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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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OlNEBAi ADDRESS OF THE EXECUTTYE COUNCIL TO THE PEOPLE , AND THE MEMBERS OF TffK NATIONAL CHARTER ASSOCIATION . BJ 0 THKB CHABTIST 8 , —H » TiDg UMmbted in LoB-^ T ^ Bcaniinf to oor published resolution , it becomes -Tatty , ** eon * " ** 0 <* «•* « ittinf , to address 2 « o » the state of o « r Association and the prospects [ t ^ m , We have owaldered ii necessary , tat tbe { f ^ « Bri ^ ed etoewlwe , to < fi » 0 OBtiBW Ust Ex * JSrf Joarmi w * &" * *>«> ea as iddreH to out £ ! thje « in SoeUsad , sstnttiBg them t 6 remain raited
Ljjbai is our exertta ** to gate that cause whkh in-1 ^ the fate of both tattoos ; and we have instructed \\ , oor constituent * u to the future measures to be JvL gd & « the iBcmw sad benefit of tbe National *^ tar AssodstloB . We eaasot aepantte -without •^ pMn . » general addrea to the whole people . 0 * Association , of 'vHcfc we farm the Executive ^ nuilitee , was projected bytthe people , who defined our jZgta to be tbe obtaining of a fail and faithful repre-^^ a of the entire people of the United Kingdom , ta IB& accordance with tbe princ i ple * , spirit , and ^ kg of the People ' s Charter .
li striving to ebtsia sach a just and glorious end , „ m enjoined to use none bat peaoeable and consti j-ji arf meBM . gowara jre to succeed ? ffgw » thate numbers ; because without numbers , _ neret can fceeome formidable . We most hare -bjob ; because , without that , we nerer can be feared ; ., d « e must hare energetic co-operation amongst the -ppfe * efcoswi leaden , because , without mutual conj&gce , w 6 never can be successful jHsing obi experience , aa an Executive , ire hare yfoy reason to be satisfied with the rapid increase of & Association , the decreasing apathy of the people , ad the videsbtf spirit of inquiry which gives rigour in all of the But
^ the movement parts country . we aBBot eren , amidst our success , withdraw oar attengoa from those factious squabbles which hare been groSj disgraceful and injurious to our sacred cause . Itfc easy , nay pleasant , for ns to meet and givebattle ts osr public opponents , and find weapons destructiTB qgw f H in reason and argument , but when we receive $ e most serious injury from onr own professed hrtK ggs , remonstrance and patience are exercised in Tain , ipd so ether coarse is so open or so effectual as a direct jppal from the Executive to the people who hare ( ijritdfi l . f « now make such appeal , and call upon you to ptvs from every comer of the land , whether we are to fede rate * ny louder tbe Tain , tbe idiotic , and mi » -
ijgroni party spirit which will , if unchecked , « e * r the bJrjMipeet before us , and blast for yean the tender tfe tfOB of a natian ' Bjhopea . Working men , forbid it Bn&en , if ye respect the casse of industry , if ye feel b vrbap and demand its rights , forsake the cause of aei , sad cling to that of the Charter alone . You jtaM bars the power to restore unanimity , and enforce jyHpni * . The tame has now aimed when hesitation < a you part may be fatal , when diTision on your wt vul asBuredly call down the Tengeance of a jyvQjB ] wd accessed faction on the scattered and tsrsisiiBg m * s »; Banember that division is erer the forerunner of isnestion , and he who sows it in our ranks may si veD sound a trumpet for the Government to
BsBember , toe , that when the day of denunciation Brim , it is no longer safe for independence or honesty In jriMiirn in the prey of the *•*** £ **•* . £ xnd the maliete Jii 7 > if oue encouraged , like all other eril yHt , ft gathers strength with its virnlenee , and fci apetite for fresh victims keeps pace with iti fmeUl . Gash this spirit , fellow labourers , or it will crush job cause . Put it down with a strong and active jaad , « a reign o ! terror will arise whin it will be ¦ tangs possible to serre you earnestly without being
gnf >* wt 1 ex pause in serving you without being tameed . It has indeed arrived , and simultaneous donDciatksss have occurred is Scotland and Tinglsjirt . £ na one of our own body has been accused , and , as fie evidence proved , he was falsely accused . Tbe same jgntt has taken place in other cases ; in fact , but one Bsrithu ensued . From what malignant spirit has all & » n *»* U < f originated ? Jealousy . That accursed teat , wHcb has oriiiai , is in active being , and will fmd to distract and destroy us .
Ton must seise it boldly wherever it arises , and like i poisonous nettle , when crashed the hardest it will mad tbe least Ibi evil does not rest in localities ; every squabble Sab its way to the public press , there to delight the mssj , and disgust oar friends . We sre firmly of opinion , that whatever may be the kSB&m of parties , the end of their squabbles would asredly be the destruction of our public men , and of < c public interest , and whilst we would rapport sosber , unless their actions corresponded with their j ^ ltm ^ an ^ the ; have a right to the protection of the people , so long as they serve them .
Is conclude our remarks regarding the obstacle wil-Ml r east in our way , we may allude to the insane dis-Mirmii npon moral and physical force , l egality and iBepOity , education crotchet * , and criticisms and de-Hsebiicns npon the supposed treachery of the past nd the present leaders , all of which expose oar cause to tbe deserved ridicule and contempt of oar delighted tRxoenU . Brothers , we are firmly convinced that we need only to ippesl to the goed sense and reason of the working so , ami if they do not resolutely , at all hazards , extwnnratf tbeae rain and redden feud * , we offer yoa to tsrthly hope of mif *** w erer crowning Ute long-OGftmed effort * which hare been made to emancipate 2 ) t pi ffiTTTig » nii dsspooding millioot
ors prBLic oppokbsts . ; We contemplate this part of our address with far less jniety and mucti mere firmness . Tbe principal enemy wi tbe most powerful is the present Government , from Those mercy or justice we expect nothing ,- but from xtem isfatnated policy we anticipate much . It must senmembered that the last Government had a strong fcadeacj- to protect aad benefit the present electoral iamii . the expence of the aon-elecion—merely using & middle cl&ss as frilling oppressors of the working
east Bat we have a government now who will neither 9 ] B £ » &iEe with nor respect the sufferings of either l&tite or working men ; therefore it is we pursue our saieTJatiiig course and nail the Charter to tbe mast Tf « nay rationally expect a vast accession of strength CTafrom the middle class , who , if they do not join us &om principle will do so from compulsion . The middle dusaaBot carry their measures without public opinion , » d , if ye are - wise and determined , tiiey ou ^ bt nerer tofcm it unless they do justice to yon as -well as
them-If nmtoai service is required , then mutual benefit * £ & to be Becured sad certain .
THE C 0 £ > LJ . TF EEP £ AL £ E 5 &B cpon you to aid them in their struggle . They tave " »« ffrage on their side ; you bare not They pro-SaeyDnabeneEt . VThj do they deDj-yon the po-vrer » isepit ? Tfcs Cora La » s irere caased by class legislation . What * ffi aboliih the caose ? Universal Suffrage , which will san My good which may flow from repeal equally ' pwsal , and if it is not so it "will be wortfelejs to yon , "Swagh beneficial to your masters . y the latter idea 1 b correct , the only question you p to discuss is , ' TVtether the abolition of the wa lawa or ^ ch arts ^^ ^ ,- ^ beneficial to in * -
j ** et » tben , on that question ; discuss it with them * % , and let argument and reason prevail over every WBtion . Id tbe justice of onr cause consists our *** $ & , and if our principles be truth itself , we need 110 other auxiliary thin the reasoning faculty of man . J * t as be fair and corsistent towards them , and ^ S » wiD speedily she- * - -srhethfr the OoTemmeEt may * Bay not force teem into our ranks . Should such r ^® ' tak e place , we Trill at least have the Tories f ?» ow sdde , until the Hspeas Cc * pus Act is fus-PBxied , Soaejji ght oppesition has been experienced from the r *^** "H ' e do not admire the prudence of the ^* Ptasa ed by eith er opp ocents ; but we trust that J * PnMBt wgj preTail ortr factious opposition in every OacB «« i » hich may take place .
MZA > S TO BE rSED . to i ^ RIre * t Way ol * ° vsacing the cause is by adding ^ « inanbers of the association ; and eTtry lecturer : r £ « a ftake it pan of his duty to register names and £ *<* cards , ^ the conclusion of each lecture . 1 { *®» en always give courage to the timid and create j " *** imcngst our enemies , and where thousands " * jomed the association , it becomes impossible for g ^ Jtoe&l tyrant * to meet the victims of the patriotic k ^ toember that onr peaceful declarations ensure us l * Persecution dictated by fear , and in too many " ^ ces , fanned by & hatred to our principles . " e -would rwommend the General Council to direct "« rj&rti ^ nlqv —4 ^ ^ I * . _ » v . : i ? _ # iT and the fit and
j ^*^ , appointment of qnalified l ? T ~**> ~* ho should in every instance be ballotted for , £ «* y * ere ofiicers of the association , to i *^? dlonl ( i be appointed by public meetings , IB SPf 68 * 111 Vb& * in a District Council before which ° « uanaB reJalrre to that district Should be decMttk , ^ IHI TBADE 5 , i 3 ~* eiinport * tote * of men should be aroased to jj ™ e of duty to themselves , and wherever it is prac" *« e » Trader Chartist Association * hould be formed . " « recommend tbe Chartist Association to be disao from the Trade ' s Union . of are
^• place great dependence on the faith a body of ^^ ° » interests identical as their poMnite are J 2 ^' . Eaca J 11 ** i * known to his neighbour , and r ^ fi «« hbourt interest is the same as that of his fel-£ T : ° * eb bodies of men cannot be led far astray , aad ah ^ L ir ? ™ Bill struggle was one to place tbe mi < - = ¦• in power , bo ours may be said to be one which " £ w « sewte the trades to their proper position , and LT ™« n a weapon of offence and defence far more en-^ = 8 ttin the limited expedient of unenfranchised It ihooid be impressed on those important bodies fcttm * ^ ^ ** eTer lon 8 protected or weU re-Q ^ ' tialea the members of each body are poli-
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Social benefits seldom remain long untouched , unless there is some political power to arrest the plunderer in bis danger , and the law of tbe rich in its usurpation . Tbe trades hare leng timed at tbe guardianship ol their separate rights . They have blocked up and barricaded the gate by which the master invaded them , with many excellent expedients ; bat they bat * never yet attempted to do the same to the political gate through which the Government entered to tax their [ i in . si mil earnings aa repeatedly as they have + * ramml * t « d . Unions are bat temporary securities against the avarice- of masters , bat offer so protection fez the oppressive enactments of an irresponsible horde of mien . It most have become apparent to all the trades , that something more than a mere Union for the protection of wages is wanted , because at the best they only shackle the hand of the master , whilst they leave unchecked aad free the arm of the tax gatherer . -
Tbe trades nave hitherto been mere creators of funds for the benefit of mien ; and whilst they suspiciously watched tbe weekly payment * of the master they paid no attention to the weekly theft of the tax gatherer . The question for the trades is one easy of comprehension . Whether would it be better to have two protections or one social power without political , « r both combined ? Tbe suffrage would strengthen instead of weakening the Unions , because the want of it on their parts , and the possession of it on the part of their masters , give rise to the laws of combination , correspondence , and conspiracy , all directed against men who simply demanded a just wage for their labour .
The master class have discovered that with the law and law ' s punishments on their aide , they cannot triumph over their slave clasi ; and do the trade * suppose that the chains of the law will not be drawn tighter , and re-forged stronger f If they believe the contrary , they will discover their mistake when robbed of the power to remedy or resist Let one generaj appeal be made to them , and their amrmative answer would shake the Government to its centre , sad supply the absence of a middle class , a thousand times more powerful than ours . We have now conveyed to you our united opinion and advice . Brethren , let it be well considered ; and , if correct , let these , our instructions , be immediately adopted .
"We are the servants of the Association , and we expect the people to treat us as such ; but , as the servants of the Association , we feel it to be our duty at all times to speak freely , to act firmly , and to fall back upon the people wfeen our own power is Insufficient to effect these ofcjactfl which are necessary for the welfare of oar constituents , and the success of our cause We await your decision . Your faithful Representatives , R . K . Philp . MoaGAN Williams . John Campbell . James Leach . P . M . M'Douall
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TO HAMEB STANSFELD , ESQ . " All classes of men , under the present limited infiuence of Christianity , will prey upon all other classes , just as much as they tan and dart ; for , the frailty of human nature tells me , that were the manufacturer or the werkisg classes in their ( the aristocracy ' s ) places , they would , alas ! go and do likewise . " Hamek Stansfxld Si a , —I have chosen the above extract from your lecture on " Monopoly and Machinery" as ft motto to this letter to you ; for to my mind , it contains a full and complete answer to the whole of the question you have stated , and an argument against which there is no appeal , in farour of the necessity , as well as the right , of every man who is to be called upon to obey a law , or to be subject to the influence of such law , to have a voice in the making of that law .
I am not aware that there is the least dispute about the utility of machinery . I never conversed with any one , to whom the subject was explained , who ever quarrelled with machinery , as machinery , but with Hit distribution of its products ; with the " party working -underhand , and obtaining all , and even more than all , tbe advantages which machinery has rendered . " The question therefore resolres itself to this : bow are we to prevent" the power working underhand from obtaining more than all the advantages from machinery ? There is such a laxness in your use of the word monopoly , that one feels almost at a loss as to what you would particularly apply it But from tbe whole , I
come to tiie conclusion that you mean by the word monopoly—the com laws . If such be your meaning , and if you really expect that their abolition would be the panacea for all our evils , you are certainly the most mistaken ol men . What , expect that the abolition of a single law would give us , " if not indemnity for the past , " at least " security for the future , " after your acknowledgment in the motto , " that ell classes will prey npon each other just as much as they can and dare 1 " What is to prevent the aristocracy preying upon us as ranch in future as they can 1 Nothing but this dare ; and that \ dare is , with their present power , only the fear of our not being able to eoatimie to labour .
Suppose that tbe corn laws were abolished to-morrow , and suppose that that abolition had a tendency to produce all yon dream or aj . Snppese that it caused us to have the command of the markets of the world ; suppose that it caused Englishmen to have tbe supreme happiness of labouring sixteen hours every day without intermission ; suppose that it bad a tendeney to cause us to hare prosperity for ages , as 1 once heard you say it would ; suppose all tbii ; what will there be to prevent " the party working underhand from obtaining even more than all the advantages" which would accrue from the measure ? Have you not admitted in the words of my motto , " that all classes will prey upon each other just as much as they dare ? " Come , Mr . Stansfeld , do tell us what is to prevent their preying upon us in future ?
I ask , again , what is to prevent " tbe power working underhand" from obtaining even more than all the advantages" ? What is to prereafc their taxing or laying a rent ( for tax appears to be an harmless thing with you ) upon all mines or minerals within the bowels of the earth , equivalent to their loss by the repeal of the corn laws ? What is to prevent their making the full Talne of their estates out of the new taxes ? Can no new commissions be created ? no new cfeurches , or colleges , or governorships , no retiring upon Bplendid
pensions as a reward for part services , to make way for new aspirants to serve their country ? Is there no way left for coming at even mort than all the adTantages you would derive from the measure ? Is there no contraction of the currency to mate you give them double the quantity you give them now for the taxes ? Aye , that there is , and & tiiousand-and- one ways besides , to enable that " class of men who have the power of making laws to prey upon all other classes just as much as they dare " , and to reap " even more than all the advantages" of all your skill and labour into the bargain .
Then again , -what is it but the monopoly of making tbe laws -which have caused all the other monopolies of ¦ w hich you complain ? In fact , they are but offsboota from tbe master monopoly ; and until that master monopoly be destroyed , both root and braDcb , there never can be any security for the peace and happiness of this country . Besides , Sir , are yon not inconsistent npon your own principles , tfeat you do not endeavour with all your might to destroy tbe master monopoly , after your admission " that all classes will prey upon all other classes just as mncb as they can and dare . " What , after this , can yon expect to be " the fate of this country , -without every man
who is subject to a law , or its tendency , have a voice in the making of that law ? Either you wish the people to be ' preyed ? ' upon , or you do not If you wish them to be preyed upon , you will take no steps to destroy the power of tbe preyers . If you wish them not to be " preyed " npon , after jour admission " that all classes will prey upon all other classes just as much as they can and dare , " you will from this time , make every effort in yonr power to prevent any class from preying npon the other by endeavouring to cause every man to have a Toice in the making of the laws he is called upon to obey . The dilemma is unavoidable . Take your choice , and from this day we shall know what to expect from
you . But you -vrill ask " bow is Tniversal Suffrage to be obtained V I will answer the question , by asking you bow yon propose to obtain the repeal of the corn laws ? You will answer , by an union of the middle and working classes , and by their making a long pull and a strong pull and a pull altogether , as they say at sea . What hopes have yoa that such a union , and such a pull as you describe , would have the desired effect ? Because , " you will say , the Referm Bill of 1831 , was carried by snch an union ; and because the aristocracy , besotted as they are , durst not resist the firmly expressed ¦ will of a whole people , for fear of consequences following which would deprive them of all power . Just so . And -would not snch a union , and snch a pull , obtain
ths suffrage ? Durst they despise the expressed will of a -whole people when they demanded the justice of the suffrage , any more than when they demanded tbe rtpeal of the eorn laws ? Not they . Then , if you be sincere , come forward at once and seek t © obtain that which will destroy all present monopolies , and prevent all futnre ones . If you and your class decline this , you only more fully convince the world that you wish to be of that " class of men which preys upon , all other classes just as znach u they can and dare ; " and that your only aim is to be that " party working undemeath and obtaining all , and even more than all , the advantages which would result from the measure . " Hoping that you will choose the nobler part , I remain , yours respectfully , James Pesky . Millbridge , Nov . 17 , 1841 .
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TO THE EDITOR OF THE NOETHESN STAB . Sib , —If you will have the kindness to insert the following in yonr widely circulated and valuable journal , you will much oblige Your humble but suffering Servant , Qeobge Black , of Nottingham . A few weeks ago , an article appeared in tbe Star , beaded , * ' Save as from our friends . " Sir , in writing this , yoa might intend it for » y good , and tbe good Of the cause generally . Too very likely did not intend to injure my character ; but to it is . I will not say
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"Save me from my friends ; " bat this I will s * jyO , that we were all united aa friends ! I have my friends ; I have my foes . So ha * every man that is taking an active part in this movement Sir , I find it as I thought I should . Some look upon me with suspicion , some call me spy or traitor ; others wish me to appeal to my friends that know sue ; and I hope yoa will allow me that privilege , A word or two to those who take me to be a deceitful or treacherous pezaen—aa there ace * ome wbo axe not backward at making a *» of their Influence to destroy me . I tell you that you have already done me a
serious injury ; and I tell yea candidly I had rather any penon would take away my life than my character . Allow me to say I would not hare mad © the sacrifices I have made , if I had intended to deceive my country My friends at Nottingham will remember that it was on account of my principles that I waa turned oat of the Baptist church ; sad amongst that body of people I had a great number of friends , whom I loved as I loved my lift ) . But I appeal to those who have known the most of me whether I have made it appear evident that the principles embodied in the People ' s Charter have been more dear to me than life itself .
If had intended to torn traitor , why not at the second Convention * If I intended to sell the cause , myself , and family , why not to the Whigs at the late elections ? If altogether a selfish person , why did I go to London at alt ? It waa not because I was tbe most competent person in Nottingham ; bat because there was danger , and nobody else would go . Did I not lose the ten frames ? or , in other words , were they not taken from me ? Before I had been at London one week , -the work was taken from these frames ; and who will eo&tu 4 iet me when 1 nay those frames were bringing me In seven shillings per week , besides what I could earn myself ? Was I not thrown out of work on account of my principles , and many a time not having more than one meal a-dsy , my wife and faJBy starving ?
Thanks to those kind friends who'lent ' rae their assistance to raise a few stockings and gloves , &c &e . ; and many thanks to the kind friends who have thought well to encourage me , by purchasing goods of me . And now I have been going about the country between sixteen and seventeen months—in which time I have gone over about six thousand miles—often one hundred and fifty in five days . I will leave it for others to judge whether I have been a sufferer in the cause or not Can I siy " Britons never shall be slaves ? " I see no other prospect than » reiy scanty living ; or , in other words , a dragging oat of a miserable existence , and my children after me . All the hope I have is in the People's Charter becoming the law of tbe land ; and mast I , shall I , have I turned traitor ? Those who think no better of me than this I heartily wish I could bring them to sit a little while with the disconsolate
and often hopeless Mrs . Jones , and from thence to Mrs . Williams and children ; and from thence to Mrs . Frost and family ; and from thence to those poor widows whose husbands lost their li-res at Newport These were to have been pensioned off ; bat , instead of this , I often find them starving for want , both mothers and children . Had you a little of the company of these sufferers , if yoa be people of any feeling , I think you could not turn traitors , whatever you think of me . Every man may have his prioe , and I have mine ; and I heartily wish I could get my price for every principle within my breast With the Charter , and a Republican Government , every poor man in Great Britain and Ireland should have his five-acre cottage , and something to stock it with . O to be united as friends ! I remain , Tour bumble bat injured Servant , GEORGE BLACK .
P . S . —I sow appeal to those Associations where I am best known . —Have yon any cause to say yoa luve ever heard me utter a sentence intending to injure the cause ? Speak of me as you have found me * I now from the following places demand justice , and crave no favour : —Nottingham , Arnold , Calverton , Basford , Sutton-in-Asbfield , Merthyr Tydvil , Pe-ntypool , Newport , and Cardiff . Merthyr Tydvil , Nov . 14 , 1841 .
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TO MR . CHARLES WALKER , SECRETARY OF THE ROCHDALE REFORM ASSOCIATION .
Deab Sir , —When I was elected the Representative of Rochdale—I took that trust upon me—subject to the engagement contained in my address—viz : " annually to submit my Parliamentary conduct to the test of the decision of my Constituents . " In conformity with that declaration , I now take leave to submit to them , through you , a short detail of the most prominent points of public policy , with reference to which I had occasion to aet daring the late abort Session . In my address I told yoa— " that I would not go to Parliament to support the objects of any Party , or Ministry , or any Leader—bat to sustain , to the beet of my judgment , by my honest votes , the combined interests of all Classes of the Community . " I shall refer to the first occasion on which I felt myself called on practically to demonstrate mj sincerity in that principle of action .
Neither the Speech from the Throne , nor tbe Address in reply , as moved by the Ut « MlnuUy , contained a single allusion to any amendment of the Reform Act , or any extension of the Rights of the People . In tbe debate which took place on the Address , vhe subject was studiously abstained from by those Speakers in connection with the late Ministry , although alluded to by some of tbe more Radical Members . I did expect that some of those Honourable Members who expressed these opinions , would have given notice » f an amendment to test tbe different parties on their disposition to consider the extension of Popular Rights . I delayed taking any step myself , in that expectation , till after the debate had been protracted to the fourth night . Finding that no intention of that nature was intimated , I then gave notice , that I would move , on tbe bringing up tbe Report of tbe Address , an amendment in tbe following words : —
" That we further respectfully represent to your Majesty , that , in our opinion , the distress -which your Majesty deplores , is mainly attributable to the circumstances of your whole people not being fully and fairly represented in this House , and that we feel it will be our duty to consider the means of so extending and regulating the suffrage , and adopting such improvements in the system of voting , as will confer on the woiking classes that just weight in the representative body which is necessary to secure a due consideration of their interests , and which their present patient endurance of suffering gives them the strongest ' title to claim . "
I moved this amendment agreeably to my notice . Thirtynine members , besides the tellers , ( making altogether forty one , ) divided in favour of it . But you are a-ware that the motion was objected to by some of the Liberal members , who leftthe House and did not vote , although they expressed themselves favourable to the principles of the amendment ; I , therefore , think it right to allude to the reasons assigned by them for this course . The objections may be collected from the speeches of the Hon . Members for Sheffield and Bath ( Mr . Ward and Air . Roebuck ) , the former member said , that" hecouid not but regard it as an insult offered to the popular interests in this Bouse to bring forward a question of this magnitude at a moment when there IB no Minibter present—at a moment too , when , in fact , there is
no Ministry in existence . " Now , it appeared to me , that I would be violating the declaration in my address , ¦ wh ich I haze quoted , if I had abstained from bringing forward this question for the reasons stated by the Hon . Member . I do not conceive that it is the duty of the representatives of the people to waive the declaration of their rights , because the Minister in office did not think fit to attend , or because one Minister was about to make his exit , and another to assume bis post . I do not conceive that those representatives of the people -who advocate the extention of popular rights , are to avow an humble subserviency to the ministerial tactics , or to put those rights m abeyance , unless aided by the countenance of ministerial authority . The honourable member for
Bath ( Mr . Roebuck ) said that it was disrespectful to the majority represented by tbe Right Hon . Baronet ( Sir Robert Peel ) , and that it was not giving him a fair trial . It was to me a very new doctrine to learn that such deference as this was to be paid to a majority ; and with reference to the fair trial claimed for the Right Hon . Baronet , I am as willing to give him that fair trial as the honourable member for Bath ; but , I -would ask , waa it not acting with the greatest possible fairness to call upon tbe House to declare its opinion en this question be / ore the Right Hon . Baronet assumed office ? Was it not the best mode of instructing the minister ? Was it not the beat mode of guiding the sovereign in the selection of ministers , that the House of Commons should declare to tbe sovereign their opinions on great constitutional questions ? A powerful minority had divided against the
Conservative amendment to the Address—a minority which , if disposed to act for the People ' s Rights , must ultimately extort more or less concession from any ministry . I ask , was it not proper to teat the principles of that minority ? To ascertain whether they were impelled by an honest ztal for those rights , or actuated by tbe less dignified object of retaining place and povrtr for a party . Was it not right that the people should understand whether those members of the late ministry , who -would be now looked up to as leaders of the Lew opposition , persevered or ( lid not persevere , in the declaration of the finality of tbe Reform Act ? 1 admit it might not be convenient for the purposes of party that this test should be applied . But I submit to my constituents , that in the course adopted , I acted strictly and faithfully in conformity with my declarations to them .
Another objection raised to my proceeding on this occasion , by tbe Honourable Member for Sheffield , was , that " rtojive men in the House had been consulted . " 1 do not understand isy duty as a Member of Parliament if I am to be precluded from acting on my own responsibility ! If I am to be compelled to place myself under the control of any clique of Members , whether larger or smaller ! If a Member , acting on bis own responsibility , makes a motion deserving ot snppert , is his proposition to be quished because he had not consulte d certain individuals ? Why should it not be opposed or approved on its merits ? I admit that it an organisation were tffected among tbe Liberal representatives for the support of popular questions , it might be useful , and Indeed necessary , that individual Members should sub-
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mit to the general arraagement , as far as might be possible wttfaeat dereliction of principle : but , I think individual Members ought not to be bound by the regn-Jations or opinions of any Beotlonof Members , farther than their own Judgment determines to be right I h « e stated these points for the consideration of my constituents , because I consider it is desirable that the representative , and tbe constituent body he represents , should bave a common feeling on the course of conduct to be panned on other occasions of ¦ similar nature , which it U very probable may eften occur .
The next important question , was the Amendment on the motion of Supply , moved by Mr . Fielden , to tbe effect , that it was the duty of the House to enquire into the distresses of the people , and the remedies , before any wpply should be made . On this amendment , I felt it to be my duty to divide with the Honourable Member for Oldham , and having done so on this occasion , I conceived it was only consistent with the spirit of that resolution to press her Majesty's Government again , on the necessity of immediate enquiry , and therefore on the next Motion of Supply , having stated examples of the distressed condition of Rochdale , I again divided the House against voting the Supplies , till the condition of the country should be investigated .
In opposing the supplies , I had ao wish or intention to exhibit a factious opposition to her Majesty ' s Government ; but I am of opinion that the wholesome practice should be assarted , of looking to the condition of the people , and the means of paying taxes , before the items of expenditure should be determined on . The means of the country should be first ascertained , and then tbe expenditure should be made , as far as possible , to correspond with these means . There are many grants which might properly be voted under a prosperous revenue , which might be withheld or reduced in adversity ; and , therefore , I consider that the estimates should not be voted as a matter of form , but that they should be discussed with due consideration to tbe powers of the country to discharge them .
The last question which I desire to refer to , is the Poor Law Continuance Bill . Mr . Fielden gave notice , at an early period , that at some stage of this Bill he would divide the House against it in Mo . In this I concurred with him ; bat being perfectly satisfied that oar opposition would be unsuccessful , I thought the next best course would be to endeavour to reduce those powers of the Commissioners which were moot productive of practical evil . My constituents are aware of the amendments which I moved , in both of which I was defeated , and I divided with Mr . Fielden against tbe BUI on the third reading . I need not dwell on this subject , as my opinions on the Poor Law have been Stated on so many previous occasions .
The Corn Law question was not brought forward in a substantive form during the late Session of Parlia ment—a coarse of proceeding which , I must say , I regret Sir Robert Peel was pressed on various occasions to declare his intentions on that question ;—but I am of opinion , the fairest and most effectual mode of eliciting his opinions , as well as those of the House of Commons generally , would bave been to have brought them to tfce test of a distinct proposition , and a division on that proposition : —but an objection was raised to this course—it was said , the anti-Corn Law party are divided—the one portion for a fixed duty , the other for total repeal , and an exhibition of weakness would be the result;—on the ether hand , I tbiiik it might be fairly argued , if these two sections cannot agree , is it
reasonable or fair to press the Minister ? The argument , I think , is unanswerable . In my opinion the question sever can be advanced till a decided course of action be taken—protection or no protection—monopoly or no monopoly . The anti-Corn Law League are bound to the principle of tota extinction—I , ask then , can they bave any moral weight with the country if they shrink from the bold advocacy of that principle in Parliament ? Can they create that confidence which is the only source of success , if they consent to permit that principle to be put in abeyance , in order to acquire a fallacious appearance ot strength , by a union with tbe fixedduty men 7 It appears to me that the supporters of an eight shilling fixed-duty , have no pretensions to rank with bread tax repealers : —they are really and substantially monopolists as well as their opponents ; they differ chiefly about the most expedient mode of securing that monopoly . It is a delusion upon the
country to frame evasive motions for the purpose of catching such useless votes . It Is better for the people to understand what real support the anti-corn monopoly principle can muster in the House , and then the moral power of the nation will be more speedily and effectually roused to increase it Such are my opinions on this subject But it may be asked , why 1 did not act upon them in the late session , by moving myself on this question ? I answer , because I considered it rested more properly in other hands—I mean those of Hon . Members more directly connected with tbe anti-Con Law League ; and I , therefore , felt I should not be justified in taking on myself the responsibility of any step which bad not their concurrence ; this was a case in wbicb , as I conceive , an individual member was properly called on to defer to the opinions of other members , especially gentlemen representing the views of so influential a body as tbe anti-Corn Law League .
It is right I should state to you that I disagree from many Members in the allegation , that questions affecting the rights of tbe people should not be poshed to the test of a division , unless a large minority could be rallied : —I consider that if the question be one which is in itself proper to be raised , it will suffer less by a small division than by waiving the question , or by debating it without dividing . Under existing circumstances , questions affecting the advancement of popular liberty can only be carried by the excitement of a moral power out of doors;—and I hold that this moral power cannot be raised by any Parliamentary proceedings , unless tbe leaders in Parliament prove their own
sincerity by saving the moral courage to face a great opposing majority . When the people see a few members struggling under advene circumstances for their rights , attention is drawn to them , their propositions are discussed out of doors , and , if worthy of support , an enthusiasm is excited in their favour . I think that the practice of what may be termed flash motions , has been carried to a great and injurious extent in former Parliaments . After hours spent in speeches , ¦ are have often found the result , « ' Motion by leave withdrawn . " think this practice tends to bring the Parliament into contempt with the country , and leads to no useful result .
There is one other subject to which I wish to draw tho attention of my constituents , not strictly forming a portion of niy parliamentary conduct in tbe late session , but at the same time intimately connected with it . In my address , I state as follows : With reference to Ireland , I claim for that portion of the United Kingdom , equal rights , privileges , and franchises with Britain , and I desire to incorporate the interests of the two Countries by the communication of mutual advantages , through the means of just and impartial principles of united legislation . " There were no
measures introduced in the last session which had particular reference to separate Irish Legislation ; but since the recess of Parliament , I have deemed it right to publish my opinions on the present system of agitation carried on hy Mr . OConnell , in Ireland , with the professed object of repealing the Union . Aa r think it pro ^ r that every pan of my public conduct should be made known to my constituents , I enclose herewith , copies of the letters I published on that subject— -which , being placed in your hands , any of my Constituents who desire it , may have an oppoituniiy of referring to .
It is my intention , previous to the next session of Parliament , to appear personally before those "whom I have the honour to represent , namely , the constituency of the Borough of Kochdale , —and then to inform myself more fully of their wants and their wishes , and to receive such observations as they may think fit to make , upon the communication which bow take leave to address to there . I am . dear Sir , Your sincere friend , Wm . Sharsian Crawford . Cratpfordsburn , Bangor , Ireland , Nov . 13 tb , 1841 .
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TO THE CHARTISTS OF SOUTHAMPTON . Brother Chartists , —A National Petition has been drawn up , and approved of by the Executive , and they have also decided , that in order , that that Petition should be duly respected en its presentation in Parliament , it should be backed by a General Convention of the industrious classes . This , then , being decided on , it isincumbent on you , as well as every Chartist throughout the British empire , to be active and industrious , iu getting as many eignatures to it as possible .
Will yeu , then , Chartists of Southampton , remain apathetically indifferent to the call of your fellow conntrymen , and cowardly shrink from performing your share of duty in the effort of a glorious redemption of your class from political slavery ? I Know many of you are ( and I cannot but sympathise witb you ) shackled by the despotism of your masters , or in other respects trammelled by domestic tyranny . Yet for all this if you are inclined to do that which the distressed state of your country requires you should do , you can do it , and in a manner witheut injuring either yourselves or families . No rational man would expect you to do that . But where there is a will there is a -way in every case . So there is in this . Because if you cannot assist , by any other meanB , you can in a pecuniary way . By such you can secure from other quarters that aid which you require , without endangering yourselves .
Yet , notwithstanding this persecution which you suffer , can yoa independently lift your heads aloof , and not feel the indignity of your situation ? Can you supinely lie down under such vile oppression , and not make an effort to release yourselves ? No , rather claim tbe rights of freemen , and stand in the image of your Maker fearlessly advocating the truth , and under every circumstance determined to maintain it , than stain your souls with such foul degradation by submiting to it Having lately come from Bath to Southampton , I am without a doubt a stranger to many of you ^ and known but to a few . It might be thought presumptuous in me in thus addressing you . Nevertheless , I cannot be inactive , and Buffer the cause to remain in the state which I unhappily find it in this placo .
1 therefore appeal to yeu to arouse and do yonr doty . The time is come when every solitary Chartist mast be at bis post , not quarrelling about tbe superiority of this
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or that plan , but unitedly straggling to obtain their rights . The plan aa laid down by the Executive is a good one . Pursue it with energy and spirit ; it must ultimately succeed . In the first place , you must obtain 4 place to meet in , for it is only by meeting and publio discussions that you can create that unity of sentiment so'desirable to a just and firm onion . Tkis I hope will be done shortly , and that we may have in this place « many signatures to the National Petition as any plaoe . In proportion ^ o its inhabitants . Sincerely hoping you will attend to this , " I remain , yours , S . Bartlett , < W ^ J » wi ^/< Wi ^^' i | - . i- - j- u ' . n-.-iJw .
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PUBLIC MEETING AT PAISLEY . BREWSTER DEFEATED AT ONE OF HIS OWN MEETINGS . On Wednesday evening , the 17 th inst ., a public meeting of the inhabitants of Paisley was held in the Old Low Church , called at the instance of the above Rev . Gentleman , for the purpose of hearing him deliver a lecture on the best means of obtaining the- Charter . The price of admission to hear the lecture was one half-penny , which gave
very great offence to the majority of the working classes , thousands of whom are out of work at present ; and , -when the Rev . Gentleman entered , which was about an hour after the time which he had appointed , he was met by a most indignant volley of hisses , amid cries of " Ye made it a bawbee of admission to prevent us from getting in . " After order was restored , Mr . Robert C * chrane , a true blue Brewsterite , proposed Mr . Wood as chairman ; and Mr . Wm . Houston proposed Mr . James Paterson , who , on taking the chair , was received with tremendous cheers .
The Chairman having read the bill for calling the meeting , Mr . Brewstbb , in his nsaal way of sowing the seeds of dissension , instead of proceeding with his lecture , said that he was afraid that some physical force men had got in amongst his Committee , and had altered a word in the bill , or perhaps it might have been a physical force printer who Sad done it . ( Much hissing , and cries of w get on with your lecture . " ) The Rev . Gentleman then proceeded with his lecture , the opening part of which was to the effect that we , as Chartists , ought not to oppose any class of Reformers , whether they were going for a repeal of the Corn Lavrs , or for any other measure of reform , but let us steadily persevere for nothing less than the Charter . It soon .
became evident , however , that the Rev . Gentleman was labouring in deep water , caused , as we supposed , by his adherents not being able to carry their Chairman , for he soon left off reading his lecture , and , in a very forcible manner , appealed to the feelings of the unemployed , a great number of whom were present , stating to them what was the law of nature in regard to the poor , if the proper authorities did not provide for them , although he would not advisethem to follow the said law . But all this would not do , for when a remark was made by any of these unfortunate but ill-fed individuals not to the taste of the Rev . Gentleman , he immediately turned round , and , in the most ungentlemanly manner , charged them with being wrong in their garrets or upper stories , alias the brain , and denounced them as spies and traitors ; and in one instance he became
to exasperated that he drew himself up like a fiend of darkness , and pointing to a certain portion of the audience , said , in a voice of hysteric passion , "These are the hungry wretches whom I have fed , who have come here to-night to oppose me . " At the conclusion of this sentence such horrific murmurs of just and strong indignation took place as would have appalled any other than the living broozo statue who s cod before them . StiR the Rev . Gentleman proceeded , and launched out into a tirade of abuso against a certain portion of the Chartist leaders , and when he alluded to Mr . O'Connor , it was always followed by three cheers for him . The meeting now became so uproarious that he was obliged to cut his lecture short . At the conclusion of which , to our utter astonishment .
Mr . Robert Cochbahe rose and moved a resolution to the effect , That the thanks of this meeting be given to the Lecturer for his able lecture , coupled with a vote , of censure on some of the Chartist leaders , who had not gone along with Mr . Brewster in all his crotchets . John Campbell , Esq . one of the members of the Town Council of Paisley , moved the following amendment , " That this meeting has no confidence in the Rev . Patrick Brewsler as a Chartist . " ( Tremendous applause . ) The Chairman having put the motion and the amendment , gave it as his opinion that the amendment was carried by a most decided majority .
Mr . Brewster , as usual , protested against the decision of the Chairman ; and the Chairman , to humour him , said he would put the vote again , and called on Mr . Wm . Campbell and the Rev . Mr . Kennedy to act with him in deciding on the vote . The vote having again been put , the Chairman adhered to his former opinion . The Rev . Mr . KtNNEDr said thaVhe had Bome difficulty in deciding , but he rather thought that the majority was in favour of Mr . Brewster . Mr . VVm . Campbell said he had no difficulty whatever in giving his opinion , and that was , that the amendment was . carriedby three to two . Mr . Kennedy said that he was of opinion that one of tho objects tor which the meeting was called , lad still been overlookeo , viz ., that something should be done to heal tho division that existed among the Chartists , for which reasons , he would submit a few resolutions .
The . resolutions of Mr . Kennedy , three i n number , were the came in substance , as the rules and regulations of the Lanarkshire and Renfrewshire Political Unions . At this stage of the proceedings , Mr . PoLisread the rules of tho Renfrewshire tlnivtrsal Suffrage Association , and said that he saw no use for Mr . Kennedy ' s resolutions , as they were just about the same as those he had now read , and that the said resolutions had been acted on since February last , by the only political union in existence in Paisley .
Mr . Bbewsteb said that there was a very great difference between the resolutions read by Mr . Kennedy and those read by Mr . >? olin , and that he ( Mr . Brewster ) intended to move an amendment , but , if Mr , Polin would withdraw his resolutions so that they might all be unanimous on the resolutions of Mr . Kennedy , ho would not press the amendment , which he intended to move . Mr . Polin at once agreed to the suggestion of Mr . Brewster ; when , telf it not on the Calton Hillpublish it not in Birmingham — whisper it not
in the ear of the Lord Mayor of Dublin , that the Rev . Gentleman at once recanted , and said , " Well , we will have one quarter of an hour of it yet , " and forward he came . Afttr a speech of fifteen minutes , he concluded with his amendment of " Under no circumstances whatever as an . association , will we resort to arms . " Now , said the Reverend Gentleman , do you not see the force ot such a resolution ; if you are attacked , dissolve yourunion , and then you are ready for your enemies , seeing that you are in an organised state .
After a considerable pause , tbe Chairman asked if the amendment of Mr . Brewater was seconded . ( Cries of" no , no" ) Mr . BREWsrER then leaned over _ the side of tne pulpit , and atked some of his committee , if none of them would second his amendment , when one of them said that , upon prin « iple , he could do no such thing . " , . Mr , Brewster then , in an imploring manner , requested the Chairman to put it to the meeting , if no one would second his amendment . The Chairman replied that he had aeked the meeting three different times , but that he would do it a fourth . _
Having done so , an individu al in the gallery said , not that he approved of the amendment , bat tnat they might get the proceedings brought to a close , he would second it . , „ .,-. ¦ * The amendment was then put , when all the bauds which we saw held up were only six , each individual holding up both hands , the principal acted upon during the whole of the votes that were taken . A forest of hands was then held up for the resolutions of Mr , Kennedy , which appeared to us to be
aa unanimous vote , with the exception of the three who voted for the amendment . _ . Three cheers were then given for Mr . O'Connor , and three groans for Mr . Brewster . A ananimoiu vote of thanks was then given to the Chairman for his impartial conduct in the chair , when the meeting broke up about two o ' clock in the morning . The above is merely an outline of the meeting , we would have given the speeches at length , but it would have occupied too much space in your valuable paper . —From a Correspondent .
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The thhee poor law unions comprising the manufacturing population of the boroughs of M * nchc 6 ter and Salford , with their immediate neighbourhood , contain altogether no less thaa 3 M , U 2 individuals —¦ Liverpool Standard ,
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TO FEARGUS O'CONNOR , ESQ . " My Lords and Gentlemen , believe me , that nohuman being , ha * a more thorough contempt for a mere politician , than I have , whether he be Whig , Tory , Radical , or Chartist , except he has some great social object in view . Lock up the land to-morrow , and I would not give you twopence for the Charter next day , because you would have deprived it of its jewel . "F . O'Connor to the Landlords of Ireland , third letter . " My maxim , to day is the same , which . I laid down for you in 1831— ' A fair day ' s wage for a fair day ' s work' Give that , and use your political power for the conversion of machinery into man ' s holiday instead of being man's cane . "—F . O'Connor to tbe Landlords ot Ireland , second letter .
Sir , —The great error of allrefsrmers , has ever been their endeavours to conciliate those whose only sense of right is their own personal aggrandisement . To meet this , they have one and all shunned the true position , and , consequently , all by which they ever could command consideration or respect They who contend for either more or less than justice awards , are reprehensible ; they whose arbiter that prinoiple is , can alone bejustined . Principles are eternal , and know no change : to compromise is to desert them , and to leave any part
covered is % » betray them . To reject or agree to dispense with any right or privilege that justice entitles us to , is to reject the goodness of Qod . Nature does nothing in vain , neither does a principle of justice demand more than is really necessary . No followers ot justice can give ground or make conditions of any kind farther than is dictated by principle . Monopoly , or not monopoly , Is the grand distinction between justice , and injustice ; and they who would benefit the human race , must understand it as regardless of all consequences .
Sir , are you prepared to test Chartism by principle ? If so , now is the time to submit Its tenets to arbitration , so as to disentangle what is really Chartism from the Malthusian Whig axioms that have all along been mixed up with it . This much Is necessary to make it consistent and intelligible ; and "Without which it cannot be consolidated , nor brought within the range prescribed by justice ; and this must be the case before it succeed . Then why defer enquiry ? since what must be , shall be as well do so now as then . I know it is no agreeable task fora friend to strike within the limits of a concentrated move ; nor would I , were it not to avert the certain ruin that must result from following delusion . As truth leads to truth , so error to error ; therefore the sooner all e r jrs are expunged the better .
" Repeal the Corn Laws ; have high -wages , plenty t « eat , and plenty to do . " So say tbe Whigs . " Down with all monopolies , repeal all unjust taxation , and have a fair day ' s wage for a fair day ' s work . " So say the Chartists . These statements are similar in their nature , and I hesitate not to say that those who assert either have as yet much to learn concerning the nature of the consitution we live under . Be it known to all , servitude and monopoly are co-existent—twin brothers . Destroy the one and you annihilate the other . I know a system can be promulgated where monopoly can be
dispensed with ; but men in that case will not live by servitude ; nor have either Chartists or Whigs considered tbe nature of that system . I will not follew either party through the labyrinth of nonsensical twaddle by -which they support their views en these matters , but shall rest contented -with one plain statement , namely , I object to a repeal of these monopolies ; not because I consider them just , or in any shape a necessary part of legislation , but because the people have not properly considered the results that will follow , nor are prepared to meet them .
It has been said , repeal the Cora Laws , and the balance will be in favour of the money holders ; or expunge the national debt , and the balance will be in favour of the landholders , which propositions are quite good ; repeal either monopoly , and the remaining monopolists will be the employers of those who live by labour ; do away with both , and to whom shall the labourer go with his only commodity ? It is quite dear that neither of these can purchase his labour , as nene , of either party , bring money into the world , so can neither have it bnt by monopoly ; in some shape , destroy these , and It Ls of no use to look for employment in that quarter . Under such circumstanced , what shall become of those whose only dependence is labour ? I know though all existing monopolies were repealed ,
others might be substituted ; say that every one above six feet high should be entitled to a few hundred thousands per annum , or that all above twelve stone weight should be similarly privileged ; then these -would become aristocrats , and employ labourers , and be looked up to , and become influential , the same as the aristocracy now is , and men would busy themselves to attain those qualifications , the same as is done at present , only differing according to the different nature of the monopoly ; under such regulations , the system of governing now pursued might go on quite as much in accordance with the spirit of justice , as at present , and any other similar scheme may be adopted , and the same results will follow . But this much know all —without a privileged class in some shape , the present
Constitution cannot exist It is a system of servitude , and those who employ servants must , in the first place , be provided with tbe means of paying them , along Witb the appropriation of the means -whereby men can live otherwise , which must be enforced before a system like ours can be brought into operation ; but being understood nnd faithfully maintained , the system , as a system , of master and servant , may be turned as you will in all other respects ; but if the present method of carryiDg on that system is done away , and nothing of a similar naturo substituted , then down tbe system must come . And I ask the question seriously , are tho people prepared to undergo tbe very material change that must follow , aud if not , is it either prudent or safe to destroy tbe present order of things ?
Those who would have a proper view of the effects of machinery on our legislative system , should compare tbe positions of parties among us at this day with what they were 100 years ago . We know the great change since then is attributed to tbe revolutions of France and America . Repeal the monopolies these created , such as the National Debt and tbe Corn Laws , all of which might have been gane into independent of either , aud we shall find the only part they had in the matter was , that they furnished a pretext for creating these . Why did mechanical skill slumber in the arms of our artisans before then ?—Where were our numerous ships and fair cities ?—Why were merchandise so cheap and wages so low?—Why did our population not increase ? all for the very palpable reason , —we had no field for the display ot our
energies ; the monopoly of land then existed , and no more of any note ; and the great body of the people lived the feudal slaves of those who held it , until other monopolies were created which gave others , not landholders , the opportunity of calling forth those energies , the influence of which has created the present state of things . At a rough calculation the ascent has been since 1780 ; since then the revenue has doubled and quadrupled ; tbP price of land , and all connected therewith , population , demand for labour , and mechanical skill , have risen in a corresponding ratio ; nnd were it not for the introduction of machinery , by raising the revenue ten limes higher than now , all kinds of property would rise also , and the result would bu an increased demand for labour , higher wages , increase of population , &c dec ; thiB to any extent ( keeping the exception in view ) , as often as the means were applied .
That whose blighting influence will damn the present order of things is machinery , as its effect is to paralyze manual labour ; in this it not only threatens the annihilation of the great body of workmen , but likewise those who employ It . Machinery consumes not , and by supplying the place of those who do , must curtail the demand for articles of commerce ; add to this the extinction of all monopolies , and who are the consumers ? These may manufacture for each other , but farther than this they have no mart ; though partly seen , this is but slightly felt , as yet ; let the preparations now going on be completed , and we shall know more of it However
many idlers , and whatever the rate of wages now are , we shall then have more of the one and less of the other . The manufacturer will not derive large profits from his speculation among the working part of the community ; and what are his prospecta on the other side ? If he chooses to give the aristocracy money in tbe shape of monopoly , and then succumb , and cringe , and become a tool in their handsthen they may be induced to become his customers , or , at least , the customers of that part of the mercantile world who can outdo the rest in these particulars , and even this when they hold their monopolies , and no
longer . From these considerations , there is enough to stimulate all the active part of mankind , to look out for a system whereby tht » y may mutually benefit each oMier . Strange that these should nae means to straiten each other ' s paths . Jor the mere purpose of maintaining a parcel of drones , and eventually give their substance to these merely to procure a market for their produce ; yet , however extraordinary-, such is the meaning and intent ; ; and all that can be obtained by the present MyBWfflft * ¦'""' ¦ ¦ ¦ - ¦ As these things are necessary x > r not , that system may be justified or not ; one thing I ' am sure of , none will say it is just ; none will say that harmony or peace are Its results ; and from hearing the' statements of all parties , I see little to recommend it to consideration of any kind , in preference to any system , having the least shadow of justice or benevolence to recommend it . Still this much is necessary to be known concerning tbe unnatural , delusive , unequitable , cruel system of servitude and slavery , before we can with any degree of
certainty or safety number it with the things that were . That it entirely depends on having a privileged class ; whi le it exists , that class must exist in some shape ; and if it is to be discontinued , the more numerous that class , and the more they receive , ic trill be better for those who work . It stgnifiea rery little how they receive their incomes , m all monopolies are unjust . Still , if we are to understand from tbe agitated state of tbe publio mind , tba * tbe people are wearied of a state of thing * where justice na * op parti is God /* name , are they prepared with a substitute ? If so , and if it is satisfactory s ^ sufficiently understood , down with the present system ; bat if not , be aware of pulling down that , however detestable , on which our very
existence depends , if yoa wonidnot see All barfed in its ruin * : if you are inclined to fall back to the state you were in before , the Com Laws , National Debt , and the cireumsteaeefl therewith connected existed , prepare to do so ; draw the preamble of an act for parcelling out the land in small allotments ; have it passed , and retire under its provisions , and take your living from the soil , tbe mere serfs of the landowners , aa yon then were , then farewell improvement and all our sanguine hopes ; and along with these liberty , and justice , farewell . I have the honour to be . Sir , your obedient servant , . Charles Ddncan . ( To be continued in our next . )
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_ THE NORTHERN STAB . 7
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Nov. 27, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct870/page/7/
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