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f3ri'gtnal C*rr*0pon&*n«. __
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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""" " 7 o MB . O'MA LLET , OF THE DUBL 1 N CHABTJST ASSOCIATION . jj . b 0 ' 31-ii-LET , —As I proceed with my narffr wall ) increases , my blood boils , and my ff ? " tTsliJ " ^ th manlf indignation , at the very i ^! ef ' the base , bloody , and brutal" manner in ^** \ l 0 Tea country baa been swindled oat of her T fconow , aad ter liberty , by a set of juggling tg *^ " ^ fr > 3 . ' io » * rejoice to think that my name
v * mixed up -with any one of the many schemes S ** 'L ^ e Irish hare been held in mental , moral , ^ . ^ . i&d degrsdation . " V ^ Bsiist th e historian say , when the new light of cfcill have dispelled the dark cloud which now ^^ bat which , thank God , prepares to break , iS ? aa Green Isle ? All the old nursery tales by ! IL tfEg lity children have been aSHghted into quiet , * fie » 3 ° * hobgoblins an 4 apparitions , will appear ^^^ p hy , when compared with the tricks of Ire-^ ssrse M kfe ? laby from ^^ out-7 tbcmsbt is madd and
v ftjed , &e TeT - ening , ¦ dlleW me from the consideration of facia , to tuq-* - ^ aas of ^ monster who has thus reared \ tender miDd . " I shall however try to resume ; ^ t ittenc . ] £ aB sto- » jou that the present " compensation to i rats' ' S&& 2 * is intended as a counter irritant to 1 ' jjtenrienfroin any popularity which the recent d tie Irish landlords , npcn their agricultural ^ yeA , s& acquire . I Jskall prove to yon that every ' ^* s £ S 5 are which promised benefit , and from j ^ . jjy conciliation could bs expected , has been
^ j- aaaltyiEet , denounced , and frcsirated by Mr . n- ' xzbl I *^*^ show , to demonstration , that so far fe alifriad . ttst is , the Iiish people , having gained -j j vJrantsge by concessions wrung from the fears , jjjfcaa iu htr days of weakness and apprehension , Su ets ; KBS ' change bo extracted , has , without an --jaaB , been turned to aristocratic advantage , and ^ y ^ r ioss ; and I s hall prove that the two great Z ^ sa of our time , which were to have rendered < : s - * essiaia but as things to be thought of with j l ^ U-n been frustrated by Mr . O'Connell ' s dread . 7-yssci his trade" by his country losing her
causes . " F 2 xte 7 > we are always ready to ipvs a man much jiiaii Tbo undertakes vast and mighty projects vitics beyond the grasp of ordinary mines . If we t .. v 3 nsiittg way , though not exactly as men of in-{ 23 nijsl&iioa would have gone about the work , n ' sp . to aocbt our own discretion ; and each donbt jjjiKtiidaracter Jor wisdom- We say , "he has s teaSs tsj of bis own of doing things , jast let him SJ 2 . "
T : $ Sisse feelinp , O'ilalley , the Irish people have j ^ nd Hi- 0 'Conncll to p ' -ay pranks and make expe- > vjjts upon forbearance which no other man would Izt ;' xs 2 slloired . Be lircs npon nothing but the ssjik of fend which he can keep alive between the Jt : entries snd the two religions ; and yet , observe , for as Bonest , the manner in which he has been £ rBd , it ciferent times , to compromise his own and fcjisnoyi feelings , for the mire - purpose of being ili'xar , " 0 , Ism resolved to try every expedient is csse rrejadiee . "
Tstd mj oaier man in Ireland be allowed to speak eas ^ T d the dark days of Citholic oppression , and ys ; sii the health of " The glorious , pious , and T-rarai Esscsry of the great and good King William , Tri-arel Ireland from Popery , slavery , wooden shoes , steins mosey , " and to drink it in a bumper of the rsai < £ that very river upon whose banks the fatal Usa-fla tattle ef the Boyne , —was fought ? Vs ^ tsj other man be allowed to speak of all the hacB * £ ka Ireland has endured from the Beresfaci z pszticcisr , and then , at a Repeal meeting , to aH ii vzez cheers for a Baresford . ' ¦ W . id » 2 T other man be allowed to truckle to Orange espason , Or&nge Mayors , Orange professors of all t 3 a u tn * liberater has ?
Vii sry brawler for cheap Government , except the I ' vKafj be allowed to tell that Parliament from viicbf jought for justice to Ireland , and for cheap Grtassai , tiat his constituents ordered him to vote ifo is tstj nSghert figure for Prince Alberts allow-| s 2 s ; sti ist bst for Tory oppositioa , xiis German Itsje tdeH hsTe received frem the House which ffra la pecple £ 26 , 600 a-year more than he now l ^ ji ? i > & , O'iiiUjy , would any man , erfcept cue who . B Jived to have his own peculiar way of bringing = a jbsj n , be tolerated for one moment in such
I 5 : t , o-Milley , I think that a mere reference to fe tS es' ^ blish the fact of the '' compensation" move S * nsre aaSdate to the agricultural poison-Csaej has been driven to every species , sort , and ^ ¦ ssfi , trick , and device whieh art could sngf es : E tctsi : y lick into palatable shape and ' practi-^ ;; ES - He has been trying all schemes for eatehing -a ? t » 3 ; because upon the knetb . of his tail
c-- » a jKj jgjjj ^ jj 0 ; j ,- ^ pnrss . ^^ j . > caricnis t 0 E .-i : rsTa oaee broached this all-important scbeme , < irhij tad so long in his eve , until caution H ^^^ " Eh : Ban , by dad you must lock sharp or ^ ahsglords will get hold of the votes . " If , then , •^ - ^^ 3 s had never proposed what they intended sa = _; to themselves and their tenants , Dan - < tsTsr have turned the cock of his eve—no
r ^> Oey , it wa 3 a god-send in two ways t& ' : asT 1 riden the breach between landlord and I h ^ ^" Cenail 1 prjStiot the I ' {> erator ; and I 1 ^ 1 **** * ** J ^^^ ble cause for delaying the I k-C , ^^ mXil &e " friEZe coat £ " b-cnest p . . ^^ aa opportunity of subscribing and I ' "Zf ^^^ Z for action . & . rT " 2 : or : ie " csmpensation" humbug ; and now , I j ^ j ; P ^^ e that every change wrested from « T = atness , has but tended lo increase aristo-¦ h- fc 1 «— !¦ 1
^ ^^^ H F ^ t * - v «** - » ' ^^^ A V I ^ I * * m I I VU jj . - j " 7 Te Md to dimiEisb . the liberty of Irishnien . 11 ^ ' ^ i ° eren ^^^ er . and assert that every Mil , * ' : her proposal by the Court of Si . James - s , ^ j AT "~ " P aanc r Iii ^ h representatives whether t- ^ r ^ ^ s rj"ted Pariiamtat , or whether wrung gjt J " . " * ° " ' ^^ Court , has , in every case , gone to I ebT " ^ irish oUgaichy and to the loss of the < r-k
I est- " 4 liI 3 f 5 ' > Te I 5433 0 Ter the dark ages , and » il" ^ pSriod wllen iiberty first began to dawn in fe- ^ f ^^ That ^? be fairly dated from fciv ^^ ae Esflish tea into the sea , by the I fct . ~" iiJi 5 ) in conformity with one of their resoi : ,. " _ . * - "asamption , " and which happened in
RcC' ^" * rjm vlsi £ h Period , till 1765 , Ireland was Is ^ ^• ' ^ U of by farmer Qeorgy , sther than as a ti ^^ s ^ trbutary savages were sent to fight M ** £ ..., li' ^ American affairs began to wax B a ^ ^ La ? d Townshend , the most cunning man I i £ ^^ * * ^ rd Lieutenant to Ireland , with I C 1 ria ' : 'b ^ CCan ° St " James > t 0 b *? ' that ^
^ tZf 0111 ?^^ their bo ther about America , H ^ i , ^ ' ^ ° 3 ld be increased by making the fbl-I **' - C ^ " r ? to lr 6 S an boroughmengers ftm ^^ eesic the Irish Parliament held their I ^ " ~ " ^ b ^ ^^ Price ° Seat """ ^ Onl 7 v ; * -3 W ^ ^ ro 51 silinoaSei » . however , consented to lti - ^ , ; ^ to w « = i « Dn 5 al holding ; and thereby te c-r _""* borough property from £ 500 for life I ^^/ * ' - ^ sn r ^ > tMs sop qaite * && * & >^ e iri » n ^^ {„_/ . "' w ! iai ^ e American war ' began to * ^ saw ! " Pect " ' ^^ the ^^ House C , to T * to look ^ r emancipation of the , ?*^ ^ 1 *^ ' ™ trDth ) ssti ^ e ^ with a very ^* biTh , ^ " ^ commodit y called " religious - ^ CttkS * " ^ " ^ tended for and acquired the rtW ^««« a able to do so , to nurchaae land , or
P % tei- ? Md fcold laaded Property , ^ bJch ^ ^ " * MpenaL « eo ^ ^ no great good to the people , and was WTS ^ Z ^ ^ iIinLster as a sure means of V- - MT CathoUcs to all the remaining dis-Kf ^\ T ° P 1 ^ ^ P ° tioss who could ¦^* rw , C&thoUc trtfottW in Ireland , ^^ ^ t ° bel 0 as to the C 0 Qrt P ^ «* ffw * 55 L tr * ' ^ ^^ of War 5 ^ ttidm ^ Iannyaild &trocity' " ffhether ¦ ES » , »« . v ' s t ^^ - owners of 1 st ^ ^ pSr ^ ^ fca ^ ™ . ' « , to cut-topped H ^^ 7 Wtangesan in oppression , cruelty ,
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brutality , and rnffianism of every kind , and in the exercise of -which they fancied themselves protected by a kind of prescriptive right to bully as they were bnllied . They were , one and all , the most -consummate rascals that ever disgraced human nature . Ask any Koman Catholic clergyman who is the greatest tyrant in his parish ? and if he is cursed with a Catholic Protestant church tithe owner , a Catholic middleman , a Catholic magistrate , or even a Catholic chief of police , he will say , that is the man .
Well , O'Malley , so much for 17 T 8 . In the following jear came "free trade , " which laid thefoundation for jobbing in Ireland , and which was not worth a twopenny ticket to the nation . And now , as the influence of American Independence began to find its way to France , and , as French intercourse with Ireland began to spriug up , I will take all in a lump from 1773 to 18 C # . With this short review of tKenty-one years then , I commence with tLe volunteers of 1782 , who , in addition to the troubles arising from the American war and French discontent , had England hampered by a great naval alliance formed against her by the combined Beets of France , Spain , and Holland j tkey made the most of
the emergency , and get what they asked for—Parliamentary Emancipation from Poining's Act , which made borough property almost valueless , as the Privy Council , that is , the English prime minister , had a veto in all Irish affairs . Emancipation from Poinings Act , however , made them , the boroughmongers , a more formidable rival Home to the English Minister ; and , as if by magic , the value of a seat rose from £ 600 to £ 2 , 500 ,-or more , according to emergency . But when the Catholic people asked for their share of the spoil , they were told by Lord Cfcarlemont , the Colonel of the volunteers , that " he would go for Reform , bit upon
condition that Protestant ascendancy should be the basis of Parliamentary Reform ; the Catholics the while looking for llefonn merely to gain complete religious freedom , preparatory to csserting their civil rights . This answer of the hero of 1782 , which is matter of history ,, staggered the me . \ ef the volunteers , and they cut all connection with the Protestant aristocracy ; and from that fact , and from that period , may be dated the dose alliance which grew up between the French people being Catholics , and the Irish people being Catholics , an-i headed by wealthy and influential Protestant and Dissenting leaders ; but not one of them of the Casrkmont party ; no , not on 9 single one .
The truckling adherence of the Catholic aristocracy to the Court , occasioned by their emancipation in 1778 , deprived them of all popular confidence ; and the insolence of Charlemont and the c fiicers of the volunteers , deprived that party of all popular confidence . / Then came the assertion of American Independence , and the French Revolution ; and with these embarrassments , the Irish Parliament ( the most hellish and corrupt that ever disgraced a nation ) was once more obliged to hang a bit of popularity on their mast ; so they demanded a ' ¦ fall , fair , and adequate representation of all the people in the Commons' House of Parliament . "
> ow , O'Maliey , those were tte very identical words of the-first demand for Parliamentary Reform ; and , as the RepuMicans of France were at that period carrying all before them , the borough-mongers of bvth countries affected to see the justice of the demand with an unjaundiced eye ; and many com milters were formed to draw up heads of a Bill to carry the principle into full effect , until that eternal villain , Damourier , sold the cause cf liberty , when the cosimuts ^ swere all dissolved , and instead of Parliamentary Raform , the country was presented with the celebrated " Convention BilL "
From that period , to 17 l ; S . htll was ltt loosein Ireland , an Irish secretary was appointed ; a national bank , the funding system , and place-men , pensioners , and sinecurists were established . In fact , Dublin became part and parcel of St Jamra's , as far as the Cjurt was concerned . Out of all these many God-sends , "what , in the interval from 1780 to 1 SO » , did the people gain , either as regards civil oi religious freedom ? In 17 S 0 they had money in the Treasury ; in 1 S 00 , they owed over
forty millions ; besides what it cost the English people to bribe them ; and what did the Catholic people gain ? Why , in 17 S 2 what was called Independence , which was based upon Protestant Ascendancy , and which made rich men of paupers , and noblemen of knaves ; in 2793 Catholic barristers were allowKl to practice at the bar , while , from 17 ^ 3 to 17 ' JG , all the worst statutes on the book are to be found as Ireland's share of emancipation and
reform-Then , O'Malley , finding that all was lost , about ninety Protestant gentlemen of large fortune , and many Dissenters , and four , just four , honest Catholics joined to break down oppression by force ; and , with that view , Arthur O Connor and Lord Edward Fitzgerald were sent by the United Irishmen to sign terms with the French Directory , for the co-operation of the French in establishing a republic in Ireland . The history of this is long . The result , however , was , that General Heche
sailed with a largd fleet , a large cumber of men , and a large quantity of arms for the irUb , and just as be was about to enter Bantry Bay a storm sprung up and scattered the nest , —and thank God for it ! because however justified the Irish Directory may have been in their dt 3 : ghtfnJ anticipations from French protection and support , subsequent events prove that Ireland escaped' that tyranny which marked the steps of the hero of the French revolution wherever he made his
appearaxce ; snd Providence , I trust , has preserved her to be an independent nation , instead ef an appendage to any step-dame . > Tot more than about eight hundred of the French troops landed at Killala . Such , then , were the advantages which Ireland acquired by watching the necessities of Britain from 17 C 3 td 17 & 7 , a period of more than thirty years : —a corrupt House of Commons , a national debt of about forty millions—which means ,
as all national debts de mean , an appropriation of the poor and unrepresented man ' s property by the rich represented gentlemen : a Catholic aristocracy ; a national bank ; a branch of the funding plant to her own cheek for her own paupers ; a rise of borough property " from £ 500 for life to £ 7 , 000 for eight years ; 2 nd a mimic Court . O'Malley , these things led to the crowning boon of all—a rebellion in 179 S and a Union in li-60 .
The acts of the oligarchy , afUr Damourier ' s treachery , were so cruel , brutal , despotic , and arbitrary , that , n&t to have resisted them bj force , and at the hazard ef life , would have been the worst description of slavery ; and England , finding herself powerful in the new zeal of her volunteers and militia-men , committed those a « ts with no other view than to promote a rebellion , in order that so frightful a catastrophe might lead to the unregretted death of her legislature . In fact , when England asked for Ireland ' s hand , she was reeking with the blood ol her children . Allow me to repeat a sentence from a speech of mine upen the Union : —
" When the withering blast , called Union , was wafted from the sister kingdom to our hallowed shores upon the tainted gale of faction , Ireland was yet in mourning for her slaughtered sons ; her green fields were yet crimsoned with the blood of her innocent children , sacrificed at the shrine of English pride , or Irish perflay . Good God } w&s it at such a time that such a change should have been forced upon a coerced and undefended ' people , while the guardians of tie ' ir glory Were either prematurely consigned to the cold grave , or banished to some foreign land , to sigh in solitnde over the departed liberty of their green loved land !"
Oilalley , the rebellion was to be ; and for this reason When the Iribh Parliament was made " independent " of the British Minister in 1 TS 2 , aud being previously and subsequently wholly independent of any portion whatever of the Irish people , the British Minister found that all the money in the united Exchequer would not feed the hungry hounds , who just then began to -establish a miniature of every abuse that existed in England . In ten years the independent Parliament of Ireland spent more than thirty millions upon itself , and what it could grab into the bargain ; and now , forsooth , we hear of nothing but English—that is , the English people ' s treachery toward Ireland .
O'Malley , I have the only history extant , the only ene ever written of those days , in my possession . It is in one small volume . Only three copies , 1 believe , got out of the' printer ' s hands , he having received the Attorney-General ' s compliments , and orders to desist I have one of them ; Sir Francis Burnett lias another ; and I believe , but I am not certain , that Lord Grey has the third . " Now , I mean , when I get loose , to publish every word of it at two or three columns at a time , in the Star ; aiid then say , who can , that Ireland has not always been bullied by her own Church and her own aristocracy , -whether Catholic or Protestant , and , above all , by her own Parliament , after its independence . I wiil publish for you the iiit of Union and rebellion Pesrs , with } Jhe
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genealogy of each , from the date of the first landing of his progenitors among us , down to hia elevation ; and I will shew you that the Irish Peerage , with a very few exceptions , consists of Union lorda , who preferred a peerage and patronage to £ 15 , 000 , which was the "Union" price of an Irish borough , or a patent place for ] ifa O'ilalley , I shall now pass over the twenty-nine years allowed for the blossoming of the Union tree , and thall say one word about its first fruits— " Catholic
Emancipation . " What was the price paid for that ? The disfranchisement and scattering to the world of the only parties for whose benefit the measure could reasonably or patriotically be contended for the civil and social destruction of 380 , 000 heads of families , previously provided for ; though humbly and scantily I admit , yet provided for ; and these now , with tbeir families , compose the thTee millions » f contented Irishmen who say " amen , " when Mr . O'Connell rays " Glory be to God ; emancipation has a bloodless trinmph . "
O'Malley , I call it a bloody , & dew bought -victory , and defy you , or any man living , to point out to me any one single advantage which the Irish people have derived from the measure , beyond the excitable delight of being toid that it is " a great means to an unknewn end j" the admission to the Imperial Parliament of the most corrupt set of members that ever entered a Senate House , and tLe promotion to places , pensions , sinecures , and honours , of those in whom the people had confidence , and who have sold them for the highest price that they would fetch in the majkefc .
Tien came Reform . What have you , what has Ireland got by that ? Coercion to begin with ; which , on my soul , O'Connell brought about and insured , lest the fulfilment of one half the promises made to Ireland , during the discussien upon the Reform Bill , should have been realised to the destruction » f his " trade . " Xow , O'ilalley , if ever the expediency of giving a fair trial could be justly pleaded , it was upon the commencement of eo novel an era as the reform of one
hundred and sixty-four years of abuse . On my soul , I believe many of the Whigs were sincere in their professions of liberality ; but now observe , the man who has cried out for a fair trial for an administration , upon a mere exchange of one member for another , so hobbled the first Reform Parliament as to bring the two countries into collision ; and he kept that up till he showed the Whigs that they should not do witheut him , and they , therefore , bought him ; and he has now sold them .
Is ' ow , I ask you , whether or not a time when the whole country beat high -with anticipation from the great promise from Reform , was just the period that a " practical" statesman would have sought to cause dissension ? and , O'ilalley , with those very feelings I was resolved to test his sincerity upon the question of Repeal , at once ; but I found that it w&s intended as a thing of which the English might for ought O * Connel cared , think as they pleased , and the worse the Vettur , provided a . plentiful scattering of oppression produced an abundant harvest He slipped through my fingers
till 1634 , when the breach was made which he designed . In 1 & 35 , when he got rid of me , he sold Ireland ; and from that period to the present , the man whose pot-valiancy would not allow a moment's breathing time to the infant Reform , has since been most cautious in not giving rise to a single complaint , or allowing a particle of agitation , which could by possibility have the effect of embarrassing our charming ministers , O'Malley , I hope to conclude in one more letter , and then ray assertions must be refuted , or they must stand as facts , irrefutable facts .
In my nest , I will tell you why we seek Universal Suffrage , how we have sought it , the base manner in which we have been belied , and the noble and gallant manner in which the very poorest of the poor have virtuously withstood all attempts to divide and conquer them . Till then , I am , your Friend , FEARGUS O'CONNOR .
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"WE MUST GET HID OF FEARGUS . " TO THE ED 1 T 9 B OF THE NOBTHER . N STAR . Sir , —Daniel O"Connell , the notorious mendicant , — the arch-traitor , —the consummate hypocrite and foe of the human race , reflecting upon his present fallen position , and teeing every avenue leading to his restoration to popularity closed against him , cries out in the agony of despair , " We must get rid of Feargus . " As well might he have said , " We must pluck the sun from its orbit ; " the latter being comparatively as practicable as the former . But men , when plunge ! into inextricable difficulties , will assay to buoy up their troubled spirits by strange ideas , which generally vanish , " Like the baseless fabric of a vision , And leave not a wreck behind . "
I dare say , however , that Dan already laments haying had the dream of " getting rid t >! Feargus , " since he has now discovered , by experiment , that there is a great deal of truth in the avlage , " Dreams are interpreted by contraries ; " and he also finds himself sunk still deeper in the mire snd clay , where he must stick , die , rot , and be forgotten , save when his name be raked up to show t ); e extent of human degeneracy . Now , Sir , why is Dan so anxious to " get rid of Feargus ? " Why , First , —Because , Feargus has won an increasing and weil-merited popularity ; while Din is fast and irrecoverably falling into merited disgrace . Therefore he cannot brook the idea of seeing the man , whom he has endeavoured to bring into disrepute by scurrility and falsehood , enshrined in the hearts of that people whose cause he has espoused and zealously maintained .
Secondly , —Bc-cause , the progress of Feargus his been marked by disinterestedness , while that of Dan has been ever characterised by the bass and sordid love of filthy lucre . This contrast is , to Dan , galling and unbearable . Thirdly , —Because , principle has been the inseparable concomitant of Feargus during the whole course of Uia political compaign ; while vacillation , tergiversation , deceit and treachery have ever attended Din in his wandering career . This is to Dan an eye-sore , who is not so ignorant as to suppose that the people will long bs gulled -when such a contrast presents itself as that between the two O ' s .
Fourthly , —Dan is the tool , the needy , greedy , willing tool of the Whig faction ; while Feargus is the sworn , uncompromising , and unpurchasable foe of faction ; the rights of the people , the whole people , being the one great object he labours to achieve . Fifthly , —In a word , D . in wants the " r « 7 tf , " this is the Alpha and Omega of his political creed ; while Fearsus wants the extirpation of tyranny , nnd tbo establishment of such a system of Government as -will give and secure the greatest possible happiness to all . We read that the devil envied the felicity of the federal head of our race , and as all hope of happiness was lost to fallen Lucifer , his only scheme was to bring happy man to the lapsed condition of himself . Now , Sir , Dan , the personification of the devil , is cast outhe is fallen—hope smiles not upon him ; therefore , in the true spirit of tbe devil , be seeks the overthrow of Feargus , the man of the people .
Well , how is Din to compafs his plan ? He Snds that Feargus is not alone ,- and if he was , Dan is not able to cope with him ; he , therefore , calls together his " fallen angels , " and attempts the disorganisation of the Chartist troops . At his call the truckling , idle , spouting fragments -which have been broken off from the Cbartist cause , marshalled on his side and commenced the attack a la Quixote : they certainly inscribed " the Ckarter" on their shields , but the people ¦ were too " lynx-eyed" to be deceived , and , insiunier , the straw-armed pigmies were obliged to fall back , cenfounded and horror-struck at their sudden and unexpected defeat
Well , Sir , Feargus is not " got rid of , " but on tbe contrary , he is more beloved by the people ; even the hitherto sceptical now see that he is immovable in principle and invulnerable to every attack , whether emanating from avewed toes or pretended friends , while tbo big beggarman is once more exhibited to the world in all his innate depravity , and the old and new joints ef his tail defeated , crest-fallen , and despised . " Get rid of Feargus . " Good God , do the villains suppose that we , the fustian jackets , are such ingrates as to turn our backs upon tbe man who has unceasingly fought our battles at his own cost , yes , at his OWN cost , mark that Dan ; mark that ye political profitmongers , and blush , if shame be a component part of your nature . We turn not our backs upon our friends , and we will abandon the name of Britons when we forsake our best friend , particularly at the time when he is entombed for us and our cause . Did the blistered
hands forsake Collins , Lovett , and Co . when in ' durance vile ? " No . Were they not received with open arms ? with all the honours that could be bestowed upon them , as though they had achieved eur political redemption , and how have they returned the compliment ? Why by forming an alliance with Dan , wh « , as their mouthpiece , bawls out , " We must get rid of Feargus .- Aye , aye , ye leeches and locusts , " getting rid of Feargus " is " tbe consummation devoutly to be wished" by both you and your masters . Feargus and the Slar are insurmountable obstacles in your path . Ye desire not the establishment of the Charter , but to humbug tbe people and make a trade of politics .
Yes , Mr . Editor , they -want " fat livings "—they -want churches and schools erecting wiih our money , because we are so very ignorant , immoral , and intemperate . I wonder they did not discover this when , getting -well
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paid in Bolt-court . But a new light has broken forth upon them , and they now see we are very ignorant , very vicious , and very intemperate , and , perhaps , above all , they see that they are so wise , bo goed , and eo telfdenying , as to be the only men qualified to give us instruction in both religiou , politics , and morals . We have seen self-dubbed " pastors already ; and , no doubt , they have an hankering after a more fruitful pasture . I don't wish they may get it I see that the Master of the Ceremonies has been delivering ' *> ne of his stereotyped speeches in the Corn
Exchange ; and he Bings the old favourite tone" Money Wanted . " "Give me , " says he , "but four millions of names , or two hundred thousand pounds . " Not four millions of nawea and two nundred thousand pounds , but four millions of names OR two hundred thousand pounds . About the former he would not be very particular ; but abont the latter he would be very exact The former may go to the devil ( I beg pardon for using the name of his satanic majesty —its vulgar ; but let it go , as I am one of the ignorant and immoral ); but the " one thing needful" most not be forgotten .
Frtends Collins , Lovett , and Co . have a plan with a thumping lump of money tagged to the end . Dan is talking of doing mighty things with " two hundred thousand pounds . " How sweetly things harmonise , in some quarters , now-a days ! Well , now , the bantling is just giving np the ghost , what is to be done with its nurses ? Must we not go out to meet them on their return , and present them with medals , scarfs , gloves , &c . &c . and bedaub them a foot thick with fulsome adulation ? Nq ; they repudiate such childish
displays , therefore we must not wound their tender consciences . There is a better way of doing the thing . They must get about a dozsn tools , or fools , here and there to slightly censure the move , yet , at the same' time to . flatter them as much as possible ; aud to do the thiug well , the tools , or fools , must give a few heary blows at the Sd . tr and its conductor , as a set off for the patriotic gentlemen who have erred , but will , no donbt , return to their old friends ( who will be ever willing to receive them ) and to the cause for which they have so nobly suffered .
It appears that the Sun is the organ of the " ratcatchers . " People get into strange company at times , don't they ? But what does it look like , Mr . Editor , eh ? I guess ; don't you ? Don't the lads , eh ? Yours truly , With WaTCH ' EM . Leeds , April 26 th , 1841 .
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^ THE BACKWARD MOVE . TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAB . " Oh . ' Peers of England , shameful is this league ! " "Cancelling your fame ; Blotting your names from books of memory ; Razing the character of your renown ; Undoing all as ail had n&ver been . " Shakspeare . Sir , —Through the medium of the Star , I beg to thank Lovett , Hethbrington , Cleave , and Co ., for the honour they did me in not sending me a copy of their anti-Chartist declaration for my signature . They must kuve thought better ef me than of themselves . Their move was a secret to me until the Siit turned its unwelcome light upon it , atjd brought it from that darkness in which Lovett would have loved it a little longer to dwell . Thia premature exposure was very uncourteous in the Slar .
When Lovett was released from prison , the people wero much disappointed in not having an opportunity to pay their respects to him , and to show their gratitude . * He pleaded ill health , and was excused and commiserated . While in prison , where , I believe , he was supported by tho people—not by his now friendshe wrote a book on Chartism , which was published on his liberation . The Government organ highly praised this book—a circumstance which looked suspicious , fur praise from that source must be deemed censure by every right-miuded Chartist . Lovett , however , appears to have been pleased with this praise , and to have sought more of it . While his colleague , Collins , was gathering laurels in Scotland , and deserving them too , if we may judge him by his speeches , Lovett was sitting at home hatching his cockatrice scheme , or weaving his spider ' s web .
The meeting at Leeds was a middle-class trap set to catch CliartistsJ—an artificial fly thrown out for gudgeons ; but none wore hooked , though there were a few who looked at it , and some who nibbled . This open attempt having failed , a secret one roust be tried . Lovett draws up an address so very like Chartism , tbat it might be taken by the simple and unsuspecting for Chartism itself : just as a pitfall is covered with earth to look like firm ground . Lovett , Hetherington , Cleave —all names of good men and true , at least , of men who
were thought so—head the list which is sent secretly with these decoy-ducks to entrap Chartists . Dan O'Conneil , Hume , Roebuck , and Co ., the fowlers and birdcatchers , keep out of sight , lest their appearance should scare away the prey , and tbe sweet singers aforesaid tune their notes to entice the unwary , some of whom light upon the cage and are limed ; but as soon as they see the monster-men approach to seize them and put them in , they struggle hard and escape ; others submit to lose their liberty , and join the " unclean birds" within . There are others that ,
" Struggling to be free are more encaged , " because they seek to justify themselves , and cannot . Tbe leaders of this league knew that there was a National Association in existence ; but they axe of that kind of men who will not follow what other men propose . Th ** y wish to set up themselves head over all : and they will be setup—but as warnings and examples to shun , and not to imitate . " Infamy will brand thtir memories . " Duped by the middle class , they would fain have deceived and betrayed the people .
They could not resist the honour of being courted by members of Parliament , and Lovett the cabinet-maker , has been set to make a cabinet of Chartists—Collins , tbe tool-maker , to make tools for them—awhile we were to have been cloven and divided by Cleave . Old Dan , like Falstaff , finding that bis " date was out , " wished to know where a commodity of " good names " could be bought , and he found these . The trust reposed by a confiding people in Lovett and Co ., was to be turned against them to please tbe middle , classes . Could a man make or allow to ba made a \ uote shameful visa of
his " good name i" But ttivy nave overrated their influence with the peopla What is the pretence of this backward move ?—the people are not sufficiently educated , forsooth . ' The men who want to bridle the people and check them by an educational bit , are booksellers who , of course , would charitably sell tracts , &c , to the starving millions . Do they think the peopJe can be fed on paper ? Thwy remind us of the cockney who rapped the live eels in the pan on thtir cockscombs , and cried " down , wantons , down ' . "
In Jlr . Lovett ' s opinion , the men who misrule the nation are well educated . The people who feel the wrong done them , and who would right it , must no ^; because they are not educated 1 Mr . Lovett is either a very dishonest or a very timid man . Does he wish to sophisticate the unsophisticated people ? But the greatest grievance is Mr . O'Connor , the " people ' s idol . " He must be got rid of , because his popularity is envied . Mr . O'Connor earned it , and earned it dearly ; and did not Mr . Lovett possess his share—his full share ? was not the Star the herald of his fame ? Mr . Lovett resembles the Turk that cannot bear a brother near
him . Perhaps our " trading politicians" fancied Mr . O'Connor had monopoly , anil they wished to break it . It is well known that , in a pecuniary sense , the Star has done more benefit to others than to Mr . O Connor . He is out of pocket by it . ilati he chosen to serve himself and not the people , he might have been a lord . He is in a prison for his patriotism , aud set upon by curs that durst not bark if he were out—spaniels that fawn upon their own persecutors . O'Connor ' s value to the people is indicated by this mean attempt to shelf him—an attempt made by men who owe their power of making it to his favour , and who have eat of his bread . To injure O'Connor is to injure the people ; he is identified with them . Had tbo people ' s enemies succeeded in turning the people against their friend , tbe people would have felt it first , and must have hated themselves . It would have been enough to make all true patriots turn to Tinions . Ingratitude is a sin which neither gods nor men can bear .
But the traitors have not succeeded , and cannot This is their last attempt . It is well when men shew themselves in their true colours and separate themselves . The goats will be known from the sheep . I do not think it will be worth while waging war with thtiui , but , if we do , we will wage it warmly . " When Greek meets Greek , then comes the tug of war . " I am most sorry to see Vincent's name in the list . I consider Vincent the chief Chartist writer of the day . He has fought with us and suffered with us . Does he blench now ? Can ho have become enamoured of those whose stripes he bears ? Turn again , Vincent , and be a true man . No doubt some of the London leaguers finding that they cannot mislead the people , will . retract and come over to ns again . There is one of them of whom we may say— " The devil a Chartist , or anything else is he . constantly , but a time-server . "
What good could they expect by diverting the people from the old path ? Did they intend two natitnul associations to be set up 1 We cannot worship Ctod and Mammon—we must bold to the one and neglect the other . The people ' s attention would have been divided and distracted . They could nofc pay attention to both . A house divided against itself cannot stand . We cannot play a double game . We are not jugglers to keep two balls np at once . Young Chartism like a " graceless son , " would have tripped up his sire . We must do away with one or the other . As for me , 1 will stick to the old path—I will not meddle -with the changelings . Onward , and we conquer—backward , and we are conquered . A little longer my friends , and the victory is ouis . Hold out—we must not be BEAT 1 London , April 26 , 1841 . John Watkins .
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Effects of Fanny Ellsler ' s Bascing . —Fanny b dancing lias so turned a poor functionary ' s head , that he danced from morning till night all over his boardi ng-house , till his landlady had to take him before the police . —Netv York Herald ,
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TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Sir , —By giving the following address a place in the columns of your truly invaluable paper , you would much oblige , Sir , Youra respectfully , P . M . Bhopiiy . Dublin , April 26 th , 18 il .
TO THE CHARTISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND . " Cursed b 9 the wretch that ' s bought and sold , Who barters liberty for gold . " Friends , Brethren , and Fellow-Countrymen , —A fierce , determined , and unwarrantable attack having been made on the Chartists of Dublin by Mr . O'Connell , I beg to call your attention to a few plain facts . Mr . O'Connell has thought proper to state to tbe world tbat Chartism in Ireland is a transportable offence , but he has not pointed out the manner in which a Chartist Association in Ireland would be illegal . This lie has done in order to deter tbe gulled and starving people of Ireland from joining us , Jest they should acquire a knowledge of th ^ ir real state ,
and the means of redressing it . Before be published our Association in the venal press of Ireland , he should have been certain that the rules of our Association were such as to warrant the assertion . Mr . O'Connell dreads Chartism ( although one of its propounders ) , because he knows that if its sacred principles were once known by the people , he would lose bis popularity . He has called us " a despicable set , " and says tbat he knows us all ! Now in what are we despicable ? because we are honest nnd that we have truth on our side ? He knows us all ! what dots he know of us ? He knows we are poor working men , and that we will not pin our opinions to his sleeve , but that we will think and act for our own and country's good . Let Ireland be enlightened in tbe principles tf the Charter , and the blood-sucking minions have an end to their traffic in human misery and in human blood . Ireland has been disunited
by factious demagogues ; her people have been taught to bate England and the English ; England has been taught to bate the Irish ; and thus a system of rapine , murder , treachery , and wrong has been perpetuated , in order that the traders in human blood might be able to glut themselves to satiety . The present effort to suppress Chartism in Ireland is another of the many hell-born machinations devised for still making appropriate the motto , " Divide and conquer . " Sbaii we be divided ? shall wo longer regard ' each other as aliens in name and in blood ? shall we hate aud persecute each other on account of our political and religious opinions ? shall Protestant stand in opposition to Catholic , or Catholic to Protestant ? when the common interest of tbe people of this country , nay , of the vast empire , demunds a unity of tbe producing and unrepresented millions , to resist by legal and moral means the progressive science of tyranny .
Men of England and Scotland . ' yon havs done much for the people of Ireland , by your agitation and dissemination of sound political and Useful knowledge ; you have sent that lnsniniwy of truth and reason , the Northern Star ; that Star has been a comet to Ireland ; it has spread its light through the dark horizon , and dispelled the gloomy fears tbat honest patriots have had for Ireland ' s regeneration ; from its hallowed columns has flown more real truth than from the whole of the " Liberal" press . The schoolmaster is now abroad in Ireland ; the bird has flown , and all the powers of earth aud hell cannot impede its progress .
Men of England and Scotland , you have the best wishes of the Chartists of Ireland ; go on in the holy cause prospering and to prosper . Irishmen , let your solicitude for your country direct your energies to the all-important principle of Universal Suffrage ; recollect that on your exertions depend t > ie fate of Ireland ; her destiny is in the hands of powerful demagogues , which the spread of Chartism aloue can moke null . Remember your friend and countryman , Feargas O'Connor , ( the disinterested and uncompromising patriot , ! has been reviled by these demagogues , because of the purity of his intentions in furtherin . 3 the moral and physical condition of tlie working classes . May he live to see the death of tyranny and despotism . Let union be your motto , the Charter your banner , truth and justice your guide , and you will soen see a speedy downfall of the enemies of Ireland and Britain . Hurra for the Charter , and No Surrender . Peter M . Brophy , Secretary to the Charter Association of Dublin .
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UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE IN THE UNITED STATES .
After pll that we bare read of late concerning the American cities and people , ( says a reviewer of Combe ' s Notes on the United States , in Taifs Magazine , ) there ia little now left for Mr . Combe to tell of mere externals . His attention was given to objects uot lying on the surface . He reached Philadelphia about ; the tim * that the riots at Harrisburg—the town in which the State Assembly of Pennsylvania meets—were going forward ; those disturbances which to us at home presaged a dissolution of the Union . Even in America , he states that the excitement was very great , and all over the Union the proceedings attracted much attention .
" The Senate adjourned in confusion , and the mob organized ' a committee of safety , ' which directed their proceedings . Disorder reigned for several days , during which neither branch of the Legislature could hold a regular Session ; the Executive Chamber and State Department , says Governor Ritner , were closed , and confusion and alarm pervaded the seat of Government . ' The militia were called out ; and obeyed the summons . * o * * ' In any European country , a tumultuous assault ob the Legislature , if successful , would probably haTe been the fo > wanner of a revolution ; but here it is of far INFERU * importance . In the United States a revolution can scarcely mean anything but AN ABANDONMENT OF freedom . The suffrage is already all but universal ; and the people elect , either directly or officer
indirectly , not only the Legislature but every of State , The wildest imagination , therefore , cannot devise a more democratic form of government ; and as there is no aristocratic class , having separate interests and distinct feelings from the people , who could usurp power , a revolution could lead only to a despotism . The States , however , are very far removed from that condition in which , a despotism becomes possible . There are no poverty-stricken , suffering , and ignorant multitudes , whom an aspiring tyrant can beguile to lend him their physical force to overthrow the liberties of their country . A large proportion of the electors are o-wnera of their own farms , -while even the humblest class possesses property and some degree of intelligence . All are reared ia the love , not only oi freedom , but of power . ? * * * *
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TO THE CHARTISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN . Stroud , April 26 th , 1841 . Brothers , —Having seen my name , among others , in a vote of censure passed at Darby upon persons who approve of the plan of organisation proposed by my friend , William Lovett , I deem it necessary to say a few words to you on the suhjaefc . I must say that I feel surprised , after the many proofs I have given of the intensity of my devotion to the people and their cause , that any individual could for a moment suppose thai ; 1 had so far fallen from the path of duty as to take part in any movement other than tlie moveinenl of the people for the attainment of their political and social riyhis . The whole of my political life is before the country . When an apprentice ^ - ten years ago , I opposed the Reform Bill , on the ground taken up by Henry Hunt , namely , that no suffrage short of Universal Suffrage would ever satisfy the people .
Long before the Chartist agitation commenced I con * tended for Universal Suffrage . I moved amendments alike at Whig and Tory meetings in various parts of London , In favour of that measure . I overthrew Whig vestry meetings in Marylebone and St . Pancras upwards of three years ago , to the no small mortification of the Whiglings in that neighbourhood . I was one ef the first to take part in the Charter agitation . I was one of the six working men appointed to draw up that document . I went through Yorkshire , a part of Lancashire , a great part of tbe West and
Wales , almost entirely at my own ecrpence . I expended , in two years , Two 'Hundred Pounds of mt own Money , besides loss of time , relations , and friends . I formed numerous associations in places where " liberty" had never been heard of . I denounced alike the tyranny of ( government and the fawning sycophancy of the people . " ~ I exposed tho base conduct of the Whigs , and the still more monstrous conduct of the knave O'Connell . I established the Vindiealor in the West , and 1 appeal to those who know me there to bear witness to my exertions .
I became a member of the Convention , and was soon arrested . I wjis sent ' to Monmouth prison for twelve months . I navenever complained of my imprisonment , though I was treated like a dog . Attempts tcere made in prison U get me to compromise matters . I was told "if I would but do so , I might be let out , and further imprisonment be avoided . " I spurned the recommendation . I told II r . Vaughan , a magistrate of tbe county of Monmouth , ( a Cathc ^ c , ) " that I would sink or swim with the Cbaetist parly ; land that I would see the enemy d d before I would do ought but despise and oppose them . " I was served with a copy of a second in » ictment . I then refused all compromise . Copies of THREE moke INDICTMENTS FROM WILTS AND GLOUCESTER WEBB then SERVED with the view of alarming me . I laughed them to scorn ! After a confinement of eight months—a portion of which was passed jh the condemned all—I was brought to trial a second time—and sentenced to a further
imprisonnieot of twelve months . Since I left prison—though under bail—and with " indictmeuts " hanging over me—I have again taken part with the people for the Charter . I have lectured in Banbury , Northampton , Kettering-Leicester , Loughborough , Nottingham , Arnold , 'Sutton- * in-Ashfield , Derby , Cheltenham , and Gloucester ; and I am now in Stroud , the pocket borough of Lord John Russell . To each of these places I can point with pride . In each , I have denounced all compromise of our glorious principles—in each have I exposed the knave O'Couuell—in each t have denounced the Whigs—and in Nottingham I recommended the Chartists to vote for Walter rather than return Larpent the nominee of O'Connell and the base Whigs . I SUBMIT THAT , , IN THE ABOVE I HAVE GIVEN SOME PROOF OF MY . SINCERITY TO THE PEOPLE .
I now coine to the one point on which I am censured , and which , in the eyes of my Derby friends , has rendered me a " fallen" Chartist ; and fordoing " ¦ which , in the opinion oT some , ( without even waiting till they hear me , } I am to be denounced aa a " traitor , " thief , imp , pimp , Whig , Tory , OConnellite , and the Bavtt knows wha £ Now , how stands the case ? When in Leicester , I received a circular from Mr . Levett , " addressed to the Political and Social Reformers of Great Britain . " I found on reading it that it was based on the admirable pamphlet , written by Lovett and Collins , when , in Warwick gaol . I found that it proposed the establishment of an Association to erect Halls , and to establish libraries for the use of the working classes ; find , feeling it to be a part of my duty to countenance anything which would have a tendency to plaoe .. the working classes in an improved position , morally and intellectually , as well as politically —and havine perfeefc-confidence in the integrity of mr
friend Lovett—I signed my name to it , at the same time good humouredly telling him , " that I gidnot think the plan could be carried out in consequence ef the general povertyand slavery of the people ; but that if ray humble name could be useful in the slightest degree towards the erection of but one Hall in which the people miglit meeti tree from the influence of persecution , he was welcome to it . " I declare most solemnly that I had no other object when i signed that document My whole soul was then , and is now , in the Charter—and if any man had dared to request me to advocate anything short of ChartiBrd , I should have publicly denounced him as a knave . Why , in London , / heard Lovett tell Hume that he never would join in an agitation for anything less than the Charier—and I told Hume to bis teeth " that he and his party had ruined themselves ; that I was glad of it ; and that they never could dupe the working classes again ; that we woul £ go on with the Charter until it triumphed . " '
I knew of no " conspiracy "—I know of none . I am a member of the ' National Charter Association , " and have been since it * was remodelled . I ever have been with the people—I am- now—and I ever shall be . I am pained to have to write this letter—but justice to my own character deir . ands it . I appeal to all who know me—to those who have heard me since I left prison in public or in private—I appeal to one and-all , to say whether I have ever swerved from the one great object of my life , that of obtaining political'power for the working millions . I shall write no more . We can only be judged of by our actions , and e-ur professions . I point to both fearlessly ; regarding neither the frowns nor the praises of my friends , but as incentives to further activity in our glorious cause . With my heart in my pen , i am , Brother Chartists , Your unalterably devoted friend , Henry Vikcent .
Untitled Article
Alleged Death from Starvation . —An inquest was held on Friday , the 23 rd , on the body of an aged female , named Coleman , who lived at Newstreet , St . Nicholas , Bermondsey , and who was supposed to have died from w » nt . It appeased the deceased was addicted to drinking , and tbat she died from natural causes . Her intemperate habits reduced her to extreme poverty and the parish officer of Deptford , said th « Guardians bad forbidden him to give her out door relief . The j « Ty returned a verdict , * ' That the deceased died from natural causes ; at the same time' they coaJd sot separate without deprecating in the strongest manner the system of the New Poor Law . " One of the jury , who contended that » verdict of died from starvation should be returned , refused to sign tho inquisition .
The Armstrong- 'Litkr Fills aro Tecommended asan Anti-bilioaBinedVcine , to every sufferer from bilious complaints and indigestiofi , or from an Inactive liver , and » ve procurable at all Druggists , and at the Northern Star'o&ee . It is only necessary to see that the stamp has "Dr . John Armstrong ' s Liver Pilla ' engraved on it in white , letters , and to let no one put you off with any other pills . N . B . The Pills in the boxes enclosed , inmarbleil paper , and marked . B ., are a very mild aperient , and are particularly and universally praised . They ave admirably adapted for sportsmen , agriculturists , men o _ f business , naval and military men ; as they contain no mercury or calomel , and require neither confinement to the house , nor restraint in diet .
F3ri'gtnal C*Rr*0pon&*N«. __
f 3 ri ' gtnal C * rr * 0 pon& * n « . __
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. TO THE EDITOE OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Sir , —A short time ago , I was much pained on perusing a paragraph inserted in the Star , calculated to injure an old , tried , and disinterested Chartist , both in character and circumstanees , and knowing your love of justice , I feel confident you will not refuse administering the antidote . In the paragraph t » which I allude it wai stated , in no very respectful terms , that George Ellis , of Btadford , no longer gave one half of his profits on the Star to the Victim Fund , and broadly hinting that he was no longer worthy of rapport .
Now , Sir , as George Ellis voluntarily subscribed one half his profits to that fund for four months subsf quent to the expiration of the time he acted as agent under a certain association , called " The Co-operative Association , " whose number is very small , 1 should think him more worthy el praise than censure , particularly as very few agents have evinced a disposition to make similar sacrifices . The parties who have made the attack ought , in justice , to bavo stated the amount of money . tbus paid into the fund by George Ellis , and also shewn tbat the money has been appropriated to the purpose specified . This they have not done , but must , ere they are free from suspicion . Let them justify themselves by the publication of tbeir balance sheet , and then , but not till then , they may be aliowod to hurl their missiles at others .
Having made a little inquiry into this matter , I give you my friend's version of the matter , feeling confident that your readers will exonerate him from the odium attempted to be cast upon him . Me says : " ' In the first place I was appointed agent for the sale of the Star by the Association iot one quarter , { observe , I was selling on my own account before this , ) which agency I fulfilled ; at the expiration of that time I was not re-elected , but continued to give onehalf of the profits for four months longer ; at that time , through bad debts , &c , of which I have many , I was reluctantly ( to make good my payments )
compelled to relinquish giving one halfpenny , without the Association would stand and make good those deficiencies . In some Instances , I have had a number of papers left on hand , which , if I had to m ? ke good on my account , I should have little or nothing left for all my trouble . 1 had postage of letters , as also postoffice orders to pay when remitting money , &c . &c , which , when taken into account , made my profits very small . Up to the time of giving up half the profits , I had paid into the hands of the Secretary from £ 3 10 s . to £ 4 , and have not seen any account , with the exceptien of once , and that noticed in the Slar . "
He further adds" A number of the members here ( Bradford ) investigated the aft'air , and passed a vote of censure on the parties who sent the paragraph in question to the Star , but it was not inserted ; thus , it appears , that a mnn is to be ruined with impunity—an attack is allowed to be made , but publicity refused to the person attacked . " With respect to tbe last sentence , I must say , that the " vote of censure " must not have reached your office , or should it have come into your hands , it must have been mislaid , as it is well known that your columns are as cheerfully thrown open to the accused as to the accuser . Yours truly , April 27 tb , 1841 . Fair Plat .
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' " ¦ " ¦ — — . . .. . ¦ ¦ ¦ — .. Mill —W ^ -i I I fc ^ " A democracy is a rough instrument of rule , in tbe presant state of education and manners in tbe United Stat-s , and I have not yet met with a British Radical who has had the benefit of five years' experience of it , who has not renounced his creed , and ceased to admire Universal Suffrage . But the coarseness of the machine , and its efficacy , are different questions . It is coarse , because , the mass of the people , although intelligent , compu-ed withthe European masses , are still very imperfectly instructed , when their attainments in know ledge and refinement sre contrasted with tbe powers which they wieia . It is , efficacious , however , because it is sound in its structure and its mainsprings arestrong . " . But how Admirably are those drawbacks counterbalanced by the manifold advantages 1 In the following sentences , we have the rationale ot deniocratio institutions : —
" Ia the United States , the people have the power to tyrannise , if they please , over the wealthy , the educated , and the refined ,- in Britain , the aristocracy and middle classes have the power to trample , if they choose , on the masses , who have no control over the legislators . So far as my observations extend , the people in the United States have not perpetrated onetwentieth part of the acts of injustice , by their legislation against the rich , which tbe aristocracy in Britain lias done by their legislation against the poor . " I freely confess , that while I lived under the British institutions , and enjoyed the advantages which they confer on the upper and middle classes , I , like many
others , had a less lively perception of their one-sided character . Even now , after contemplating the greatly superior condition of the masses in the United States , I am bound to state my conviction , that this democracy , in its present condition of imperfect instruction , is a rough instrument of Government , and that , were I to consult my personal comfort merely , I should prefer to live in England . ' But viewing the results of both , as a citizen of the world , and as a man bound to love his neighbour as himself , and perceiving that the one tends naturally to the elevation of the few , and the degradation of the many , while the other tends to the improvement of all , it is impossible not to wish success to the American Republic . "
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__^ ^^ THE NORTHERN STAB , 7
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), May 1, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct853/page/7/
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