ; aaoVia it not a * P ^^ tha ne » iawie f « A from the Mint— " Tl > e " ^ rtTaanmiti crime tfrenfthani the enenrlat of hls -jrtlW *" " vt fgr , "i * patriot *" i » ran to » o d « e a shift m 9 fn&ag ** I" ** * * ° ^ capi aaa ' mm phraav ** tfea patriot * themselvei ouut be hard na . SOB *™
elflgf , „ ____ « . v . W . _» --I-. »« .. „ , a ° v w vst ¦ * motto u * *** **** pole ' thft n » led ' tbe tald bead of Irian patriotism , and there ii ""¦^^ Bg ia it It core * the nakedness , at all *^ L - aad , ^ truth , ^ J frk * " * , 8 * ° motto- is sot a " tL jjj , jBJicron a than the recent aimieanfng addren *™ L i E / wfei « h I ««» about to address yon . COB !^^ , I hope you havsread from " " firstly - to n ^ iie eBtily" of *• Patriotic exhortation to tie " " Lgfcrias , s ever-thooght-of people of Ireland . I IIlyDaio ** read M « - O'ConaeU ' s aecompaaytag ** L jad tbtt I am writing to oat who wffl have
both ***«¦ <> f £ * gnesuon » &en ne na * reaa uus " * jf eret kbe reil ol » ojiii » iJ 7- »*• tturown OTei \ IoBatarB « f iniquity ; if era a bit of court plaister 1 jp rfjjd to mortal wound ; if ever retreat was -coded fcy a eotrird general ; If ever extinguisher wai I ^ ob * light , « have all here . Hare we bar * tbe 2 ^ w ea *» ownt > fai ^ antf <« Jiolief « rtii « dre «> oiB tofflittf 1 ^*™* * and bedecked In b « w plottage , coy-deck to inr 8 *^ P ? * from " * aeeat ° ***** ^ ummci and from B » pursuit of the rear malefactor . tfXj ^ ej , wai there a Catholic in Ireland who was van ^ Sergeant Jackson , one of the patriot * i& 8 ** KndBre-street School , and th « Orange-L Iitton , we » « Wrongly tinged with snti . Cathoii _ j ~ gee at an eoold be f Was there as * man in of tbe fact
jj ^ ip » tast that , an tush partijanj » beB promoted to the bench , uncontrolled , save fet pffpte opinion and tbe verdict of a jury of Iritbjj- » i » , awrdmg to their faith , were as deeply ( if Onstcam ) dyed in prejudice as the Judge himself ? li tbe&vfe ^****** ° * their wrath , ikea , a sufficient jusSSofiee to Hiking nth a paltry display a subter-«_— fo » snothsing the Bepeal cry " for the present " in a 3 s ^» l all atten tion should be directed , to the more important oooaidexaMoD of how to dispose of jsabart *»* Xittonja bubbling froth ? and , ^ are , instead of being heightened by baring jja jac&Jn of the leaders of their party , Ut 0 "Connen u obliged to eie negatiTe conclusions oti of sppo&tioBi premises . He argaea thus : —
" Trse , Peel and Stanley , and the l eaders of the jjctjxt , did sot rapport , or appear to countenance the jaaice , aod , therefore , we are to prenaae that those TaKjsree eogniant of , and approred and su > etioit « d t ^ pronediiiga * Strange logic that , and praetiee Tery flifaa 6 to that heretofore charged against the whole { tax ; namely , that whereTer a blow was aimed at iR&ad , a tt her religion , it was sure to master all tbe &ag& of the anti-Irish party . Howerer , we find thg vst Mine coaefruum amred at , from dia >
metaaEy opposite premises . And , bow , is it not nttedxdj to see anatien so hoodwinked as to suppose the es 3 £ blened portion capable of being led away fcj 2 * isertion that ths oft-repeated rhapsody of a 5 < sK £ luatie , echoed by & pair of Irish futatics ia qua * of prey , iierenmorc important than Stanley ' s B 21 , Tlseh , a tem days since , was " the moat important watsa free proposed for the consideration of Ireland ; " ud does not this scale of importance , each new incest increasing in magnitude according to its intijTTfagiff , and all' oat-topping Repeal in immediate demsad , serre to make erery honest man look with conas ^ t , asd rrery knare with sutpidoe , upon the small satnmt of importance which Mr . O'Connell f *> f > j « to the question of BepeaJ ? Ia abort , be keeps ii cacrenie&tt ? in the larder as a cold dub to run to
Tbeaa ihurry . Ba bow , my friend , kt us see if , upon this hasty cba&rt , I can break soother of fiction ' s wares upon my JirJeiwk . Mark my reasoning , then , O'Malley , asd foHf t iK cainly step by step . I law ibsady prored that moral force being relied upon far ths actcsB ^ iahmeat of Bepe&l , it became the psranjfunrt cktj of the Repealers to strengthen their jsott efieksl farce Vy augmeBting their numbfers in tbe J 10 &K (» CoffiUKHB .
lian tiora thlt me Of thft great and jast causes of Infii fiasatJAetura , and hti demand for a natire PK&WEt , wssdaaeb abase , and htr laudable anxiety to be rdkred of the galling trammels sad unjust imptwkej of a Icy Cimreh adrczae to tbe national hisi . Ufij baiig afict , which none caa deny or eren ttaofi to fixate , it equally follows , as in the case of &pai , flat the anti-tithe and anti- church party fcotid h » Te been strengthened in the House cCCommons .
kmOsz mil fast , then , I presume that bo man or « na « « ae wan deny tfeat the bold , the &ir , the Jsn ^ ttdrere wsy towards its accomplishment , was i 7 S » Irah Catholic people sending members of ik * < m petsoasion to represent them ; thereby , at «« . pTii ^ JB agIand the most eondusire and unerring pf « 4 of « nfrtm » and anti-State Chnrch feeliag : This ^ ateoaae , their only coam , if they hoped to gain KMt ^ , rspeet , and power , for their party ; and ^ o * lei w see in how far they haTe pursued tiiat
° ^» 2 s 7 , kw obserre that , by ths late address , the ate <* ^ pme of ttimble-rig has been completely ^* i TT « attes to Sepeal to abolish tithes , but «* Paksj been taken from under the Repeal , or poliw ^ ifchnHe , and placed under the anti-Catholic *— " *¦ Kd the ebullition of Saint Colqaboun , or 7 * &si of Jaetson and Litton , take itr . O'COTinell ^* e ? ta »? for Ha mut jg ^ jj jy ^ ^ no * see ia how far of
^ b the English House Coma-nnai sled ia taking toe IrishaTersion to tithes * i * efere&te foitheir own religion , for granted , from ^^ ^ ts by whieh they an judge , namely , the r ^* ° Ca&olie Members in tbe House . And bear c ! ^ t ^ ' * " ^ P 2 * 1111 ha « **«> made , by the saints , . ^ r 1 ™ " * 5 ™ of Catholic Members at all ; and that ateose antst neceoarily alarm tfcea , weaken , Itra « then tbe C&tbolie party .
iai W " *" thai ' ^^ ^ ^ e moifcl foree of IrelaDd ^ phuiea upon this kow m ore important iSlw Rept * itseil The C 8 ^ 0116 P& ^ y . siD « e ^^ * ** ^ n 7 . Charles O'ConnfeU ; Cork , Dr . Eoir ^\ ' r O'ConneB , and Daunt ; in Tipperary , a UwTT 31165 to S ^ enuy . Finn , and Sullivan ; fca ^ L j ^ i » mon ; in ( Jueen ' s County , ** sJr ¦ ; k ^ f ^ Biackney ; in Glare , ^ S ^ - 380 " W&terforf . Salwsy ; in Ihiblin , ° ^ sajn u Dro ^ ' O-Dwyer ; in Meath , M . in j ^ y Werfc » d . Lamben ; in Jfewry , Brady ; h ^ JJ ^ - Now , O'ilalley , there are o { g ^ " *** Citholies gone in a sweep , many taifr . ^* K d <*> » d replaced by Protes-CssS ^ . ^ though you hare got a few ** CsJiSc . - P ! aCe ^ > Ome ' yet > * " ibB 7 lBa *» m « r * tt Mme ' vhile you iukTe * Hote ^ ^ J ^ " » tt » neir batch in treasory—Right ttan
you ^ Tl ' ^ w onets , and expectants ; so that ta ^ J ^^ twenty Catholic Members , ^ hi w * " * . WllOm "" S" toTe "S * ^ ais saa » w *™ i ^ ousy of the aatoeaal «^> t rid of *^ J ^ * " ^ bdnf pN ** ed on * ° » " " " ^ { w * ^ pledg * ^^ from M Mti " ax *^^ ; 1 rMfi others were bought , like any " ** ifciS * * * Btttket ' ^ d W " ticketed for ° * s * LH ? pm ; «« *^ * the proereasicm Hhi j T" ?* fe «^ g in Ore Hob » of Commons . * * to < ik * ^ t ! a ' * tren * niwD « l posifion to meet «« ^ j T * * ^^ that of Stanley ' s BiU , and ' ^ " ^ C ^ " ¦* ^ K 1001 ^ "P «* . ' " * ° B J ^ CTai Eepeal itetHt . '
S ^ w ^ r ^ * pww to you that erery hoiest tf ^ s&i eTa 7 * feeiePB tt ^ e-fcholitioiist , and lorer ^^ TfeSz ' ^ * iMmaai <* . w * ° » ^ ^ ftatS . ^ * * ' « P « " «^^ off , ^•^ toJZ ^? * * stKmia MTer » ^ t that * yi * ZZ ** ** tilir » T « Profitable . ^* aT ^ r ^^ * **• d 1 **^™ * pon the » 6 ci ^^ of tithe . bat to fi * te » a ^ em mtb an fS ^ iT * *• «¦* *»•»» upon the w ^ wSt ? ° " ** ^ rtaraly *»«^ . sueh „ % Tf CWBtoT » -rery hearts' blood ! * * w * * > Htttte ' " ^ y »« " ^ Prtriota i , te against the Bepeal , and
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were they not denounced ? nay , did not many who hare since been recommended as patriotic Members , actually rote for the Coercion Bill r and this ia Irish patriotism ! O'Malley , do yon imagine that either A-hton Yates or Ouborse sit for nothing is their easy seats ? if you do , you are a greater fool than I take you for . Now , we . come ( 0 an . obserration or two upon Mr . ©• Council' s mode , proposed 00 Sunday last at the Coxragb , to gainiag agrienltaral suppart fa aid of a repeal of tbe Union . He says , ' that ene object which he always bad in view was to ensure compensation for the outgoing tentnt , for any monies expended during bis tenancy . "
Now , my Mend , what has he doae to effect this ? How could be effect it ? And has he taken the proper means to secure it ? He has done nothing ; he can do nothing , except by giruig erery man a rote , which will be his title deed , but which he has opposed with all bis might and strength . Does be not know that the Duke of Devonshire and many otherlarge landed proprietors , hare leug since acted upon this plan ? Let me tell you tbe only method by which it can be accomplished ; by taking away the power of distress from tin landlords ; by giring the tenants leases for erer at a corn rent ; and by simplifying the law of qjectmeot , which would then be a dead letter—as no Irishmaa , with a lease for erer , would eret owe one shilling arrears .
But while he thus nibbles about the edges , how does he propose to secure tbe poor tenant during his possession 7 for , mind , he is only to be compensated at the expiration of his lease . Why he proposes U repea l tht . Com Laws , without gifing to both tenants and labourers a rote by which they could obriate the infliction of the whole pressure upon the poorer classes ; and Which woaM , of necessity , * nd of a certainty , drive 200 , 000 farmers , large and small , and , at least , 500 , 400 labourers at osee from the Irfrh field * to the English rattle boxes ; and this is compensation . But , O'Malley , in all the compensation , I nerer heard Of the poor labourers' compensation . Alas , my friend , I fear they they are not , poor fellows , able to fork out te the aew Patriotic Fund .
Now , dont you know , perfectly well , that every Irish landlord is orer head and ears in debt ? Don't you know that even , if willing , they would not be able to m&ke as abatement commenMnnba with the rednetion upon grain consequent upon a Repeal of the Corn Laws ? Don't you know that if Wheat was selling for 10 s a bag instead of 25 s ., according to which price a bargain may have been made , that the landlords weuldhare the goose , tbe blanket , the pot , the settle , the three » Iegged stool , and everything upon which they could lay their hands , and that batch after batch of tenants would be broken , and labourers starred , while the ship was righting , and while rents were finding their leTBl , according to tbe newly stamped value , and which , at the end , could only be accomplished by Universal Sofirage .
Them ,, again , see , O'Malley , how he has sold the English League , upon " the question of the Cam Laws . He tried to get up funds and a national convention to sit in London ; but be failed , and then he said , ** O your party is too weak ; you must give it up . " And having drained asd starved the artizans and operatives in the Irish towns , and finding , through the priests and little landlords , that the Irish people were against being transported , in quest of work , to England , by ft repeal of tbe Corn Laws , he throws the English overboard , and is silent , wholly silent in Ireland , upon the great question of " above ail , givt the peovlt chtopfooi "
New , O'Malley , I am a sincere advocate for the repeal of the Corn Laws , but conditional upon sueh a power being vested in tbe h&nd * of the people as will preclude any possibility of a nation being either driven to revolution , into subserviency , or starvation , while hasty necessity shall be furnishing hasty stop gaps for every fresh occurrence , instead of at once commencing ' at the rigbt end—Universal Suffrage . This his new scheme may , for a season , be found a means of chousing the miserable pence out of the pockets of the miserable little farmers , and , when that fails , a * repeal aod abolition of tithes have failed , and when Sergeant Jackson tad Hi . Litton lose their bnggabooism , What are we to hav « nexX ? Thai ' s a nice question , and one for Inland to answer .
Confidence and hope may , for a season , produce calm and reconcile suffering ; but , once destroy that , and public wrath bursts forth like a volcanic eruption , and sweeps away all before it . Tbe gama played in Ireland has been one wholly subversive of popular liberty and right . Moral force has been preached , whilst a standing army of spy police has been establi shed , in readiness to suppress that outburst of general indignation wiiici ia sure to follow the disappointment that bow threatens Ireland . You may take my word for it , even ths Bepaal wardens and pacificators , association patriots , and the Liberator , will shortly be dragged before the tribunal of enraged public opinion , and then the object of establishing the spy force will be manifest ; it is the reserre of the last hope of the moral force patriots .
Vow , my friend , while I am upon the subject of physical force , relieved from exciting scenes of misery , produced byit » aojast application—while I hare time for deep reflection , and after having well consider / Ml the subject , apart from the world ' s controlling power , either one way or the other—not afraid of losing popularity by denouncing , upon the one hand , nor of incurring tbe censure of slaves by advocating it on the other : with sueh preparation to meet my subject , then , I
unhesitatingly pronounce the man ¦ who denies a people ' s right to use physical force , as a means of redressing grievances , when the majority agree that such grievances ve beyond the honourable endurance of fr » emen , and when they have ineffectually tried fair , continuous , and constitutional moral means for persuading their rulers to redress those grievances—the man , I say , who upon sueh emergency , denies a people ' s right to purchase freedom at the risk of life , is a coward , a tyrant , and a . mere sales-master of broken hearts and subdued
spirits . IsnottheEnglishRevolutionof 1 C 88 called "glorious ?" acd was it not preceded by all moral appliances before the court would yield ? Hark , O'Malley , in my letters , the distinction -which 1 shall always draw bfctweea the court and the monarch . Every monarch who has lost ration , throne , or fce » d , has been the victim of tha court , and never of popular fury or revenge . Has not the French Revolution of 2792 and 1793 been called " glorious ? " and was sot all moral energy and persuasion exhausted upon , the noblesse , before physical force was resorted to , 01 before the monarch , and many of the court mare justly than the monarch , met their doom ?
Did not petition after petition , remonstrance after remonstrance , and framing after warning , precede the first ehot fired for American Independence ? Dirt not Ireland , from 1785 to 1798 , laud tbe English Constitution and her Monarch to the skies , and merely demand , or nther beg to be admitted , i nside her pale ? Well , then , if Washington had subscribed to any and all the moral means contrived by the Cabinet . of London acd Lord CornwaHis , would it have procured American Independence ? and whether is Washington . considered a revolutionist , destructive , torch-and-dag . ger-physicaJ-fores man , or a patriot ?
Although undigested opinions allowed a tyrant , in tae turmoil of unsettled and sectional conflicts , to mar the benefit of the French revolution , yet have not some of your greatest statesmen and patriots , approved the principle and th * revolution 1 and , had the Irish been sueee&cfoi , their revolution would have been considered as a noble asd patriotic assertion of right and principle against might and despotism , while failure has given to it the n&me of treasonable ^ rebellion . Such , O'italley , are my opinions upon ths question of physical force . I have roared , them in the storm :
I now write them ia the calm , while I still persevere in the opinion that our moral force is sufficient to carry every just and reasonable object , if no * weakened by treason , or frittered away by art The claahiag of moral doctrines produces a political whirlpool , which irresistibly drags good , xaaious , and sanguine m « n into itf they undertake project * as plots to meet counterplots , which they never would have thought of , but to meet treason in their own camp on the threshhold ; in fact , like the orchard man who plucked his apples before they were rips , lest the thieves should be before * hand with hin » .
Physical force seldonu breaks out until the people Iese all confidence in their moral leaders , and unt il they find that they have either token the first ctep in betrayal , or h&ve actually betrayed their cause ; they then lose the benefit of their moral energies by being
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compelled , by thieves , to pluck the fruit before it was ripe ; bnt who i * to blame , the orchard man or the thieves , the betrayed and outraged people , or the betraying and outrageous leaders ? ¦ " Cum duett jbelmt ( alia , quii am milik * faeient ?" " When generals do such things * what may not the oldiertdo ? - O'Malley , I think this is long enough for one letter , so I shall conclude it and aet about considering the Irish mode of gaining redress , with . ita expenses ; and the English mode and its expenoes ; and then we shall see whether Chartism , reviled Chartism , or royal loyal humbuggism is most likely to lead to peace and universal liberty , and make Ireland what she ought ; to be . I am , your faithful friend , FKaHGUS O'COJiNOft . .
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TO HER MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY THE QUEEN . ¦ ••• : i ¦ - Madam , —In entering upon the important ' branch of the subject which now claims our attention , vis . whether , and to what extent , our present system of prison discipline is calculated to promote or binder the designs for which it professes to exist , it will be pecassary for us to bear constantly in mind , the cause # f crime generally , in order that we may discern , with certainty and clearness , the defect * , If any , of the present system , and be able to provide a proper and effectual remedy for such defects .
We have seen that the various classes of criminals may be divided Into three strongly marked and distinct classes , and we shall discover , if we look well at them , that no attempt at reform can be reasonably expected to succeed which goes upon the principle of applying one and the same system to all classes of offenders . This propotiUofl might be demonstrated by a thousand sjgnments , but at present I will only mention one . In a uniform system of prison discipline , the most gross injustice will , and must , in the very nature of things continually occur . Even in felony , we can discover
broad lines of demarcation which call for , not only a difference in the duration , but also in the kind of punishment ; aad this is still more apparent in cases of misdemeanour , yet , at present , hardly any difference exists as to the punishment of crime except in tha term of its duration , and , eves ia this case , as I shall prove before bringing these letters to a close , the duration of the penalty is made to depend not upon tbe moral turpitude , but frequently upon the rank or Btation , of the offender , aad that , too , tn a manner at utter variance with the dictates of sound policy , honesty , or common sense .
Not unfrequently have your Majesty ' s Jadgoa condemned , for tfb « high offence of aaring to think for themselves , aome of the best members of society , to a worse than felon ' s doom , placing upon a level with the dregs of the commuaity , men -whose characters as husbands , fathers , sons , brothers , workmen , and friends were unimpeachable ; and who only stood at what , under a better system , would be their country ' s bar , for opposing right to might , the claims of tbe whole to the claims of a faction , and the practical religion of love and good will to the covert infidelity of hireling priests and Pharisaical profession .
This is a fact , which no one will dispute who hat paid the slightest attention to public matters since you held the sceptre—I dare not say swsyed it , for that ha * been done not by you , tut by tbe Ministers in whon you have placed your confidence , and who being as they were the advisers of the late king , it was , perhaps , not to be wondered at , that you should , for a time , at least , continue in the station which you found them , but who ar « known by tha country , however ignorant you may be of the fact , to be the mast base and wretched ministry ever permitted to blast the prospects , and . rain the true interests « f a great empire .
Our whole system of criminal jurisprudence is based upon wrong principles ; and to the eye of careful observation presents in every part of it a uniform want of uniformity , and a vagueness of definitive end or object , to which it is not easy to find a parallel . Thus it is impossible to say whether the intention of the system is to reform the criminal , or to maintain the omnipotence of the law , ( it is rare , indeed , when these two objects are found together , ) but be which it may , nothing can be less calculated to effect either object . If it is principally designed to make the law respected , then its cabinet enactments , by which a great , that is to say , a rich transgressor , may
easily effect his escape , wMJe be who wants gold , though he may have innocence , character , and moral worth , may be crushed to death , are especially calculated to bring it into contempt Bat if the prime motive of the various statutes for tbe regulation of prisons be the working out the reformation of the criminal population , then matters are infinitely worse ; and we may safely declare that for one delinquent who leaves his cell a wiser and a better man , a thousand are let loose upon socitty , improved largely in their accomplishments most calculated to fit them for a renewed career of crime , to be terminated in a penal settlement , or ended at the drop .
Tbe reason of all this blundering is , that-we only contemplate man as a machine , and n * t as the wiser ancients delighted to represent him , as & miniature ¦ wo rld . We nave bec « ine so perfectly sensible to tbe value of individual character , so entirely absorbed in the calculation bow each is to be made a producing portion of the working mass who are employed for the purpose of keeping up what i » called national greatness , and the meaning of which is the keeping up of class superiority ,
no matter at what sacrifice , that we entirely lose sight of the fact that the flesh and blood machines are not mere lumps of organised matter , but recipient forms of life , from our innnite Creator—that they were made to become images and likenesses of him , and that it is in the departure ef tbe human race from this end of their creation , that we must look for the fonnua * tion of all those crimes which desolate and mar the fair face of creation , and reduce oar beautiful world into the condition of a desert
We need , Madam , and by and bye we shall hava , a system of pris » n discipline adapted to the exigencies of the cise ; and poss ^ siing , amongst its multifarious details , a oneness of purpose , and a uniformity of plan . This -would secure great and manifest advantages ; ¦ we should then see mercy and truth meet together , and justice and peace embrace each other . Things would not thtn be as we find them now , when the law is indefinite , the executive often vindictive , and the sentence arbitrary in its character , and not uniform eYtiD in its application .
Btfure proceeding into more minute detail , I will shortly explain the precise sense in which 1 employ the word made use of above—a oneness of purpose , and uniformity o { plan . By our present system , as I have already shown , it is impossible to know what object is principally sought by tbe operation of the law . Judging from facU , I should say that the . specific object is the infliction of punishment , from a vindictive feeling towards the offender , as a sinner against the the idol , the dominion of -wealth . But the one sole purpose of all laws should be the prevention of crime ,
and the one end of punishment the correction of the offender . In proportion as this object is kept Bteadily in view , in the same proportion shall we be likely to legislate for man as a rational and accountable sgeot ; u a being of nigh powers , and vast capabilities of improvement , and on whose individual perfection and happiness depend the general perfection and happiness of society . And , in proportion as w « deviate from this principle , we shall even fail In honest endeavours t * do good , and shall adopt measures which can only increase the mischief they propose to remove . Thi » is what I intend by oneness of purpose .
By uniformity of plan , I mean such a well arranged and judicious system of Prison Discipline as shall secure to all the due measure of security , and of correctional suffering which the law has awarded to their offence * , no matter what the rank or connections of the culprit may happen to be . Thus , if a man is ctuvieted of * eriine , he should know with certainty the punlshmemt that will inevitably follow , and he should have no hope of a remission of his sentence , or any part of it , exoeptii certain eases provided for by the legislature ekoseafa
aad acting for the whole people . The maximum 6 t punishment should be in all eases defined ; frequently every shade of it should be accurately marked ; sometimes the measure of the penalty might be left to the discretion of toe Judge , but in no case should any punishment be inflicted other than what was pronounced in open court With this system of uniformity tbe details most be and ought to be extremely varied , but this would not militate at all against that uniformity . Every crime would be thus accurately defined , that is . every class 0 / « r \ me ; and tbe man Who shed the blood of his fellow ,
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stole a sheep , or attended an illegal meeting , would be at once sensible « f what he bsA to calculate pponi in ease of detection and conviction . He wonld be punished according to law , and not according ^ to the despotic regulations of local magistrates , or the petty tyranny of ta ? iikey « and gaol governors . Permit BM now to invite yow M « jeatys attention to various authentic facts , illustrative of the state of bat prisons a * they ad present exist , in this so called Christian land . - I am , Madam , Your Majesty '» faithful ud obedient subject and awvaa-t , NUMA . London . March l » , 1841 .
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" THE CHARTIST LEADERS . " TO THK JSDITOa OF THB BUN . " Sib , —I find by your paper of Friday test , that you have got a new Correspondent in an old admirer , who signs his name "Charles Bakewell . " ' You head tbe document " The Ctoriisi Leadm , " and ' the fleet paragraph of your correspondent ' s letter ruu * thus : — . . / - , ' . . ' . '¦ . ' . ¦ ¦ "Sir , —The truly independent characterof your own writings , gives me a hope that you will find a corner for this communication . " Now , Sir , that one solitary sentence damns yonr correspondent , because there is not one working man in England who looks upon your writings ia any otbtx light than as so much yam twist ( and bad twist too ) for sale .
Yonr correspondent makes a wholesale attack upon O'Connor , O'Brien , M'Doujill , Leach aad Co ., because they will not allow Young and Co . to humbug the people ; and , amongst other things , he charges Feargus O'Connor with making a profit of £ l , teo a year of hi «
paper . Now , Sir , if he was a nan anxious for the liberty of the press , he should rejoice that we had so good a bond for the honesty of the Slur ; because , as to that , or any other paper , now duping the people , it is all out of the question . I hoped . Sir , that the profit of the Star was nearer £ 5 « toayear ; because , approving of lu policy , good support would give me increased confidence in its existence . But , Sir , for many years before Mr . O'Connor had any paper , he advocated the self-same principles and ia the self-same way , and , especially , with respect to the Corn Laws ¦ and , in truth , it is rather hard to blame Mr . O'Connor for opposing any alteration of the C » rn Laws in 1834 , unless accompanied with a complete revision and alteration of our whole system of taxation and representation , and to blame him in 1841 for defending , In his paper , what , in 1834 , he supported in parliament with hta vote .
But , Sir , in touching upon the questien of preflta , you have stopped upon most awkward ground . liecollect , in the spring ol 1839 , Messrs . O'Connor , Rogers , and Whittle were appointed as a deputation to wait ujton you to AGRSE upon TERMS for the Insertion of the Convention ' s reports in your truly independent paper I was tken a member » f tbe Convention , Sir , and I shall never forget the " heavy blow" which Mr . O'Connor gave you in his report of the interview . He said that you had Agreed for so many columns of matter , on condition of tht Ctnveniion taking so many papers dmily at tudi * price , " But , " said Mr . O'Connor , "lest this
should appear to savour of compromise upon Mr . Young ' s part , I am bound to say that he contended for bis uncontrolled rigfat of comment ; however , " continued Mr . O'Connor , " we have a Qoodguaranitt against violent abuse , mnd , perhaps , a couple of hundreds more per day may work a conscientious change in the Proprietor ' * judgment in ftvour of our principles . " Now , Sir , did you ever refuse a three guinea advertisement , becausa adverse to your principles , and the refusal of which was sure to lose you a powerful advertising con . nectiont I doubt n » tj while I can inform you that Mr . O'Connor refused such a one from the Corn Law Letunie , "bo sent it with great pomp .
Now , Elr , just one word more and I have done . — Whether nave the people best security in the integr ity of a paper which is able to pay its way , or in u journal , a part of whose daily expenoe is the wages of a prowler for stamps , who one day runs to tbe city to negotiate loans upon a prospectus of principle , another day runs to Downing Street with a message that a change of politics would better serve the purpose of the drooping paper , and insisting upon compensation for past services us a guarantee for future support tor a consideration ; upun another , bargains for advertisements and their price , as the condition of advocating tbe advertiser ' s principles ; and , upon another day , offers to take poison , even Charttat poison , at * o much per column ? Sir , of course I only charge the Sun with the latter venial offence , kut are you not aware that the others are of frequent occurrence ?
Mow , Sir , I beg to toll your admiring correspondent , that while many professed liberal journalists have made as much as from £ 5 , t 00 to £ 2 M 00 a year , Mr . O'Connor , of all who have ever yet appeared upon the stage , has been the only one who has devoted any of the proceeds to the people ' s cause ; and , while you have never given a penny , and insert comments upon his profits , he has given thousands . And , Sir , knowing more about the whole concern than you and your admirer , I beg to state that my greatest confidence iu Mr . O'Connor consist * in the fact that , it be mode £ 10 , 900 a year by the St * r he would spend that amount , to the farthing , upon the cause he advocates , while I regret to say that over liberality upon bis part , even when tbe Slar was at its highest , proves that the greater the profits of the Star , tbe greater are the difficulties of Mr . O'Connor .
Now , Sir , you publish that of which you know nothing ; I write only that to which I oau swear . In future , Sir , mind your own affairs , and begin by getting rid of your long primer type for leading articles , and , above all , and before all , as your friend . Mr . O'Couneli , would say , write something that some one can understand . I am , Sir , Your obedient ; servant , Witi-iAM Rider . Leeds , April 5 th , 18 41 .
P . S . Sir , While thousands of prostitute backs are making millions annually , by pandering to class prejudice and party interest , it is rather hard that you urn ) your faction should ( Item seventy-eight weeks of e < ' 1 : avy confinement in a felon ' s prison , too Blight punisim : nt for the only man who has ever successfully fought you with your own weapons , and in your own camp ; and that , in addition , you of all men , or any of your corrupt confederates , should cry out £ 1 , 500 a-year made of the people , 'oh . ' shocking . Sir , two columns per day of your shopkeepers' advertisements would iar exceed that sum , and which , against their will , the people are compelled to pay , as they truly pay for all . I trust , Sir , your admiring correspondent falls far short of his mark , and in future that you will mind your own business . _ W . R .
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LETTER FROM JOHN JONES , OWE OF THE BIKMINOHAM CHAK 1 ISTS , IN VAN 3 > IEMEN'S LAND .
TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Sib , —You w ould much oblige tho friends of the unfortunate young man , John Jones , convicted for the late Birmingham riots , by Inserting his letter . Hobart Town , Van Diemen ' s Land . Kind Friend and affectionate Bbother , —I have taken tho opportunity of writing these lints to you , hoping , with the blessing of God , they will find you in a good state of health ; but , dear brother , 1 write to inform you , and all my friends , of the great distress that I am in , and all my fellow convicts , and I do sincerely hope that you , or some kind friend will take the trouble of Uttiug Government know of my
situation , which I am nut deserving of , as yon wull know that I am here for a crime that 1 know nothing of , and , if I bad but justice on ray side , that , villain , Rose , who swore false against me , would be in my situation f « r perjary ; but if I had been gu . lty , why should I not have hail the same trial as Davies , who was tried for tbe Bristol riots , and was charged with the same crime as myself , as Government aad the public must know that 1 am suffering for another man ' s crime ? and as writing to yuu , my dear brother . I hope you will not take it as an offence by roe writing , to let you know a little of the usage which we poor convicts have to undergo , while we are far away from our happy homes .
Dear Brother , —In the first place , what little meat we do have is what is brought tram other colonies , rnci of the animals that have died on the passage . The next is oar water , Whiuh IS SOt fit for ft beast to drink ; and then there are our ov « raeeta , who are over us , they will not allow us even to stand upright , nor to turn our heads during the time we are at work , which is from six o ' clock in the morning till half-past five in the evening . We have our breakfast before we go out iatbe morning , to work , which is a drop of Wheat water , aad a pound and a half of brown bread , that serves us the whole day , and if it rains all day , we mast endure it till it is time to leave off work , and then we come to osr barracks , aud when we are
mastered together we inarch off to bed , which is a bed of straw , with on * blanket and one rug to cover us . Our shoes , wh&b »*• supposed te last us four nwuths , will pot , with to * greatest care , last ns more than two J Bonths ; then we all go barafoet the remainder ^ f the time . Then there are the clothes that we wear , which have to lost as six mouths ; they are all off our backs fn a deal less time ; and erery morning , when we rise from our bed of itraw , we are in danger of getting into trouble , as if it is but the look , it will make us liable to the severest of punishment , as that is all they look for , on purpose to ketp us at long us they can on Government hands , and in the greatest of misery . , v
Pear Brother , as lam well convinced did Government know the misery and punishment that we undergo , they ) would do something for us , I hope you will get my iett « r published , and perhaps , with your exertions , and those « f a few . friends , as I hope they will not
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forsake me , will try to get some of my time off ; for , in the ant place , I have got to serve two years in close confinement ; and then I must serve a master four years longer , and then for the next two years I shall have half of what I earn , and then 1 shall gain , an emancipation for four years ;; that is , ray freadptn in the colony ; and after the expiration of" that time , I shall , With , the blessing of God , the greatest care , and the best ' of ' conduct , see my nappy bonie once again ; but , at I say , it must be with the greatest care , as there ire but few that can return ..: ' - •' , ¦; ' ¦¦ ¦ : •¦ ' >¦< ; ¦< : < ¦ ¦ - ¦ ••; » — ' ' ,. ; y v < : ( If conduct will do it I am determined to return 7 and as I Hope tny poor aged and distressed parents are well , tell them not to jneumfor me , for they know tbf tt I am innocent ; but G « d '» will bo done , and . may he pour down his vengeance upon him who has . caased my misery . -. : : : , , V . ' ; - ¦ .- . ¦ , - :.. ... J , ru- "' ^ ' r
Give my best love to my sister and brothers , and teli them from me , taat I hope they wili not ; fpreak ? their aged parent *; and , Pear Brother , X hope yon will not take it ae an offence in asking yon to send me a little money , sw it would be the . means of saving my life , for 1 believe I cannot live without some assistance . Though you have been a , kind friend , and ! cannot expect but little from you , but if you wbufd take the trouble of going to my shopmates , and my friends , perhaps you way collect a trifle for me , and So lei nie beg of you to send as aoon as you . can . ' *
As I have wrote a letter to my parents and have not sent it in the same way as I have yours , so I am doubtful they will not receive it . I hope you will allow them to see this , and that both you and them will not forget a poor unhappy convict , who can see nothing but misery ; as I have sent you the picture of the ship , which brought us to our destination on tha < tt \ day of July , 1840 ; likewise a few verses which I composed , I hope you will let my mother have them to keep in remembrance of me . My dear friends , as my paper is fall , I must bid you adieu ; good bye , and may you all meet with better lack than me ; this comes From yotur affectionate but Unfortunate brother , John Jones , Convict of tho ship Mandarin , Hobart Town , Van Diemen ' s Land .
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"JOHN FR 0 ST " -A CHARTIST DRAMA . " I'll fight , till from my boues my flesh be haok'd . Hang thoso that talk of fear . " Macbeth . This drama is not so much intended to illustrate the characters of the dramatis persona in it , nor the insurrection at Newport , on which the plot tarns , as it is an attempt to illustrate Chartism itself . Nevertheless , the writer has selected the Chief Chartist victim to be the hero , and , so far as one not personally known to him could know him , he has endeavoured to make a true portrait of him , likewise of Shell . The character f Albion was originally meant to be a sketch of Vincent Melbourne , Russell , and Normanby are caricatured ; but o Socialist , a teetotallera Corn Xaw repealer , a
, parson magistrate , a policeman , and otheaw , are all brought iu as representatives of their peculiar classes . Tue Mrs . Frost of th « play is not , however , the real Mrs . Frost , nor intended to represent her ; the character is purely fictitious , or , rather , it was partly drawn from a near relative of tho author . In short , the Whole piece is a composition , in the artistic meaning of the word , made up of characters , incidents , and events taken separately from the whole history of the Chartist movement , and dovetailed together . I chose the dramatic form , because I agree with my friend Elliott , that the theatre ( yet what theatre will bring this piece forward while the present censorship exists ?) might be mode the " most powerful of 8 U 1 to organs . "
Ignorance , prejudice , and apathy are the three great foes of Chartism . The Queen , Lords , and Commons ore but petty foes , when compared with these . Until the first is enlightened , the second removed , and tho last awakened , those who are clear from all , or divested of all , will continue to be the victims of those who are not The pen , the press , is more wanted , and mast be more used—had ia greater requisition . It must be applied in every variety of form and manner with novelty . If onu shaft fail , we must shoot another with more " advised aim . " It is no * in " much speaking "it i « more in writing to benefit the causa . The vices
aud tyranny of the aristocracy caused the French revolution ; but the writings of Rousseau more than the speeches of Mirabeau , were the occasion « f it I would not decry speaking , tor some must hear , because they can't read , aud some speak better tbaajtUey write —speech , too , has a more electrical effect in rousing sympathetic action ; but the people are mot yet prepared for that . It I » easier to speak than to write , and we like it better ; but writing is a kind of engraving on paper . " Words are but wind "—when we give them paper wings , they become birds of the air , and carry th « matter farther—keep It longer .
Nor is it money we want so much aa spirit ; if money is the sole sinew of War , our enemies will wia the battle , fur they possess more of it than we do . Enthusiasm would supply the waat of money , and be more than a match for it But the people are mere backward iu their awn cause than others are for them . The leaders have been forced to fall book—they were greatly in advance . The aympatbies of the people for themselves are uot sufficiently roused ; they don't rise for their rights—they lie supine under the feet of tyranny . They require to be iuoeasantly appealed to—their feelings and understandings are incessantly appealed to ,
and what do they answer ? It is not yut timer When , British slaves ' . —when will the last point Of endurance be reached ? Will the time alwaya serve for you to be slavta ?—never to be free ? You all do know that the Charter is just—ft your due ; you are fully convinced of that—instruction has done its office ; what do yon . . want further ? You want sentiment , passioM , action , or you would never see your benefactors taken to prison , by your tyrants , before , your eyes . Engrave the Charter on your hearts , and let us endeavour to persuade tbe country as we would persuade an old . foiul father , to his own good and to ours .
The play is ' dedicated to the " Frost , Williams , and Jones Restoration Committee , " to show them that , though I refused to become un honorary member » f fcUeii' committee , it was not from indifiarence to the fate ol ' Froat ; but from a conviction of the uselesaness , nay , the despic&bleness of petitioning those who had banished him . What I would not stoop to do for myself , 1 would not do for him . Shame on the people of England , that suffered such a man as Frost to be banished for loving them , to be baiiiabed by the thirds that hate them ; but moresbaiae would it he fur us tt > kneel to those mocking creatures , und ' bea of thorn to let him come back . Oh , we are
fallen indeed ; or could they hinder him ? Frost mast think us not worth saving . When Rienzi , "the last of the tribunes . " was bunuhed by the aristocracy , the peopie ntcuie them call -liiiu back—Bay , placed him over their heads . But Englishmen are surely sunk somewhat lower than Italian euuucbs . They are not merely indifferent to the- sufferings of themselves , their wives , aud little ones ; but what is more , they are indifferent to the sufferings of those that suffer for seeking to remove their sufferings—they lack gratitude ! -well inay Uiey want ) gentrasity . All that wiis English ia their character is gone—can they be calltiii men ?
TyranU are kept in palaces—patriots are kept in pnsoD , — " Shall it , for shame , be spoken in these days , Or fill up chronicles in time to come ?" But the deeper our disgrace , tbe more fionour there mil be in redeeming ourselves . In the meantime" Bleed , bleed , poor country ! Great tyranny , l ay thou thy basis sure , Forgoodiwsa dares not check thee !" I would ask , why should being a friend of the people lead to suffering and sacriike ? Why should being their tnemy ltad to honours and emoluments ? Let the people -answer . As for myself , I have had to fight both friends and foes , and 1 have ever found the jealousy of the former , though flattering , more fatal than
the hatred of the latter . I appeal to the people , nay , to the parties themselves , if I have not always protetrad my brethren in honour ; as , indeed , I might well do , for I hate been an idle Chartist ; but n » t willingly so . Yet am I not a disinterested Chartist—I avow myself a most self-interested one ; for the cause is my own , as well as my country ' s ; seeing that I must relinquish truth and justice ; I must relinquish honour and honesty , my nature itself , before I caa thrive under the present system . On the contrary , I inns ); relinquish home , parents , brethren , all for the Charter , and be aa exile , without the sympathy that reaches Frost acroas the ocean . But if the Btake fail here , it may hold for hereafter ; and , in the meantime , a virtuous m » u will seek no other reward , will need no other than what his own virtue affords him .
"f John Frost" has been written some time ; but could , not find a publisher . The chief Chartist pub-U sher in London shrunk from the responsibility , and that is the reason -wliy the author has taken it upon himself . He has pat his own name upon the title-page , because none other dared let hi * Stand them Tfcia must plead . bla excuse for the awkward manner in which the work is published , both as regards his own convenience and the purchaser ' s .. Honours and , profits he seeks not ^ -lie has refused them when ' oflned to him—he seeks but the interests of truth and humanity . . JOHK WATKINB . London , No : 22 , ChadWell-Btreet , Middleton-equare .
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BliUttlWCHAB ^—CHARTIBT ftfBBTiriO AT FitR ** KAwVstBEBt . —Tfeew «« klf m « ekia | fof ^ thememb « w of the National Charter Asgociattoa *** holdi * t tha Chartist meeting room , Ere * ioan ,- ? tt « et , On Monday evening last . Thero « kinw'fiteMlup fbr ,, thefi « t time into' Bests , and well-finished' tnmaA , enieflf through the iwiteewortby ^ xertteas iBf Wt . ltornto i of WfiituU-fltrtet , * ua &dri * »•*!* thfl ^ flc * tioa « f the to&itsitoi whom ^ pMfottoble >*> ts ha * Jbeeii proviaS , - dose to tK * faMm . A « e « ht o'clock , Mr . Thos . Goodacre vfas called to the chair who , iffcer btiefiy « ddresMng : ' the mfctfa j , fatt © £ dueed Mr . M » rtin , late of NortnalfertonHoo « e « f Correction . Mr . Martin delivered » n- * We and * ml » stirring address in his usual quaint and-huinOroui style ; in the course of whieh be drew % vivid pieture of the suffering endured b / « be Forking $ i » # > aQl
this country , arid then proceeded to comment e * the letter signed ' * Fearirus O'Connor , " published i > last week ' s S ( ar . He stated that he had no- . inten * t ion of interfering with any insn ' s religious opinions , but from all that he had seen since he had come to Birmingham , be thought Mr . plConnor ' s l « tte * peculiarly applicable to the present state of affairs . He thought that a Christian Chartist Church was liable to all the objections made M it in that abl » letter ; or , at least , the Chartist Chtufth at present existing at Birmingham , for it had proved itself a greater stumbling-block to the Chartist cans * thaaauy other chureh existing in-the town . H « thsugbt that there was » greater necessity for tht / PQople to unite for the purpose of delivering
themselves from political bondage , than doing that , aa % Christian . Chartiefc Church , which no other , body of , men could accomplish , namely , causing diviaien and animosity , when union of principle had previously existed . But although every man had a right to worship God according to the dictates of hia own conscience , he would ask them if they could pomt oat a , single instance in which the liberties of a natiou were efftablishpd by praying or preaching V It Mm Chartist Church was used as a means for extending the principles of the Charter , and that funds were appropriated to the dissemination of the political gospel ; if they exerted themselves to organise and Unite the toeople against their oppressors , then h » should be inclined to give them ereoitj unfortunately ,
that was not the case . Bat , on the contrary , thos » professed Christian Chartists not only objected to join the National Charter Association , bnt set up thehowi of UIegality , in order to deter others from swelling the ranks of freedom . But he understood they were applying to Mr . Koebaok for his advice . He would rather go to 'the greatest Tory or Whig in the country , than * eek the . adviee of Roebuck , Warborton Molesworth , and the other sham-Radi-, cal emigration mongers . If the peopie of Eagiaad —the toiling , suffering , and oppressed , millions—intended to be free , they should set about it like men * and not begin , to fora another sect , to be added to the thousand and one already in existence . He was one who never had . and never would , blink his :
sentiments . He would prefer seeing the blood-red banner of Revolution lifted on high , rather than behold the misery to which tho honest , virtuous , aad industrious people of this country were subjected . ( Tremendous cheers . ) He would not willingly injure any man , or his property , but he was determined to lift np hia voice against oppression , ' aad gaiu freedom at any coBt . ( Hear , and cheers . ) Let ail men , then , who loved their fellow * creatures—who'loved their-wivte and families- — rally round the standard of liberty , and join the National Charter Association . -They had met , then , that evening'not to" find fault with any man ' s religious creed , but to unite men aud women of all creeds in one common bond , ifa ' - order to deliver
themselves from the present murderous system . Mr . Martin continued for upwards of au hour , in a strain of the most impassioned eloquence , to show up the horrors and villanies to which the labouring classes were subjected , and sat down , amidst enthusiastic applause . A resolution , ' passed at tha Christian Chartist Church , was , then read to th « meeting , in which it was stated that the Church party requested the assistance of the- Associatioa for the carrying out of the resolutions agreed to at the public meeting held on the previous Monday . A long discussion took place on the eubjecfci Mr . T . P . Gree » stated that the monies that might be collected in the Chartist Meeting Room would be forwarded to Leeds , in conformity with the plan
laid dows by the letter of Mr . O'Connor , which had been agreed to by the members of the National Charter Association . He thought it would be very unfair to make the funds of the National Charter Association g 6 to the support of men who did not belong to that body . The following resolution was then unanimously agreed to : — " Resolved , that UO person shall be recognised as the representative of this Association who 10 not a member of the same . " A discussion took place with regard to the refusal of Mr . Collins to become a member of the Association , and it was ultimately agreed that * a Mr . Collins would not agree to become a member of the National Charter Association , he could not be
reeoguizsd as the representative of the members of thai body residing in Birmingham , and that they would still hold the election of Mr . Martin to be valid . Mr . T . e . Green stated , that aa Secretary of Frost ' s Committee he could state that Mr . Marciu was their representative , being chosen by them ; Mr , Martin was also an honorary member , wheieas Mr . Collins was not . A subscription was then entered into for the purpose of assisting the fund at Leeds , and a determination expressed to forward their share , on , condition that Mr . Martin should be the acknowledged delegate from the Chartists of Birmingham ; The members of the Charter Association are rapidly increasing iu numbers since they entered the roout at Freeman-street . ¦ '
NEWTON KBATH . —Conduct of the Middls Class towards the Wobkies . —The Chartista . of this place about a fortnight ago , invited Dr . P . M . M'Douall to deliver a lecture on the * New Poor Law as contrasted with the old one , " to which he consented . The committee of management finding that their room would be too small for the occasion , applied to a certain cotton master who had repeatedly declared bis detestation of the New Poor Law , for the use of an empty mill for the purpose . He promised them they might have it . They ( tbe committee ) thanked him aud left with an understanding that all would be right . But alasl How changeable is man . They ordered a number of placards to be printed and circulated , giving publicity to the
intended lecture , and also sent a notice to the Star which was inserted . The consequence was th « theexcitement was great . Ail went on very well for ten days ; just two days before the day ou which tho lecture was'to have been delivered , the cotton master sent -for the committee to inform them they oould not have the large room which he haa pror raised . They told him that they had been at considerable expense in announcing the lecture . No matter , he had had with him some very intelligent men who had assured him that the meeting was illegal , and therefore he could not allow it to proceed . Tnis completely frustrated the arrangement !! of the Working men , for then it was ; too late , either to procure another room , or announce to the public
their disappointment . Sunday came , and people came thither from Droylsden , Opeushaw , Ashton , Stalybridge , Hyde , X > ldham , and Maucbester , to the number of more than a thousand . They repaired to the mill , but it was closed , after which they adjourned to the poor man ' s church , which would not hold more than an eighth part of the people assembled . Mr . Mahon , an Irish Chartist of the light sort , was . called upon toaddress them , which he did in a very sensible and eloquent style , anu the people were remarkably peaceaole aua amnure , until a , banditti of police came up and bellowed out the most insulting language , and ordered the peopl * to disperse . They seized one by tbe collar , and aispJayed other tokens of wishing to breed a row ; and
had the people been the earn ® way disposed , these > blue bottles would have got a nice little ducking in the canal . Mr . ' Mahon said , he-did not wish to act illegally , aud would , therefore , concludes They gave out a hymn , aadanng , and then dissolved . The police , finding the man whom they had collared * offered no resistance , but-on the contrary , to ) d them he would go with them , let him go . The com * mittee are perfectly aware how the trick has beea managed . The middle aiaes have been with the cottba master atfd his son likewise , to the ma ^ i * - trates , prevailing upon them to prevent the meeting taking place . And these men are those who want , to l
or at least want us to believe snob , cram a argo loaf down the people ' s throats whether or not ! The cotton master , his son , and the middle class , never interfered , until they heard it was M'Douall , tha Chartist ; and had it been > ome canting parson , no opposition would bare been shewn , « bad it been for a meeting for a one-sided view of tho * » rn Laws , the middle class woaldiave been the foremost . But it ia all of apiece witb-iaiddle-elasa sympathy . BOSTON . —pRisoKKRs' RkleasB ; Cokvenhok . — On Monday week , at » p « biic Meeting held in . th « Temperance Hotel . Newport-street , Bolton , Mi . John Lowe in the chair , Mr . Richard Marsden wii duly elected a eandidate for delegate to the abov » ¦
convention . _ . , ¦ Nbw Assocunos Room . —The Chartists haw taken a commodious room , No . 4 , Oxford- * trset , where they in future purpose conducting the bufwea of the Association . At the first meeting hold ut lta § above room , on Mondayevening , daring a deBultwrj conversation , the conduct » f our Bradford brethren , in attributing despotic intentions to the disinterested and Buffering patriot , Feargos O'Connor , for merely suggesting the propriety of selecting acertam number from those he named as fi t ; persons to form _»
convention , was freely animadverted on and jrtstfjr censured , particularly as he bad left it entirely optional with the country to- choose whatever others might be deemed more proper . U was subsequently resolved to appoint an agent from amongst tbe members for the Bale of the Northern Star , Chartist Tracts , &c , the profits arising therefrom to be applied in furtherance of the cause—such as defraying Missionaries ' expences , & 0 . It is intended to 90 U these papers at the room No . 4 , Oxford-ttreet , where the members and others friendly to tht Mose may hare their « rdert . attended to .
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When forced to part from those we lore If sure to meet to-morrow , We feel an anguish in oar breast ; We drop a tear of sorrow . If what we feel ia no Berere , When we part for .-nonths or years ; Oh , what words can paint that tear When we part , perhaps for ever .
Cteitet Fttttefliscuce.
Cteitet fttttefliscuce .
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Jew v . CHRiSTtAN , ~ On Tuesday week , Mr . Emanuei , a Jew , was elected councillor for the ward of St . Thomas . Pongmouth , by a majority of 38 ; the numbers for Mr . Emauuel being 117 , and for Mr . Price ( a Christian , and » f the Bame liberal politics with bis opponent ) , 84 ,
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), April 10, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct850/page/7/
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