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Ctottgt Xntenfcptfc*.
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$rtgittAl Cm-regpott&ence.
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Smpm'aJ 3j?&i*lfatn*nt.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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jO THE I . DIIOB OF THE KOfiTHEHN STAB . gu , —This evening , as Mr . Spencer waa addressing alsBBsrciis auditory 'wn 0 biTe been accustomed to f ^ , ^ jus exposition of the Scriptures eTery Sunday * 5 l at Mile End Gate , for the >« t two years , when" £ tfce wessber would permit , two policemen came jTlh > iio » wd demanded a sight of his license , and Z « e very n » Bcl 1 ehopfallen when they were shewn the T ^ fflgst they asked for . Policeman K 29 said , jfj ^ jyaot a license to preach Chartism , and unless preach some other doctrine , yon shaot preaeh j ^» Mr- Spencer replied that he taught those things mat
\ L * the Scnptnres nogci , au men were equal m jSjUnt of God , and that all those differences which ^ j ^ ibited in the present state of society , in whieh ^ portion were revelling in luxury on the produce gjbet raen's labour , while those who laboured hard £ produce toT them , not only neeesaaries , but luxuries , a pjaper every appetite , were themselYes denied the I * . ^^ fficitait eTen to support their natural existence ? L their own labour , were contrary to the Scriptures , IZ eontrarj to common tense ; that he belieTed it to be 5 . daty to preach that Gospel , and that he would still J ££ i to preach at all rules . Sir by what these elevated into
yo » , , power are men iim of tbeoJcgy ? There were two other preachers J ^ Uiferent doctrine , and who regularly bold forth * — ssaday . bat they were not acked to prodnce their rjgpa ; bnt it must be acknowledged they are not ffyxoed by the constant attendance of four policemen , ? } & speneer is , and be would perhaps feel proud of iL distingui shed honour if they would merely confine SgaielTM to taking notes of his teaching for the benefit Jf fljgnselYes and their masters , and not interrupt him , oiseem so desirous of creating a disturbance , which , jriKTff , they t"U not be able to succeed in . It onght \ mis , to be kaown , that Mr . Speneer preached in vaows parish , witEn a very short distance of his Z fi dwelling , while those who are not hunted , but -jjiff petted by the police , come from distant parts , jgj ue paid preachers , while Mr . Spencw earns his ^ by the w ork of his own hands . ^^ I am , Tours respectfully , James Savage . jlSe End , New Town , 16 th ilay , ISiL
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TO THE EDITOR OF IHE 50 B . THEB . X STAS . Six , —Allow me , through the medium of the Northern $ p , to throw ont the following suggestions -with ppra to" a more efficient plan for supplying the Irish QartUts with Stars , a * d other papers faTourable to frt Cbsiiisi cause , to distribute among their fellowfpastrymes , namely , by the class-leaders of the Charter t ^ ocU&oii collecting the papers from those of their tfru who choose to give them , and transmitting them te i Committee of four or five , to be chosen for the wrpcae in each town , * ho will send them to the Liverpool Committees .
Few , I think , tkere is hardly one Chartist who TtmJd keep his paper after he had read it , knowing the pcrpoje to which it would be applied : namely , as a bbm t owards the political regeneration of O'Connelldebated Ireland—an eTent to which every real Chariot looks forward with the feelings of the greatest jex&t . A Chartist , And a sincere well-wisher of Ireland , C . WXSTfiAT .
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10 THE EDITOB OF THE 50 BTHEES STAR . Deas Sis , —Eowerer I may feel it my duty pub-B £ j to acknowledge my errors , I am not prepared to become the scape-scat of ererj man who may choose te bb advantage of my confessions . Ib a letter addressed to yourself by Mr . Hollis , of Qyftgnhnni , published in last week ' s Star , that gentlena stafes that he wrote to head quarters for an exfbttScD c * BC £ TBhig the plan of the old move I beg lam to state in the columns of the Siar , for the satis-&etien of all parties , that I never received any com-BBieation from Mr . Hollis on that subject , or any {{ ber ; sod often wondered , considering the excellent
fccturet that were at that time delivered in Cbeltenla»—s . place with which I am well acquainted—that %£ j -the lecturers ) did not establish a society , and ijpfj for cards , particularly as there were associations 6 Worcester , Bedditch , Gloucester , Stroud , and x&e s pliees in that part of England . If Mr . Hollis ' s fe * letter received no attention , he might have written jpin , or addressed the Executive through the Star . I fcmno desire to enter into recrimination , but , at the me time , I wish it to be understood , thai I am detained , to be acswexable for no more than my own KQUfold sirc * - I remain , dear Six , Without dread of the charge of being servile or fulsome , Yours , fcc , Wk . Tillmas . Kxnehester , ^ lay IT , 1 S « .
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THE CORN LAW QUESTION . " You take my heese when yen do take the prop It at doth sustain my house ; you take my life When yen do uie the mean * whereby I live . " Shakespeare . The design of all Government was twofold—1 st To protect the people from themselves and each other ; indly . To protect them from foreign invasion . For ftese purposes Jaws and arms were instituted . The vast and best were freely chosen to rule the rest , and & people pursued their labours in peace and confidsBce . Partial or remiss governors were condemned or JBpeseded . If tLe bad refused to give place to the pod , the people ro 3 e and made an example of them , for they ¦ would not rennit their rulers to be above the law
Ed themselves alone under it But if faction proved sures-fal—if governors degenerated to tyrants—the peo-Jfe were epprcsstd by the very power which they had lairtvrsa for their protection . Then one part was niied to Itep down the other—brotker held brother in arjection , while Toasters plundered them . Free labour « £ ma a sIsYe . God help ihe people that suffered such ltisieof tMn £ 3 to come to pass—thst did not die ~ aQjes tLna yield to the yoke ; for their usurping and ^ responsible rulers next made laws to establish oppresskaEBd to perpetuate it from generatioa to generation . HsTkg bound ind silenced the people , they got priests to persuade them that the will of man was the will of God , atd nations were thereafter divided into two Masses— " tyrants and tyrants' slaves . "
Se froes kidnapped in Africa , and sold to be tortured ttd lasted , are not more unjustly treated than Englishman robbed of their rights ; who must obey law which tiny fcsve no voice inmaking—laws which enslave them ; * i » are worked when wanted—starved when not dieted . Tbe ciference between the white and the black « Ts a ai : soiTite : y in favour of the latter- The black ' ¦** > at leut , bcra free—he was born a man , though ft ^^ ixis broken to a beast The white mzn is born a ** tb , * iihcs » a birthright ; he feaa his freedom to gain ; « Ks ^ d : so sms him ; he is not provided for like the ¦»* » I 2 d he is prevented from providing for him-^ 3 ; te tiTies the horses and dogs of his oppressors—?* sot without cause . Work is given to him as a TTt ti he for
^ Ki—tie wiiich does another . Was ^ s fTtr such a serf ? Poor wretch ! lie knows not «* cstss of what he feels—he daiea not seek the re-° ^ J- Prieits ttll him that it is the will of Heaven « t ht iiould suiirr thus . Lawyers tell him that the JgSitice "srhich he experiences is law . Must be resign " ^ f to tee fate which thty award him ? Must he ¦ «» I the bread which , he can neither buy nor beg ? * EK he die of hunger by the way side , or ef starvation ! a the bast ie ?—a quick death or a slow death ? Must * act rather obey God , who gave him life , and a : wdto live in ?—nature , that says , " Die not while you ' fts live ?"—reason , that exclaims , " Starve not amia i ftsiy ?"—a ^ d justice , whose trumpet-tongue pro-** s& 3 that not the willing working man , but the ' **• ihould not eat ? If these inward voices are dis-.
jWed , will the outward call be obeyed that cries , . ® k , unite , regain your rights—recover your lost ** jj » Se , or ezx grass and perish ?" gj ^ 5 j sees avt the pitiable bnt nnpitied state to which ~**« king Si , ^ is reduced ? And where is his wife ? r ^ j glad t-j do man ' s work—to unsex herself for J ** - What becomes of their children ? Go and see ™? athe factories . ' » ** & boys and girls that should be playing in the ^> ae loilitg in a frightful mill , kept awake by fear , r ^ beyond their strength by torture , and maddened crune l . y miserj . Saints , who are horror-street at « fc 5 trmgj of negroes and at the sins of idoiatora , ^^ theirstiTts by enmities too abominable for slave-* Ett ! to rrtcie * stiiI TPArRhin irinls mnre hidenn . s
~« tuisfc in hfcxthen lands . Children are thrown into "terams o : > Io : och , to be rendered into gold for the 7 ™ - ; o ! Mammon . Silkworms are tetter cared for . — ^ pii . n of machines throwing ¦ . human beings out of ^ oyii ^ tt : —U it fit that ought but iro n and steel r * "o oe put upon such tasks ? But money is wrung *** u : e soais and bodies of the pocr with as little re" ¦* m metal is smelted from stones . *«! Cam Laws are blamed for those evils ; but the r ? laws sre not the cause of them . They are not of u ? 1 * 6 ^ * rowsii ; they existed prifr to the Corn j « . and sre independent of them . In fact the Corn aJv !? KarKly be called in question . Let us go to "y ?*<* theHttttet ^ -J ^ o England was conquered by a bastard , he par-ZT 1 * ° : th « lad among to foUowergj ^ the English jjT eMtpdled to tiU it for them . The descendants of r ^ "Teienerx sHli T . n »« T » o + >>« . -T . T . T , « n / . v m thu rio .
5 ^ «» dmisery u > -which the conqupjed natives were ^ 7 that they were glad to escape from husbandry , » Jht £ ? biaxch > l «> d patriotic of all parenita , and ^ bc h ^' biCome ''readers , or anything rather 'o serfs . ^^• aa of time , a manufacturing interest arose ; a ^ j * f auddJe class , whose money power broke the £ ** P ° * er of tbe fighting aristocracy , snd mill lords ££ *^ the preteniiocs of the landlords . Corn was w- exported from this country : it can now be fe » ttTeo ;? 1 liian it ; "g " " 1 here s tut not cheaper % iion grown . Kents are kept up by a pro-* T 5 ttte "" < ° forfci 8 11 com ' that the landlords may
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turers hate the landlords with a perfect hatred , and weald fain ' buy all their corn in Egypt . " in order to ruin the landlords at home . For this purpose , they raise the cry , " Repeal the Corn Laws ! " so say we , " Bepeal the Corn L » ws ! " but not with the hepe of laying em cultivated lands waste , but with the hope of bringing our waste lands into cultivation . The manufacturers pretend that they cannot afford to pay men the high wages which the dear pries of bread requires ; but they know—the hypocrites—that they are superseding the use of men as fast as they can , by the introduction of machinery ; and that they get men for half the wages they formerly paid them . The agricultural and manufacturing interests depend upon each other -, but each seeks its self aggrandisement at the
expence of the other . When goods are supplied faster than the dema&d , and there is no market for them , the manufacturers—who dread foreign competition , and are in a hurry to make large fortunes—blame the Com Laws , like the old man who said that Tenterden steeple was the cause of Goodwin Sands , because he had never heard of thos » ' sands until that steeple was built Their own selfishness is to blame ; but , like Shylock , when balked the gratification of their evil passions , they exclaim— " The « irse never fell upon our nation till now—vx never feVf it till now . " Like the oneeyed stag , they watch the land , and turn a blind eye to the danger that threatens them from the sea ; for , if they could succeed in extirpating the " bold peasantry " at home , w > . at defence could they maintain against a foreign enemy ?
Both landlords and mill lords taVe a wrong or perversely obstinate view » of the subject . Mill lorda , in wishing to impoit all their food from abroad—landlords , in refusing to supply it cheaper at home . Repeal the Corn Laws—de away with a monopoly that only protects idleness , and corn will soon be grown as cheap in England as it is in Poland . But the landlords sit at the head ef jaffairs—they are secure in their own possessions , and will not so much as suffer an inquiry to be made Into the evils complained of by the manufacturers . The landlords carry their beads en high like those overtopping flowers which Tarquinius decimated . The only method of . reducing them to
reason is by the help of the people ; but the people are not bo simple as they used to be . The middle classes could formerly conjure up the power of the people to frighten the aristocracy ; but now the people will not come at their call—they had as lief lie under the tyranny of the landlords as under that of the mill-lords ; but they are resolved to remain no longer under either—they claim their own rightsthey demand their Charter ! They have too often done the work of the factions and been cashiered—they will henceforth work ' only for themselves—their own cause is therbest—it is the cause of alL The middle classes see that their day of cajolery has gone by , and they are frantic with rage sud vexation .
The Com Laws cannot and ought not to be repealed until justice becomes law -, it will be time enough then , and that will be when the People ' s Charter becomes law . Let the Corn Laws be the first laws repealed after the Charter is passed . We are convinced that more husbandmen would then be employed , and we have no wish to see the poet's lines
realised" trade ' s unfeeling train Usurp the land and dispossess the swain . " As the manufacturers have been necessitated to ransack their brains for new inventions , to extend their trade into every land , so , if the farmers were likewise thrown into the field of foreign competition , they would make every portion of uncultivated land available for the purposes cf husbandry . Ko more talk of emigration !—no more complaint of increase of poor rates !—plenty of work would be found by all who seek it Talk of a surplus population!—that is to lay that blame on Providence which belongs to m 3 ii . God is not in fault England might be made to produce double the food needed by ali Engliahmen .
There are miihons of acres that lie waste—millions that are laid put in unprofitable pleasure-groundsmillions that might be made to produce fourfold . What right have the rich to deny the poor sustenance from their own soil ? Te send them to the antipodes for food ? Foxes and hares arc bred for tbe sport of titled men , on lands that would feed tbe patriot-poor —rabbits feed on crops that would feed many famishing families . Should the poor man take one , he is taken for it An insolent , ignorant , and arrogant aristocracy have all ,, and keep all . If an honest labourer seek to enclose a piece of common , he is forbid by the squire , who enelcse 3 it himself—who adds it to a
large farm , so that from him who hath nothing is taken even that which he hath , and given to him who already hath too much . Should tbe labourer succeed in appropriating a piece of waste ground , the parson immediately csmes , and claps his ten daws upon it for tithe . It may be seven years before the land yields any-benefit to its cultivator , but the parson , who stands idly fey , counts the produce of every year ' s labour , and takes his tenth from the first And what is his pretence . ' He has the care ot the labourer ' s soul . ' " May the devil give him good of it . ' " prays the plundered peasant Oh , if the parson and lawyer could be kept out , as well as the polecat and the fcx ; but there are no mantraps for these .
Those who tell the poar to emigrate should be told te do so themselves^—those who would force the poor to expatriate themselves , should themselves be made to do so . What right has idleness to deny labour its reward—and pride to deprive life of its land ? The right of might alone . Our native soil is the fittest for U 5— -we belong to it , and it belongs to us . It is God's gift , appointed to us at our birth by Providenceanother soil is net raited to us , and is tenanted by its own appropriate people . Quit not your native soil in obedience to the wishes of its unjust possessors—remain at hone and regain your rights . " The people shall ESJOT THE 1 B OTS AGAIM" W . { To be concluded in our next )
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[ ADVERTISEMENT . ] " TO THE CHARTISTS OF LONDON . If not victimised in gaol , 1 am left to perish from principles I still hope to see carried out , by advocating the rights of tie labouring classes to live by their labour . For this have I found enemies in masters and men ; the latfer have I found to succeed—invariably the most deadly foes I have had to contend against I have been told to get my breadby my Chartism , having five children , deitituie of support . 1 trust you will not withhold your aid from one who has relieved others . . Tour ' s , respectfolly , Rd . Medcroft , No . 1 , Trinity Court , Trinity Lane , Queenhithe .
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THE SIXTY OrNCE IXGOT , OR BAR PLAN , OF THE LATE DAVID RICARDO , ESQ . " El yenvs , etformam , reyina pecunia donai . " David once with a sling WitnessRoths—dandsuch Made Goiiah's head ting , Who the gold fain would Bnt David Ricardo clutch , At least woufO as far go , And have it 'cunning elves ) E'en the siinger surpass In a lump to themselves . With gold bars in a miss , To insure which sly trick Tho' long since he be dead And all law folk to nick , And from Stock Exchange The whole hog they would sped go To crave the full discount With defunct Ricardo ; On bis final account ; For though not in their line For he to directors , To drive bargains in swine ,
Our wealthy protectors , Such blades have at com-Left a notable scheme roand ThfciT flashnotes to redeem , The choice fat of the land , And bar out the rabble And whenever they hie From makirg a ' sqaubble , To the Threadneedle sty And from draining theBauk TstveT get , it is clear , Of its gold ( a fine prank ); The wrong » ow by the ear . When the gold , it w clear , Thus the men of the bar Bankers - make it appear Sbewthemselvesabovepar , All belongs to rich men Than dwarf BerpeDts more Who grow fat by the pen— wise , That is , who are thriving They appear to out eyes By rapid quill driving To shine as the victors And stock speculation Of boa-constrictors . In this and that nation ; Btsamtes .
" I like the Bank of England to be the head Bank , to have all the specie nnder their care , and all the issues , and to be as liberal of money as tbey can . It is these little people that drain the conntry banks , and tate gold from the Bank of England . "—Evidence of N . M- Ro ' Jischild to Parliamentary Committee , 2 ith June , 1832 . " The talent of that gentleman ( the late David Ric&rdo ; was of the highest order , and his loss greatly to be regretted . --Perhaps there neveT \ ras an idea more deserving of consideration , than hia plan for a circnlation of notes convertible into ingots of gold or silver , and it would have been well for tbe country , had the government of bis day given the subject mature consideration , prior to the issue of geld coin , a : id forming that metal ss our standard of value . " —J . H . Palmer , Esq . a Bank Director , 1837 .
Mr . J . H . Palmer seems to think as little of the exceeding villany and terrific consequences i f adopting the sixty ounce fear plan of the dtfunct Stock Exchange speculator , as a fox -hunting joint stock banker does of the risk to his own neck in leaping a flve-barred gate-In fact , the bar scheme is a Jacobinical conspiracy to swell out bank dividends , to banish , the gold coin , bearing the effigy of our Sings and Queens from tbe realm , to rob the Quein and her successor * of the tight of coining money of ascertained weight and fineness , and to substitute a barefaced permanent assignat system of paper currency . Such a plot concocted by a class of men who are continually vaunting their own superior wealth and wisdom , ought to be crushed at once by a
prosecution on the part of tbe Attorney-General ; for what more insidious plot , than one which would uproot ail the ancitnt monetary regulations of the country , and that too after the Parliament had congritulated the people on their return to the ancient metallic money , and had wanted them against tampering with the wise institutions of their forefathers ^ If a Cbarfet or Socialist , er any political party , the 4 esigr . ation of which ends in ist or ism , had propounded such a scheme , the country ¦ would have resounded with the phrases , " deep laid plot for the subversion of property , " " insidious bio * aimed at the pr r ^ rative of the Crewn , " " daring attempt to involve Lh ..- CviLrDunityin anarchy and confusioa , " < 5 se . ; and it
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is more than probable that even the patriot iKinker , Daniel © "Connell , Esq ., forgetting his own partiality for high inflated paper prices , which he recorded in a letter to the people of Ireland , would fiave offered to aid her Majesty with a hundred thousand of his " rint " paying bodyguard , to crush in the bud such a monstrous invasion of her rights , and those of her subjects . Perhaps , however , the Attorney General may be shy in taking any hostile steps against the conspirators in the back parlour , aNie may be a bank-stock proprietor himself ; but if hvforbear , it will only famish one more to the many proofs we bare , that , in this country , " one man may steal a horse , while another dare not look over a hedge . " B . N . B . —Any wealthy person , with £ 233 12 s . 6 d . * in bank notes , might , under the plan in question , demand from the bank 60 ounces in bar gold , so that the honest scheme would effectually prevent tbe great Dons of the paper debt market from being elbowed by " these little people that drain tba country banks , and take gold from the Bank of England . " Will the Papyrists try the efficacy of their plan ? If they do , ( and they are powerful in the Legislature , ) it will ultimately strengthen the cause of the Chartists ; and the writer , for one , would rather live under the domination of the latter , than under the ruthless sway of a tribe of false money manufacturers . * Sixty times £ 3 17 s . lOjd . Nottingham , 15 th May , 18 * 1 .
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MR . PETER HOEY . TO THE GENEROUS CHARTISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN . An imperative duty demands that we call upon you to render assistance to our tried friend Mr . Hoey , who , we feel bound to say , deserv » s your utmost aid at this moment We firmly believe that it is only necessary to make public the distressing particulars of his case , to cause you to rush , as one man , to furnish the means required for his present emergency . You are too well aware that it was for advocating your rights , a « well as bis own , that he drew down upon his devoted bead the united vengeance of both tbe plundering factions of this town , who obtained for Y ' . m a place in the Whig
hell-hole at Wakefield . The treatment whi « h our beloved friend received from his torturers has brought him to a very ruinous state of bodily health , besides a very bad leg , which dreadful state of bodily affliction was , no doubt , the principal reason of the base and bloody brutals ( as OConnell says ) liberating their victim before he was Claytonizsd . Ever since he was liberated from the mad-house , he has been under a course of medicine , with little or no success . His medical attendants have advised that our friend Hoey should go to his native town ( Drogheda , in Ireland ) to make trial of his native air , and to drink the salt waters . Unless that course is taken , great fears are entertained that amputation of the sufferer ' s leg will be necessary to preserve to him his life .
Brother Chartists , —We call upon you , then , to come forward with your mites at once , to enable tbe Barnsley Committee to send our victimized brother to Drogheda for two months , to make trial of the doctor ' s advice , where no doubt he will be as serviceable in the causa of democracy as ever he was wont to be in this country . We are , Your Brothers in the cause of Chartism , Frank Mirfield , George Uttlet , William Norton , John Valance , John Field , James Uttlet , Joh . n Shaw , Da . vid Leech , John Frethwell .
All persons wishing to contribute will oblige us by remitting it to the Star office . Johs Field , Secretary . Barnsley , May 16 th , 1841 .
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SHALL THERE BE AN " ENGLISH CHARTIST CIRCULAR ?" " And a voice was heard , saying ' Paul , Paul , why persecutes ! theu me ?'' We earnestly entreat the attention of our readers to the following : —
To the Editor of the English Chartist Circular . Sir , —In consequence of a difference ( not a division ) which now exists in the Chartut ranks relative to Lovetfs plan of organisation and the Manchester plan , miny persona foolishly thtea . te . tv the English . Cftarlist Circular with annihilation ! Now , Sir , this proves that men are objtcta of perscution merely because there happens to be a difference of opinion as to the beat mode of obtaining the Charter . I contend that such a difference ought not to be the cause of a malicious persecution of a work similar to the Chartist Circular , got
up as every one must know at an enormous expence , continued at a weekly loss , and sold at one halfpenny only ! for the purpose of disseminating the principles of Chartism more widely . Such a work requires at least a weekly circulation of 20 or 30 . 00 * before it can pay its own way ; and if from foolish motives it is invidiously attacked , the circulation must fall off , and ultimately become extinct , which , instead of becoming a triumph to the persecutors , it would be a glorious triumph to the enemy , who dislike the spread of cheap democratic knowledge among the people .
I hope the silly idea of crushing the English Chartist Circular will be abandoned by those who diff « r with Lovett and others . And here let it be observed that Lovett is not tbe editor as many suppose . I will give it or any other publication of the same nature my warmest support Where is the use of my acquiring political information , if I have not the facilities such as jon afford me of giviDg the world tbe bentfit of ray studies and researches ? Sir , so lung as you continue to publish , will I contribute articles to your columns , trusting to your judgment fcr their insertion . Though the stamp laws prohibit political remarks upon passing events , and justly-merited censures upon some of our M . P . 's and officers of state , black bottles , Sunday flogging , and such like articles found in newspapers , from being inserted in your columns , yet an article written with car « I Lave no doubt meets a ready admission in your Circular . I remain , Your obedient servant ,
R . J . RICHARDSON . Salford , near Manchester , April 28 , 1841 . [ Thanks to Mr . Richardfon for his very friendly no * tin ' cation—thanks for the assurance that " so long as vre continue to pnblish , will he contribute articles to our columns . " We had thought that to contend against the prejudices of declared antagonists of " Equal rights and tqual laws , " and to infuse something like animation into lukewarm friends , now cradled in ignorant supineness , was difficulty enough for us to
conquerbut when to this is added tbe misconceptions of a portion of those who are " bone of our bone , and flesh of our flesh , " vre are in very truth © ppressed with exceeding great sorrow . What have we done to deserve the * nniity— ¦ what to call for our " annihilation" at the hands of Cbartists ? Wedaresffirm—nothing ! Point us an article , —nay , but a selitary passage , in any one number of the Circular , that lie most enthusiastic Democrat need be angered at ? We reiterate that we are unconscious of , —nor do we fear that the most microscopic vision can discern any such passages !
Whence originates then the dissatisfaction so bitterly bewailed by us ? Doubtless from , we must say , the no kss strange than erroneous supposition on the part of the brether Democrats alluded to by Mr . Richardson , that , 1 . The Circular is but the organ of a section of the Chartist army ; and 2 . That it is conducted as such by Mr . Lovett Now , as regards the first , we have in a previous number disclaimed all connection with either sections or individuals . We seek but to promote ' . he happiness , and humbly to diffuse a knowledge of those eternal principles of justice , by vhose triumph alone can we
hope to win a glorious freedom for all . It is painful to feel necessitated t « repeat our most solemn asseveration that it has ever been onr studious anxiety to keep aloof from every tcpic that would seem to savor of controversy , or engender personalities . The name of Chartist has always been a sure passport to our regard . On no occasion have we deviated from this fraternal feeling in deciding upon the many communications with which we have heretofore , and hope again , to be favoured . Was tbe article transmitted such as our judgment believed weuld serve the " good cause "—if so , its insertion was at once decided , without question as to whether its writer was a member of this or that association .
We must also declare that Mr . Lovett has n « t , and never had any further connection with the English Chartist Circular , than that of Correspondent . The communications of Mr . L . depended as much as those of any other correspondent upon the acceptation or rejection of the de facto Editor . What is the ^ name borne by the actual Editor cannot surely be of tbe slightest import , so that he perform well his duty to the publication entrusted to hia care . That is his sole ambition , and-despising the " bubble reputation" he looks for his best reward in the secure
establishment of the Circular itself . But let no man imagine tiat he is a mere hireling scribe . No , this is to him " a labour of love , " of devotion to the sacred cause of tbe world ' s redemption from the hell-born powers of darkness and despotism . He would rain believe that those who have known him personally , can witness that he has been no idler , that he has cheerfully made some few sacrifices , and endured not a little without quailing . If a William Lovett have grasped his hand , so also has a Bronterre O'Brien " many a time and oft" proclaimed him—friend .
Thus much for the English Chartist Circular , its true objects , and its Editor . Less we could not say , nor do we feel inclined to add more than that we ask not favour from any man , but justice from all who boast the title of Chartist It is for them to decide whether after an enormous mm has been sunk upon the Circu lar , it shall now periBh . Let them , however , we entreat , take good heed that they , the advocates of truth and demandtrs of justice , do not countenance falsehood and miuitice tons . Let msm judge the Circular according
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to a ° wa "" Wits or demerits , and . not denouncait for " differences , " which its Editor deplores , and with wnu . * ho is in no otherwise connected . If a truly honest and adverse verdict is returned , we will submit without reproach ; but if we fall a victim to passion and Misrepresentation , we shall have good cwweof complaint Now , brother democrats , what » ay you ? "*** II there be an English Chortitt Circular ¦?"—Ed . English CkaritatCiratinrA-
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WHAT IS COMING . There are some persons among us who have persuaded themselves , or seek to persuade ethers , that the Reform Bill constitution can only be worked by its inventors . This is but a poor compliment to it . The use of a constitution is to place the nation less at tbe mercy of the individual characters of rulers—to establish bo strongly certain forms of conducting business , that the most reckless and ambitious men shall feel themselves hampered if they seek to use for their own selfish purposes the power intrusted to them for the public good . A constitution which can only work well in the hands of one party , is as good as no constitution at all . To say , as some do not scruple to say , that our liberties are in danger as soon as tbe Tories come into power , is to confess that the Reform Act gave us only a sham constitution . BbllllllUU .
Without exaggerating the merits of that piece of legislation , it is not quite so bad as some of its admirers par excellence Tvould make it The old boroughmongering constitution which grew up subsequent to the Revolution was bad enough—especially in its latter jays ; but it was better than the constitution or no-constitution which preceded it Under it , men enjoyed in security what they were allowed to earn , and went to their favourite churches without impediment . Some qualified praise of the same kind will be bestowed a couple of generations hence on our Reform Bill constitution , even after the Conservatives have tried their bands at giving it a finish to their own taste . Catholics cannot be again subjected to political disqualification ; the Test Act cannot be again made law ; the principles of Adam Smith must be earned into more extended speration ; more attention must be paid than formerly to keeping the national expenditure as moderate as possible , and collecting the revenue in the manner least
New principles of action must be avowed , and to a certain extent acted upon , by any set ef men who shall obtain and hold power under the Constitution of 1832 . It does not follow that because the son of the Anti-Ruforru-Bill Conservative will call himself by the same political designation as his father , that bis principles will net have teen modified by the different framework of society , to the influences of which he is exposed . The fathers of MarshallMacilonald and . General Wingfield Scott were obliged to leave this conntry on account of their devotion to the divine hereditary right of tbe Stuarts ; yet the one has made a very respectable Revolutionary General in France , and the other an equally respectable Republican General in America . Most men ' s principles or opinions are a mere
supplement to their existence—certain forms of speech , by which they reconcile themselves to any disagreeable feelings occasioned by their reflections on their own couduct and circumstances . The . principles and opinions of a party are the same thing on a larger scale : they are not so much rules of action as apologies for belonging to the party . The political creed of the Conservatives under the Reform Bilk if they ever obtain a lease of power of any continuance , must be worded in such a manner that the recruits they have picked up among tbe disappointed promoters of that measure can use them without being constantly reminded of their inconsistency . And the danger to be incurred by too glaring a contradiction between words and actions , will make their political creed to a certain extent influential in controlling their conduct .
When Harley and St . John got hold of the reins of Government in Queen Anne ' s timo , the task of inventing a political confession of faith devolved principally on St . John and Dean Swift . A very dexterous piece ( f patchwork it was ; retaining just as much of Tory principles as would not prevent its professors from working a Revolution Government—just as much of philosophical morals as served to expose the rottenness of tho Whigs , withont tying down their rivals to be " absolute Josephs . " Harley and St . John were driven from power , but tho Tory party formed under their auspices , as contradistinguished from the Jacobite party , gained strength every year , till , under George the
Third , it was installed in office , and held it vviia a high hand till the advent of Canning . When Sir Robtrt Peel comes into power—as there is at this moment every prospect of his doing—some clever fellows will lick the discordant popular ' professions of his supporters inte shape , and the Reform Bill Conservatives will obtain a code of political principles . A nice medley they will be , to suit the heterogeneous assortment of Colonial monopolists , anti-slavera , Presbyterian Non-intrusionists , Puseyites or semi-Puseyites , anti-Poor Law enthusiasts , and bread-taxera , out of which a party must be organised . But they will be , like the speech of Chaucer ' s Btuuent , " souiiingin moral veitue , " and will serve their purpose for a time .
That time , however , will most probably be brief . There is an element at work in society , the character and extent of whose power is yet too undeveloped , too little known , to allow < of our estimating its influence . It does exist , however ; and the manner in which all parties alternately rail at and fawn upon it shews that they bate it with the hatred of fear . Its name is Chartism . —Spectator .
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HOUSE OF LOHDS . —Frida y , May U . Lord Wharncliffe presented several petitions from Liverpool , Manchester , Norwich , and other places , complaining of the present state of the marriage law with respect to marriages with the sister of a deceased wife . The Noble Lord believed that such marriages tended to promote morality and domestic happiness , as no woman was more likely to superintend a family of young orphans with cure and affection than the Bister of their deceased mother . The Bishop of London pronounced himself strongly against any alteration of tho law in this respect . Lord Meiiiouune presented several petitions praying for the abolition of Church Rates . The House adjourned .
Monday , May 17 . The Exchequer Bills Bill , the Excise Collection and Management Bill , nnd the Banking Co-partnershiDS Bill , were severally read a third time and passed . Several petitions were presented for and against any alteration in the Corn Laws . , A number of petitions against any alteration , presented by the Duke of Rutland , led to some discussion upon tbe policy , as well as upon the results consequential upon the enactment of those laws , in which Earl Fitzwilliaru , the Earl of Ripon , the Duke of Rutland , the Earl of Stradbroke , the Duke of Wellington , the Earl of Radnor , Lord Ellcnborough , and Lord Ashburton took part The latter Noble Lord , in the course of his speech , attacked the Government for having taken measures , by means of their officers , to excite agitation throughout the country upon the subject of the Corn Laws .
The Earl of Clarendon rose to give the moBt unqualified contradiction which the forms of the Houfa ¦ would admit of , to the charge made by the : Neble Lord , that they had excited agitation against the Corn Laws . . ¦ - - . . ' ¦ '¦ ¦ - ¦ ¦ ¦ [ Some reflections pronounced by the Earl of Wioklow on the conduct of Viscount Melbourne , who bad left the House , produced & warm rejoinder from the Marquis of Normanby , in the course of which he stated that every iteni of the Government plan respect ^ ing the import duties was decided upon long before Easter , and was not the result of anything 'which had since occurred . Some petitions against the Corn Lawa were presented by Sari FitzwUUam , and their Lordships adjourned .
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SMETHWICK— Th E TpiUMPH OF TRUTH . —COHN Law Repealers Defeated . —A public meeting was called at the Talbot Inn , at this village , on Monday last , for the purpose of petitioning Parliament for a Repeal of the Cora Laws , when a deputation from West Bromwich attended to speechify upon them , and amongst them the Rev . W . Stokes . As soon as it became known that the cheap bread criers were going to hold a meeting , two working-men came over to Birmingham to procure help , and if possible to prevent the people from being deoeived by fuch humbugs , when Mr . T . P . Green , and Mr . W . Dean Taylor , were appointed to go , to give battle to the Repealers ; prior to the : meeting commencing , Mr . Barratt lighted the candles on tbe rostrum , and ¦ while there took occasion to turn , the portrait of the Queen , which hun ? over the mantel-piece , face to
the- wall ; immediately upon the arrival of his Reverenee and friends , they proceeded to move a , Mr . Downing as chairman , when the Chartists moved as anamendmetttjthatMr . Seagrivetakethechair . The amendment-was fearried by a great majority , after which the Rev . Mr . W . Stokes got np to move the first resolution , which was as follows : — 'That all laws which interfere with the importation of the necessaries of life are opposed alike to sound policy and national prosperity , because they afford an undue protection to the landowners , to the manufacturing portion of the community , and whilst they sacrifice the commercial interests of the country , they afford r , o real protection to the agriculturists . " " That the Corn Laws are opposed to the sacred principles of religion and morality , by preventing tnafc intercourse between nations which Providence , by be-Btowing upon one country -what it has denied to , ano-
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ther , evidently intended should be the means of promoting ' Peace on earth and good will to men . '" "That the Corn Laws are peculiarly oppressive to the working portion of society , for whilst Holy Writ declares * That the labourerer is worthy of his hire , these restrictive laws haye a direct tendency to prevent the fair remuneration of labour by raising the price of provisions , whilst they choke up the springs of industry . " Now , this was originally three separate resolutions , but finding the Chartists prepared to shew fight , they determined to move them as one . The old haokneyed arguments of repealers , which have been a thousand times told , were retailed here , but with great ability and considerable tact , ana , is usual , pity for the workers , was the moving cause
of the appearance of his Reverence that ey * ning . He spent considerable time in shewing his ability tomake black appear white ; - and , in so doing , stumbled upon the confession * that be was an advocate for universal right and Universal Suffrage . Mr . Jones seconded the resolution , who did anything but aid the cause he had espoused ; but , as far as personalities and ill temper « ould do so , he was mighty valiant in its defence . A plain labouring Derbyshire man thea moved an amendment a 3 follows : — " That this meeting considers the Whig scheme of a . partial repeal of the Corn Law duty as one of trick and fraud , for the purpose of keeping themselves in office to perpetuate national plunder ; and this meeting will not acknowledge the House of Commons as
at present constituted to be the veritable representative of the population of this country ; nor the House of Lords any thing else than a house of territorial aristocrats ; and further , this meeting considers ifc folly and madness to expect any redress of the grievances of the industrious classes , until the People ' s Charter be the permanent basis of the constitution of this country . " He . remarked , that he thought it was wondrous fine to talk about repealing the Corn La its , but what would be the condition of the farmers , unless their high rents were repealed also ? He also clearly pointed ont the manner in which it would drive the agricultural labourers into the manufacturing town * . ; and concluded by giving them a broadeider upon their inconsistency
amidst the laughter and cheers of the people . — Mr . W . Dean Taylor , Chartist lecturer , then got up to second the amendment . He appeared there not as a lover of Corn Laws . He did not believe they were either holy , just , or goo i ; but , though he was convinced that any tax upon food was in itself wicked and base , ' yet he was also well assured that the Corn Laws could not be repealed without a decided change in Government . Mr . Stokes had said we must first know the disease before we could know the cure ; he , therefore , contended that the cause of the miseries of the people had not been shown . The question' was , whether the passing of the Corn Law bad produced all the misery and want of this country . If it had , then
its repeal would , of course , take it away . But if the passing of the Corn Law had not produced the whole of the evil , then its repeal would not remove it , or impart permanent peace or prosperity to the country —( hear)—on the contrary , he waa prepared to show that its repeal at present , and by itself , would not only fail to give domestic peace or national prosperity , but that it wonld produce real evil and greater distress . It had been stated , that before the passing of the Corn Laws the people could purchase -food , at remarkably low prices ; when it was a fact that , in 1803 , the quartern loaf waa lid .,-and in 1812 , 20 d . was paid , and tba ' , these two periods were both- prior to the passing of this iniquitous law ; while it was well known that in 1841
the eame quantity could be purchased for 74 d , and this while the Corn Law was in existence . Much had been said about . the great orders that would come to this country , and make the labour market prosperous . But he wished to ask , what would be the effect if machinery was introduced to perform it instead of human labour i Numerous authorities could be brought to show , from among the Repealers themselves , to . show , without doubt , that they were well satisfied that nothing but improved machinery could ever enable them to maintain their position in the market , the meaning of which was , that there must be less band labour , and consequently the labour market more glutted than it was . He would also ask if this tremendous power of invention
was to go on so as only to require mere overlookers , how it would be possible to keep up our wages , when our wages depend on the scarcity of our numbers , and when the population is continually increasing . He clearly pointed out the impossibility of competing with foreigners who manufacture to a great extent , who grow their own material , who are not burdened with taxes as we are , without we al « o come down to their low wages , which a repeal of the Corn Laws by themselves would speedily bring about . He then referred to the exportation of machinery , that the countries expected to give us corn for goods , had the first and best machinery , English mechanics and workmen—in fact , whatever was superior in British manufactures and machinery ,
they had them ; besides could any man in his senses expect those countries to throw away their machinery , buildings , and capital ,, for the sake of ploughing , sowing , reaping , &c , to please the manufacturers of this country—is was monstrous to suppose it . They were told the Cora Laws were injurious to the manufacturing interests ; but they must always understand that to mean the interests of tbe masters , not the workmen . It was not a Corn Law Repeal that was wanted , but a labour repeal , and an increase of wages . ^ Englishmen worked too much already ; in fact they had worked for the world , and a few had reaped the benefit ; and now the masters had eaten up all the produce of the manufacturing operatives : they were resolved to
gormandize and gulp ; down their ungodly throats the laud and its produce too . It was well known that a cotton spinner , thirty years ago , would earn three times as much with two hundred and fifty or three hundred spindles , as he can now produce with one thousand , or from that to two thousand two hundred spindles ; it was also known that ihe increase in 5-peed was such , that where some spindles only revolved fifty times per minute , that they perform from four thousand to five thousand revolutions in the same period of time . How , then , can the labour-market over be made prosperous again by the repeal of tho corn , or in fact , by the repeal of any other laTs , until we labour for ourselves only and turn our attention to the cultivation of our
country . Mr . ' Taylor then informed them that there were 30 . 080 , 000 of acres of land in this country comparatively waste , and yet we wanting corn from others . Of all kinds of insanity , this appeared the worst ; he laid before the Repealers such a number of facts and with such a power of argument that they appeared completely chop fallen , and concluded by showing the Charter must be the law of the land . Mr . T . P . Green then got up to support the amendment , when he very clearly pointed out the part the clergy had taken in the matter , and that if they had wanted a repeal they would have got it , and if they wanted the Charter they could also have got it ; he gave the black slugs as he termed them a rr eular drubbing . He sat down aud
Mr . Benjamin Hill . arose also to support the amendment , in doing which he showed that bread was as dear long before -the war without Corn Laws as it was now . ( Hear , hear , hear . ) He also explained in a Very able manner the expense of freightage for corn to this country , the damages it was liable to , and that it could not possibly be brought to this country , leaving profit out of the question , without being as dear or dearer than we can produce it at home ; he supported the amendment because he was resolved that the enemy should not slip through our fifiger 3 by cunningly keeping another resolution back , ' and thereby slide us out of the field , and publish it as having passed . He did his work like a true Chartist , he stood to his post . Now Mr . Hill is a member of the Christian Chartist Church , and in supporting this amendment , he was opposing Mr . O Neil , his Pastor , who would not go for the amendment , but for the original motioH , and
this , a professed leader of Chartists . Mr . Hill , however , would not be juggled out of the victory , nor give an inch to the repealers , but opposed Mr . O'Neil to his face . Mr . O'Neil then said he thought the original resolution ought to be carried , and an amendment attached to it to make it perfect , thus giving the repealers a victory over Chartism . He also stated that as we would not do this , he would vote for both ; others could please themselves . The amendment , of course , was put and carried by an overwhelming majority . The resolution was also put , when about fourteen hands were held up in its favour , by Corn Law repealers , amongst whom was Mr . O'Neill . Three cheers were then given for O'Connor and the'S / ar , three for the exiles and prisoners , and three for the Charter ; concluding , as all meetings should do , having had a good dose of Chartism that night . Down with the repeal , and up with the Charter !
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Sudden Death of Me . T . Babbeb Beaumoot . — On Saturday afternoon Mr . T . Barber Beaumont , a county magistrate " , and resident director of the County Fire-ofiice , expired suddenly , at his residence in Regent-street . He was sitting in' his parlour alone , and upon one of his family entering the room he was observed reciining in his chair as if asleep , but it was soon discovered that the vital spark had fled for ever . Mr * Beaumont was a fine healthy looking man , apparently about sixty years of age . A few months since he had a severe attack of illness , but overcame it , and from that period to his death he enjoyed very good" health . About eight months since the deceased gentleman erected , at a vast expense , a large building in Beaumont-square , Mileend , and which is used for literary and scientific purposes , and which he has endowed for ever with the sum of £ 400 annually . Mr . Beaumont bad extensive property in Mile-end .
Inteiligekce arrived at the different insurance offices in the metropolis , on Saturday , of a terrific fire having occurred on the morning of Wednesday week , in the qaiet village of Stoke Cannon situate a few miles from Exeter , and which occasioned the total destruction of fifteen bouses , the dweUingaot forty-six poor labouring families .
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It is also adorned with an abundance of little wooden figures resembling men of different ages , habited in the costume of the present day . AH these automata are new within a few yean , and have been manufactured at a vast expence . These figures , by a secret touch of the mam spring , are so contrived as to utter and emit sounds like the speech of human creatures , and may be made U change their notes , and sing in quite a different key merely by shifting their places ., The loading the puppet with coin will also occasion it to move any way it may be directed . It is worthy cf remark that the main spring of the wholecodimtfis so exquisitely contrived that the ' slightest touch even of a child or a female is sufficient to put it in motion and direct all its movements .
TO CABINET-MAKERS EXTRAORDINARY . Wanted immediately , some skilful hands to put in erder a very curious cabinet , the workmanship of which has been in a disabled and ricketty state for some months past It is not very ancient , having been put together only about five years ago , since which period it has experienced many changes in several of its most important departments , no alteration having been productive of the slightest permanent benefit This cabinet is composed ot fourteen important parts , termed by the craft , " Ministers , " which are so contrived as to fit very closely together , and made to go in and out by a secret and influential spring , whenever it is applied for that purpose .
Owing to recent unlocked for accidents this co 6 » n «< has lost many of its customary supporters , and has been thrown into confusion , and consequently has become unable to perform its movements and functions . Several cabinet-makers have been consulted as to its repair , but on account of its complicated machinery none have yet been able to agree in what is necessary to be done . Tbe most eminent , however , are of opinion that it onght to be completely taken to pieces and a new cabinet formed . Whosoever will undertake to put the same into complete repair without taking it to pieces , or looking at tbe works by which the secret spring is regulated , and which must on no account be touched , may apply at the office t > f the proprietor , Miss Victoria Ouelph , Queen ' s Buildings , Buckingham ' Palace . —Satirist . < m
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HOSUE OF COMMONS . —Fripat , Mat 14 . After the presentation of some petitions , and the transaction of some general business , the House proceeded with the adjourned debate on the Sugar Duties . Mr . P . HowABD oontended for the admission of slavegrown sugar , on the ground that the supply of our own colonies waa likely to be insufficient He approved of the principles of the Budget , and gave credit to Ministers for a lofty disregard of tbe emoluments of office , and he moreover announced his conviction that , on an appeal to the country , the people would respond to the views of the Government He believed that the opposition , if they succeeded to office , would adopt the very project they now resisted ; bnt he wished to see it carried out by Reformers , not by Conformera , and he trusted , at all events , that Ministers would not resign without a dissolution .
Mr . Alderman Copeland bore testimony to the general feeling of mercantile men against this Budget , as deeply injurious to tbe commerce of . the country . 8 irH . Vivian observed , that people who professed their general belief in tbe principles of free trade were often found to desire an exception for their own case . He commented upon the evils of the existing Corn Laws ; and illustrated them by quoting an opinion exptesspd by the gunmakera of Birmingham , that they c « uld not compete with those of Belgium while the Corn Laws continued to keep up the price of bread , which was the standard of wages . He was as zealous as any man in his hatred of slavery ; but he did not consider himself inconsistent in endeavouring to increase the general consumption of sugar . There would be no colonial sugar displuced , if , as be expected would happen , consumption would be increased so far as to absorb a quantity of Brazilian sugar iu addition to the ealonial .
Sir C . DOUGLAS , after an elaborate attack on the Imports Committee , said , he claimed for the " great Tory patty" the merit of having been at all times opposed to slavery . To prove this , he read extracts from letters from Lord Caatlereach , written about the time of the Congress of Vienna , in which his Lordship urged that the Great , Powers should exclude from their markets the produce of those countries which , after a reasonable time , refused to abolish the slave-trade . Sir H . PaKN ELL defended tbe conduct of the Imports Committee . He next reviewed the working of the Corn Laws , which he described aa a burdensome tax , that brought nothing into the Exchequer . With regard to tho subject more immediately under discussion , he said that the West India celonies , when relieved from the commercial restrictions under which they bad themselves laboured , would be perfectly able to compete with Other sugar-growing countries .
SirEARDLEY WJLMOT would not take one step to serve the West India interests ; but he should oppose the proposals of Government , because he thought them calculated to promote the slave trade . Mr . H . F . Berkeley thought it waa yet too soon to expose free labour in the West Indies to the competition of slave labour . Of the general principles on which the Budget -was based he approved ; and at no very distant time be believed the colonies would be equal to any competition to which they might be exposed .
Mr . J . Parker said he stood in that House as the representative of the non-elective part of the population , as well as his own constituents , and he was determined to do every thing in bis power to obtain for them cheap bread , cheap sugar , and all the . other necessaries of life , as cheap as they could be had consistently with the exigencies of the revenue . Alluding to the attempts to get up a cry of humanity on the question of the sugar duties , Mr . Parker expressed a conviction that an opinion was rapidly gaining ground among the public that the real humanity of the case was entirely on the side of the Government Several of the provincial Associations for the Abolition ' of Slavery had already protested against the conduct of the London Committee , and on that very day he had heard that a spirit of insubordination had manifested itself even in Exeter Hall . He regretted to see an anti-commercial spirit so strong among the Hon . Gentlemen opposite .
Mr . D'Isbaeli endeavoured to show that the value of the commerce of Brazil had been much overrated , and made it matter of complaint that more attention had not been paid to Mexico and the other ex-colonies of Spain , where slavery no longer existed . The complaints now made of commercial decline were only the continuation of those which had always been put forward , from the time of Walpoie to the present day . His own belief was that our ' commercial greatness , so far from being on the wane , had not yet attained its meridian splendour . Sir H . VERNEY spoke in sttpport of the Budget , and looked to the proposals of Government , if agreed to , for new openings to British commerce .
Mr . KEMBLE maintained that to lower the duties on foreign sugar would be to undo all that had been done by the Emancipatien Act . The proposals of the Government were In themselves ill-timed , and presented a most unfavourable account of the financial administration of the party who had now been In power for eleven years . The Chancellor of the Exchequer pointed out the inconsistency of those who ffered so strenuous an opposition to the reduction of the Sugar Duties . They insisted , on the one hand , that he would derive ne revenue from foreign sugar , and , on the other hand , that the country would be inundated by an overwhelming importation of sugar grown by slave labour . One of these positions must be wrong . If there was a large
importation there must be a corresponding revenue ; whereas , if no revenue were obtained there could be no importation , and , consequently , no injury to the colonial growers . But the fact was , that he gave to the Colonists a protection of 50 per cent , which would secure them from injury by leaving them a fair and remunerating price . To the consumer , at the same time , be secured a supply in case of an extravagant rise in the price of colonial sugar . The Right Hon . Gentleman contended that the arguments of his opponents , that bis proposal was ill-timed , were disproved by their own statements , when they sa ' nl that the supply from our Colonies was likely to he so abundant as to render the proposed measure a dead letter . He expressed a conviction that some degree of competition would
be beneficial to the cause of free labour , to which the same principle might be applied as to every other branch of trade . Nothirjg could be more injurious , as had been well observed by Mr . Huskisson , than to bolster up any species of trade or industry by prohibition . The Chancellor of the Exchequer ridiculed the pretensions to humanify by which his proposals had been met To object to receive Brazil sugar , lest by doing so encouragement be given to the Slave Trade , waa futile , so long as -we sold our manufactures to the Brazilians , and took their sugar in return . We did not ourselves consume that sugar , but while we took it , and sold it in foreign markets , we encouraged slavery just as much as if we consumed it at homa Viewing the question in a financial point of view , the Right Hon . Gentleman said he had proposed a scheme
by which he believed the difficulties of the country would be obviated , without imposing fresh burdens on the people . If he was wrong , let those opposed to him point out the means by which the crisis should be met Such had b * en invariably the conduct of Mr . Huskisson , of Lord Spencer , and Lord Ashburton , when in opposition . The debate had now lasted a week , and he would defy friend cr foe to say on what principles the Opposition would shape their course when tbey came into power . This was , no doubt , politic , if the only object was to keep together the great party by whom he was opposed ; but it waa not the good old practice . The Right Hon . Gentleman concluded by expressing a belief that the policy now recommended by tbe Government must be eventually adopted , whatever party might be in power . The debate was then again adjourned till Monday .
Monda y ^ May 17 . * The adjourned debate on the sugar duties was resumed by Sir C . Grey , who supported the Government propositions , and was followed by Mr . Ainsworth , Mr . Hodges , ( who took exception to the fixed duty on Corn , ) Mr . Trotter , Mr . W . Roche , Mr . Tufnell , Mr . G . H . Caveudish , Mr . Strutt , Mr , M . Philips , Mr . Batron , Mr . W . Williams , Mr . T . Duncornbe , ( who made an excel lent speech , ) and Mr . Briscoe , Mr . Smythe , Mr . Matthew , and Sir B . Hall , spoke in opposition . Mr . Muntz said the really honest course would be to lay on a property tax , both on land and money , and to repeal a proportionate quantity of the indirect taxation which presses heavily on the poor . Mr . Sktel movsd the adjournment of the debate until Tuesday .
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^ THE NORTff | lRN STAR . 7
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Northern Star (1837-1852), May 22, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct856/page/7/
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