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HOUSE OS COMMONS . —Ebidat , Jt 5 heS . jlz . BBKSAi reported from the Nottingham Election ^ anomitee , "T 3 UA Thomas eisbarna , jnn , JEsg ., ^ j gnly elected . " Tfaa Hon . Hember . moved that the ' e -ridenee snonld be jointed . He said fiie ground of Ma jgB&on -eu , thit-circumBtaness had been disclosed ¦¦ bleb led flift Committee to think thai * conise bad ^ een pnrsued by fee parties for the purpose of procur WfiTiSenee "whicii "sras -rery objectionable . jb ^ eridence- 's-as ordered to be printed . ApetiBon was presented iy lord J . Ecsseli from . pertain electors of 3 > m 3 hain » coiaplaEang of bribery n > a corruption at the late Election .
jilt HESEE gaTB notice 1 £ at on Tuesday next , or on fhe earliest posable day ^ fter , he should preposs a jeaoJorion So the effect that the payment of a pension joan independent foreign soTereLjn from the taxes of foe United Kingdom "was a -waste of public money and jti injustice to the people of this CGontry , and that jkerelare the pennon of . £ 21 , 01 ) 0 a ysax granted to tfce Pete of Cnniberland ought to ta discontinued -while he jgnolned Songof Hanoret < Gheers . } Itiaroig been rumoured that a message from&e Crown tondung iheatate of Irelasd -was to be delivered , jla Bjanostamiely preroiled amongst the members and jjjsagers present . SrB- Peel appeared at the bar , and announced jjimsdf ss file bearer of s message from lie Queen . On : giij the rrpfctation "was intense , and each tti » ti held jis Jreath for fear of loang a -word . The message -was j ^ pecang fliB marriage of the Prjncess AncnBta ,
2 he disappointment of those "who expected another jufl a different tend of message -was snffirienflj Indieoas . Hex Majesty ' s message , -which -was received Triih cheers , -was ordered io-ie taken into consideration . OB aionflsj . jn reply to questions , lord Euot explained the jecent riots at Bnngannon , and said -iflfet a stipenflhry magistrate had been sent down to Investigate the affiUTJjb& JocEiTS asked if Government -were taking jjga So hare parties . arrested -who committed « sjsnlls on persons assembled to petition PaiJianjeiit j ^ inst the Bepeal x > f ihe TJiaon—the case at DangannoD ? lord Eiiot answered , that the Government "mmld , d course , bnt they had no information at present on Trlncatodoso .
Xora Zuoi ecplsaned , that the moTement of troops jaielj sent from Dublin to TFateiford , and immediately afterwards ordered back again to Dnblin , - » as an fonsegafinoe of information received by the Comjnander-in-Gbitf , -which . l ^ jtdEiot declined to state . 33 s Honse "went into committee on the Canada ¦ Wheat and Hour Bill , after , a protest from Mr , G . j > ahnErasaisBtit , as a measnre the most mischievous to -Brijash interests , and a notice from Colonel Sibfliarp to dmda the Honse on it upon ihe third leaning-SercEsl clauses Trere agreed to , ana progress reported . The House -went into committee on the Poor law fl -pwnflrattTit ( Ireland ) "ffin . 2 Ir . Sedisgiox moved that the bill be referred io a sefcet committee , bnt "withdrew it , after a dis-¦ fmw ^^ v
< 3 anses one , two , and three ,-were , after one divasidBj Screed to , and progress reported . lbs House adiooxnsd at a quarter past twelve .
Mospix , JrsB 12 . Parsnant to an order of the House , a copy of £ hs -encence taken before the Nottingham Election Committee iraa presented at the bar and laid on the table . Hz . -Gisbobse presented a petition irom certain Sectors of UotHnghsm , in ¦ srhleh they took notice of tie proceedings of the late election ibr ZfotHngham . 2 hey Sated , ihat after the election certain persona Vho -trere named in the petition had eccnpied themaelresloi a long period of tiaie in sending round their eml ^ sr . fha and distributing money for the purpose of gsitiEg up Enborned evidence against the jetum : they stated ihi . t ^ sch corrupt practices Trers calculated , en * ] £ B exposed and punished , to bring the proceedings
bbfore election committees into contempt , and in their opinion -srere a gross breach of the priTileges of this Honse . They prayed the House to institute an earnest and strict inquiry into the allegations made by them , 2 nd fiisy ^ tatea that they-were ia a » t » ation to procure evidence to substantiate them in the fnllest manner ; Ihey prayed that a committee might > e appointed to inguire into ths facts alleged in the petition , before ¦ which Hiey "were -willing to sive evidence on oath relative t 9 all thB proceedings in -which they -were engaged during tha late election ; and further , they prayed Jot such relief , Sto . He moved that the petition be printed iriili the Totes , as it "was his intention to call the attention of the House to it on a future day . Ordered .
The Hon . Member wen moved that the proceedings before the late iNottingham Election Committee te printed . 33 ie t *» t < of Irs COiS—May I ask the Hon . Member 3 rbetber 5 tis his intention toiling ttiepetition zmder Ha censideraiion of the House ? Hi-Gisboese—Undoubtedly , I hare given a notiee to that effect . Will the 2 foble lord allow me to ask a -gaesfion of him in return ? Had the ITsoble iMrA&sy connExion -with the proceedskga belorB the committee yhlzb lately iiguired into tbs allfigstions made Sg ^ TTmt yha letum for ^ Nottingham on thp late oeca £ Q 3 *
32 > a Earl of IISCOLS—Six , I am aware that I should be fnlly justifisd , and should , perhaps , betier fulfil my flnJyasaMembsr of this House , if I declined to be catechised ~ by the Hon . Memb * r —( cheers)—and declined to aMTrer a question that most be considered ertraer dinsry and Traumal —( che « rs ) . Sir , I am not only sot ashamed , but I am fully prepared to defend the part 'Which I hava taken in any election , not only at Nottingham , bnt in any one in -which 1 have been concerned If the Hon . Gentleman is inclined to go tkroagh a series < £ questions , and "wiD concede to me the same privilege —{ hear , hear )—sad -win promise me that he -win give a fair end impartial aaswerto every qnsstioD Ipropenma to Bmj as far as I am concerned , I am
perfectly prepared to so through the ordeal —( lood fhff ^ K ) The TT "" - GenQeman has given notice of his ifltEaSon to move fca a committee ; if that is granted Ism , and if hs thinks I hare taken any steps in any cIecUob -which 'were incompatible -with my dnty as a member of this House , or the conduct of a gentleman , be -win have an opportunity of calling bis , and I promise Wm that I -sill give as loll answers to every question put to me as I did before the committee naved for by the Hon . Member for Bath I Mr . Boebnck ) ^ cheers . ) Sir , I am fully sensible that my duty should trtfl me to leave the question as it stands , but as my refusal to answer the Hon . Gentleman nnghV leave an erroneous impression on -the minds cf Hon . Members , I trust the House mil excuse
' Bslofz t 3 eparlzBg from vhsi I ' eel is my duty , and £ Qow me to answer the question -which has been put 4 o i 3 fr—{ Hear , hear . ) Si * * I " ^ D * state si , once that the "CcRiEErTAtiTe electors ol If ottiEgham did call upon me for advice after the termination of the last election . £ ver g ? TH *> i entered npon public life , they have done me the honour t » place great reiance upon my opinion , ssd hxve frequently been guided by my advice . After She Me Section they solicited my advice , and having represented , to me that the election had keen obtained b ? unlawful means , I did advise them to present . a petition ag * fn « f . the Hon . Gentleman ' s return , and to Prosecute it before the House—and farther , it -was upon icy advice that the legal assistance -was retained . On the question being again pot from the chair ,
3 &r . Gisbokse said , that the Koble lord ( the Earl of laneoln ) had misunderstood the motive "with "which ie had put the question to him . It was generally bsBerod by a large body of tiie electors of Nottingham fiei the Jfohle ; Lord was cennected -with the party * gsinsi -which corrupt practices had been charged ; but fihe ^ ilx . Gisboroe ) had before received auch an answer «* flat now given by Ihe Noble Xord , be -would haw aji £ d the electors of Nottingham , -with whom he-was ttEEected , te dismiss from their minds any notion that fia Xobls lord -ffas inany -way a party to the practices complained of ; and lie hoped the Noble lord -would * ot thtnV xbsA he had departed from Parliamentary SSgein having pnt the
quection-TheEsil of Uscoi 3 lepeated , that he had advised tteparBes -who bad eonsnlted ~ him to petition against SaHen , Member ' s letum ; bnt -with any corrupt prac-^ s , if any sach eTer existed , he need hardly say be bsd no -cannrEon . Indeed , from all he learned , he ^ raOd say the corrupt practices existed on the other * i 3 e ; ana it-waa in that conviction he had advised the PaKia "Who ccnajltad him to peStion against tfce late isaas . ^^ tbo Sdeq -was 3 bsn ^ tbb 5 to . ^ fo- 5 . GaA-ffroBB said , he had been intrnsted TriUi * PEtiSon HgEed bj 2 , 000 inhabitants of the borongh * f Xotarjham . "They complained of corrnpt practices Stheiteas irdl as at farmer elections by Mr . Walter , * 6 « lder , xa& others , and the petitioners prayed the j * 0 ns 5 to iciatute a strict inqniry into the "whole of » gs corrupt practices . « e petition ( as -we mnderstood ) -was ordered to b&
^ efcrlor Jjscois said , thai he had to present a J ^ JSonfram Messrs . Clarke , Pysmore , and Fladgate , Rotors , tie agects for Hie pefifioners against the late ^ Brflfcr Nottingham- They complained of a eonspi ^ 7 ^ by means of -which the ends of Justice had been Q ^ ea in the late proceedings before a ^ ommittee t ) f ** House , and also the petidon "withdiawiij and they |* JJkI for an inquiry into the "whole of ihess proceed-^^ J 5 th the -view cf having justice done to the parties 3 ? P * vea , * na also of tmnishins the ¦ parties engaged in
^* transactions . - Tfrw petitioners also complained , that ** gfesana prmlegeBoraiatHoasehad been-siolatedby ^^^ pving false evidenee before one of it » committees , » T 7 * J tampering yaSi other Tritnessea in order to ~*«« SiEmto give false evidence . Tie petitioners •^ the Noble lordj made many etiisr allegations ^ " « i aiey asad , a 3 By -were ready to prove , and they f ^ ofcdea by again praying that ths -whole of She matters f »* 5 rsa in Qa petition miehS be duly inquired into T ^ t aekj . ^ ffe Potion -was ordered to "fee printed 311
. ^^ BLETyi TTsSTfc notice , that on the zsexi stage of ihe j T ^ j ^ ^) Bill , ha TFouia mo-re the appointment ol REa"ife 3 to inquire "whether the long deration of
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those laws -which deprived the people of one or file recognized ngfcte o ! British subjects , namely , that of carrying aims for their own defence , had not tended to ' give them that passion for the possession of arms which they bow Manifested ? ( Hear ; Mr . JL J , OXJOKKKLL gave notice that in the committee of the Arms ( Ireland ) BDl he would move a clause granting pecuniaiy compensation to those "whose arms snonla be branded for any loss they mi ght sustain by that "Procesi
THB PSISCESS ATGCSTA OF CAMBRIDGE . m Sir B . Peel moTed that the message from Her Majesiy on Pnday last beread . « . ^ l .. Ma 5 est : CB aaess 3 « e lra 3 G 1 ™ « ad by the clerk at the table , as f ollo-ws : — " Tictobia Regika— Her Majesty tidnks it right to acquainS the House of Commons that she has given her coaBent toa marrlsge between her Koyal Highntss the Princess Angnsta C ^ oline , eldest daughter of Mb Royal Highness tie Dnk & of Cambridge , and MsBoyal High , ness Frederick , Hereditary Grand Doke of Mecklsai bnrgh Strditz . " The many proofs -which the House of Commons hsi afforded of thaii affectionate attaehmeBt to Her Mapasty ' s person and family leava her Msjesty no donbt oi their readiness to enable her Majesty to make a suitable provision for her Royal Highness on this octaaca . " '
Sir B . P £ el then rose and said—Before I move that ths House resolve itself into s Committee of the whole House , to take into consideration her Majesty ' s most . gracious message , it Trill bo right to move a formal address , thanking her Majesty for the communication ¦ which she has been graciously pleased to make to the House . Of coarsB to that formal reply to her Majesty ' s message I cannot anticipate the slightest objection . I am sure that the Houss feels obliged to her Majesty for her gracious communication , and "will be glad to hear thet a princess , of thst illustrious house of "which her SJajessy is tLe head , is about to alls herself in marr riage vAth a princa whose high character and amiable personal connect have endeared him to every one "who has had the honour of being acquainted with him . He
is already connected by more than one tie "with tha throne of this country , and , so far as circumstances can form sny gnaraatee for the happiness of an onion of this nature , there is every guarantee for the happlDEEa of this ; and I cannot forbear to express every wish that every happiness may attend the illustrious princess and htr consort in the union they are about to contract—[ cheers ) . I move that a humble address be presented to her Majesty , offering the thauVa of this House to her Majesty ' s most gradeus information of the intended marriage between her Royal Highness the Princess Angnsta Caroline and his Royal Highness Frederick , Hereditary Grand Bnke of Mecklenburgb StreBtz , and assuring her Majesty thai this House -will immediately take into consideration her Msjesty's most gracious message . The question having been put ,
Mr . . Huhb said , that do one could -wish happiness to the illustrious Princess more . than ha did , but at the same time he must say that the Sight Hon . Baronet seemed to have omitted what was very important . He did not object to one word that was in the proposed address , he only wished to add two or three lines -with reference to what it was the dnty of the Honse on some occasions to attend to . He thought the Right Hon . Barenet could not expect that the House should go into Committee before he had given notice qf his motion to that effect He presumed that the Right Hon . Baronet ought to stats on this occasion that on a future day he "would name the precise sum which he should ask the house to vote by way of income for the Princess . On the 3 d af May , 1797 , a message came
down from the Crown announcing the intended marriage of the Princess Royal , when the HonBe only voted the Address , and did not go into committee . He believed there were other precedents to the same effect ; but , whether there were precedents or not , the House was in a condition to make precedents for themselves , and they ought not to go into Committee immediately . He objected to a part of what had been stated by her Majesty . ( A laugh . ) He wished to add to the words of the address two lines , which he thought it was the dnty of tbB House to insert , and to which he presumed the Bight Hon . Baronet could not have any objection . His amendment west to pledge the House to consider Her Majesty's message with reference to a due consideration of the condition of Che
finances and the diminished receipt from the ordinary sources of revenue , and to the state of many of Her Majesty ' s subjects , and Jftb depression of trade , and especially to that suffei ? njfi » d destitution which had so long prevailed , which ^ Hr Majesty ' s gracious speech from the throne delivered by the Commissioners on the 2 nd of February had so deeply deplored . He wished her Majeitj to take these subjects into her consideration ; ha wished it because be believed that her Majesty would not wish that any step should be taken in this matter without dus consideration of the circumstances which had been stated from the throne in February last—( hear , hear ) . He wished , therefore , to propose these words in addition to the address , and be could not conceive that the Right Hon . Baronet could
have objection to them —( cries of hear , bear ) . He could not conceive it . He could not think that the Bight Hon . Barenet would consider it proper to take any steps in the matter without taking into considera tion tha state of the finances , which the Bight Hon . Baronet himself bad stated were in a very unsatM&c tory condition . All he -wished w&s to add to the address that to which he could sot conceive there could be any objection—( cries of hear , hear ) . When that motion was disposed of , he should propose that the Bight Hon . Baronet should state in the House , and before going 'into committee , what sum he meant to propose . Mr . Williams was not surprised at the manifestation of feeling on the other side of the House . He did not doubt th » readiness of Hon . Gentlemen opposite to
"Vote away the public money without , as he believed , any knowledge of the state of the country , or the ability of the people to pay the taxes . ( Hear , htar ) He rose , therefore , to second the motion of the Hon . Member for Montrose , and if Hon . Members would listen he would give them some information to which they ought to attecd . Within sine years they had added by their votes £ 42 . « 00 , 000 sterling to the permanent debt of the country . Within three years they had added by their votes £ 8 , OuD , « 00 sterling to the taxation of the country . He would like to know whither they were going to drive the country ? If they fancied they would not have some day or other to answer for this they were misraken . "Upon the qutEtion and amendment ,
Sir B . P £ Ki said , —I hope th » two Hon . Gentlemen wiQ allow the House to go into committee to enable me to state what is the proposal I have to make . J have acted not only is conformity with strict precedent , Dnt in correspondence with those rules which are dictated by common sense and reason , without reference to precedent . { Hear , hear . ) The proposal I have now to make commits no one to approve of what I may state in committee . ( Hear , hear-j The proposal is , only an assurance to her Majesty that we thank her for her most gracious comsmnication , and consent to tht
consideration of the message—nothing more—it is not the adoption of the message . { Hear , hear . ) Now , surely , in Committee of the whole House there wili be a much better opportunity of my explaining to the honse what is the nature of my proposal ; and though I cannot accede to the Hon . Gentleman ' s wish that I should state it now , yetl cannot help confidently hoping that the proposal 2 have to make will be one that will show that the Government have not disregarded the-various considerations that , in the present state of the country , « ught to be duly considered .
Mr . Agijokbt felt much in favour of ike proposition of his Hon . Friend the Member for MontroBe , and at a fitting period be should support it ; but he would suggest that that was not the proper time for it—( hear , hear ) . The best time would ie in the next stage of the question . Mr . Hume—I cannot do that . Mr . Agliosbt—If that were so , then he should ¦ vote with his Hon . Friend , though he felt unwilling to do so now . Mr . T- DcJfcoJfBE asked whether the Sight Hui . Baronet intenaed to take the vete that evening ? -
SiiR . Peel—I hope the proposal I have to make will meet with general acquiescence , because , it must be remembered that there must be a bill to carry the : ? ete into effect ; it is founded on the assumption that there will be a marriage—{ hear , hear . ) lord Howick pressed on Sir Bobert Ptsul the propriety of not asking the House to agree to a grant of money without giving time for consideration , thereby following the precedent adopted in the case of Prince Albert Sir B . Pxex was not disposed to resist postponement , if it were tee general feeling of toe House ; but still tbooght that hia statement , if Buffered to be made , "would prove satisfactory . lord J- Bcsseli considered that it would be more respectful to the Grown to go into cemmittee , in order to hear the proposal of the Government
Mr . Hume said he should not withdraw his amendment He wished her Majesty to know the truth , as far . at any rate , as be was concerned . The Souse then
divided—For the motion 276 For Mr . Hume's amendment ... 52 Majority 224 Mr . HunE called on Sir Bobert Peel to make his statement before going into committee ; bat after a few ¦ words from Sir Bobert Peel , he withdrew his opposition . ; Ths House then went into committee , ana s Sir R- Pbbl rose and said , he weuld now state to the committee the precise nature of ihe proposal be was autkoriBed te BBbmit to tbem . In the first place , he mightatate that be did not mean to call on the comthat would effect
mittee to affirm any -proposition an immediate addition to the burdens of the people .- Ip proposing a provision for her Royal Highness the PrincessAugusta he did not intend to call fcr an immediate Tote of money—tfieai . ) The * general rule witfe regard » the provision for princesses , whether the dam&tera of the reusing Sovereign or el members oi the Roys ! house , be found to have been , that the psTtEts of such princesses had sndertaken the provi-Sc ^ fc- Tat a during tiJe-r lifetiEe , ather out of the civil list in the one case , or out of the provi&ion -roted from the consolidated fund by Pariimsat in the
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other . To that principle he ^ proposed Btxictly to adhere on the present occasion , and he therefore did not mean to propose any absolute Tote of annuity , but one contingent on the death of ; his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge . In fact his proposal amounted to theceyofciDg of aportlonof the annuity , now received by Ms Royal Highness to the use of the princess In the event of his Royal Higness ' adeath 4- ( cheers ) . He was not going to enter into all the cases in which provisions of this kind had been voted for princesses of the blood Royal —it would be sufficient for him to refer to one or two instances , in onier to guide ; the Housa in coming to a decision in the present caBe . The principle to which he had referred was adopted in the year 1778 . when his Majesty George III . was enabled to allot £ 30 , 000 a-year , as provision for five princesses ; and it was ajjain recognised in the case of her Royal Highness the Princess Sophia of Gl&cester , on whose behalf a pro » vision was made , which wasto take effect on the death of her father . It was in ^ strict accordance with the
practice adopted on the latter occasion , and with the principle that regulated the other casa he had referred to , that he should now propose the vote for her Boyal HighuBSB the Princess Augosta ; and , notwithstanding the course which tfee Hon . Member for MontroBe and those who acted with him 3 tmd , from a sense of their public duty , taken , he ( Sir R . Peel ) confidently felt that they did cordially participate with him in wishing every possible happiness to her Royal Highness and the Bake of Mecklenbnrab Strelitz . The amount he proposed for her Boyal Highness was one which he hoped would satisfy the House that every consideration that ought to be borne in mind in making arrangements of this kind htd been attended to . He proposed that , in the evont of the propesed marriage taking place ( a
c ! anse necessary as a matter of form ) , the sum of £ 3 , 000 per annum should be settled on her Royal Highness , to be paid in the event of the death of his Royal HighnesB the Duke of Cambridge—( hear , hear ) . He did not desire to draw -any contrast fettween this proposal and that which had been made on a former occasion ; but at the same time he might observe that it would be found to be less . He hoped the House would bear in mind that no money was immediately to be voted , that his Royal " Highness the Duke of Cambridge would still provide for the princess during his life , and that , it was only in the event of his death that the public would become chargeable with the proposed annuity of £ 3 , 000 —( hear ) .. The motion having been put .
Mr . MacKinnon propoeedian amendment , that the arajaity should be reduced to £ 2 , 000 , to be granted from the day of th 9 marriage . He entered into some calculations to prove the superiority of his proposition to that of the Government , but he was greatly interrupted by the impatience of the House . Sir Robert Peel said that the amendment , though ostensibly a rednction , was really a proposition for an increased grant , inasmuch as it waste take effect from the day of the marriage . He , therefore , submitted that the Committee could not entertain the proposition . After some diBcusBion on the point of form , Mr . MacMunou withdTev his amendment
Mr . Williams wished that the Bight Hon . Baronet , instead of referring to precedents established in this country , had followed the practice adopted in the case of those numerous German princes and princesf . es who had from time to time formed alliances with the Boyal Family . He would have found very little difficulty in discovering that no member of the Royal Family in this country had ever , in iorming alliances with those German princes or princesses , received ene farthing of fortune . He should like to know what pretence there
was in the present state of the country for adopting a different mle in favour ' of German princes or princesses seeking alliances with the * Royal Family from that which was pursued s towards the Reyal Family itself ? The Duke of Cambridge had ample allowances of the public money to enable him td" provide for hia own children . His Royal Highness was now in the receipt of £ 27 , 000 of the public money per annum . He was colonel of two regiments , each having two battalions , and he had recently been created bead ranger of two of the parks .
Sir R . Peel—His Royal Highness derives no emolument from that situation —( hear , hear ) . Mr . Williams—That was perfectly marvellous —( a laugh ) . He was uncommonly delighted to hear that his Roj al Highness bad undertaken a duty without emolument . In that respect he had shown a noble example , worthy of being followea ; bnt he was afraid hvs followers would be " few ani far between *'—( a laugh , and a cry of " The Duke of Sussex held the same office" ) . He thought it must be admitted , looking to the immense amount of public money which his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge had received , that the exercise of proper prudence and care would have enabled him to make ample provision for his children . His Rsiyal Highness had peculiar opportunities of doing so , having
for a considerable number of years been Viceroy of Hanover , when the emoluments of the office must have been sufficient to meet his expenditure ; and , if common report spoke truly , his Royal Highness bad , inconsequence of the numerous appointments and emoluments he held , been enabled to amass a very large fortune . On what ground then could they justify any allowance out of the public money to the children of persona in bis axalted station , who bad ample means of providing for them ; when in the New Poor law , they had laid down tbe principle that these poor wretched beings who received 7 s . 8 b . or 10 a . a week , were in duty bonnd , nay , ¦ vrere forced , to provide for ! their families , however nameroas they might be ? That law made the property of a father , nay , of a grandfather , liable to provide for
children and grandchildren unable to provide for themselves , if they became chargeable on the public Why not apply the same same just rule in cases like thst now before the House ? There was one very remarkable circumstance connected with the present case , —a Duke or Prince of Mecklenburgb , as he was called , some rtlation of the Prince who was about to marry Princess Augusta of Cambridge —he presumed either his father or grandfather , had been in the receipt of £ 2 , 000 a year out of the public money of this country ever since 1798 . That family , therefore , had already received sums which , with interest , amounted to £ 300 , 000 out of tbe hard-earned monies of this country . Was it not enough , t&en , that the father should be a pensioner , without placing the
son on the pension list too ? The amount ef public money now allowed to German princea and princesses , who had formed alliances with the royal family , was £ 200 , 090 a year . Surety , in all conscience , that was enough , without the addition new called for . On what pretence was this new demand made ? Th& Right Hon . Baronet had offered no explanation , and he could only conjecture the reason to be tbe relationship subsisting between Princess Augusta of Cambridge and her Majesty , If that were the ground , and he con Id imagine no other , they must , in consistency , provide for all relations of equal nearness to her Majesty . They
would then have a long list of them . There were Borne even nearer in blood to her Majesty , and was the principle to be laid down th&Vall these should be provided for ? There would then be no end to the taxation of the country for the maintenance of those German princes and piiaeegaes who found it so very profitable a thing to form alliances with the royal family , looking to the state of the country , the suffering and distress which so extensively-prevailed , the grievous complaints they had heard of oppressive taxation , and looking especially to the state of the revenue , he must on public grounds—en principle , and witbont any disrespect to tbe Duke of Cambridge , oppose the motion .
Sir H . Douglas contended that after the grandfather of ber Royal Highness the Princess Augusta had surrendered the hereditary revenues of the Crown , the immense patrimony which the Kings of England formerly held , a great moral and political obligation rested npon the House to make the provision now required . The Hon . Member for Coventry was mistaken in supposing that his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge derived emoluments from two regiments ; his Royal Highness derived none whatever from the 60 th . Mr . Home pressed on Sir R . Peel the propriety of postponing the consideration of the subject . Sir B . Peel could not now think of doing so , seeing that discussion bad been raised . lord Howick thought he ought to do so , in conformity with former precedent . lord John Russell , on xhe contrary , was of opinion that as discussion had begun , it ought to
go on . Sir R . PE 2 L , however , yielded , on condition of the committee being resumed the ntxs day , provided lord John Russell would give way with his motion on the Corn laws , which stands for Tuesday . lord John Russell was reluctant to lose his only opportunity of discussing so important a subject . After some further conversation it was settled that tbe diseussion should be adjourned nntii Wednesday . Col . Bushbkookb then moTed tba issue of a new writ for tbe borongb of S ^ b ^ ry .
Mr . Tdfkell &u ? ta ad an amendment , that leave be given to bring iu a hill for an effectual inquiry into bribery and corrupt practices alleged to exist in the borongh of Sudbury . He ' contended that the inquiry before the House of Lords , on the bill which had been rejected , was totally inadequate , and argued that the Bouse of Commons could not now agree to tbe issue of the writ , af > er having iunanimoualy agreed to the disfranchisement of the borough . He proposed , by thU bill , to empower two commissioners of inquiry to go down to Sudbury , -in order thoroughly to investigate into the nature of ihe inveterate corruption of the borough ; and affirmed that the motive which actuated him was solely a desire to nphold the character and dignity of the House , affected as it was by such practices as had been so amply proved to exist in Sudbury .
Mr . WTKN commented on the failure of the case before the House of lores , which would seem to justify a suspicion of collusion on the part of those who bad its management . The House would scarcely do iu duty , without appointing a committee , in order to inquire into the causes of that failure , which led to the n-jeetion of the Sudbury Disfranchisemeat BUL Mr . Tttffnell withdrew his amendment in order to enable Mr . Wynn to propose an amendment for a com > mittee ef inquiry . Colonel Rushbrgoke , not considering that the evidence affected the entire constituency of Sudbury , declared his irritation cf dividing on his motion .
Sir R . Peel ft > lt , that after the ull but unamvuoua BCrtenitDt of the House of Commons on the Sudbury D- 'uancbsseiritnt Bill , some iaiormation was n&L 4 ed as
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to the cause why snph imperfect evidence bad been adduced to the House : of Lords . This information might justify the necessity of the Bill proposed by Mr . Tuffnell , and the inquiry might , therefore , suitably precede its introduction Xord Johjc Rcssell concurred , feut was mire that in dealing with corrupt boroughs they could not go on in the old syrtsm of -Bending up Bills to the Lords , and failing there through some cause or other . A more satisfactory system should be adopted . Mr . Thesiger advised Colonel Rushbrooke to withdraw bia motion , . which was doue , and Mr . Wynn ' s motion for a committee was agreed to . ¦ Mr . Tufkell then moved that the issue of the writ fot Sttdbury bo suspended for a menth , which was also agreed to .
Oa the motion for going into a committee of Ways and Means , in order to grant the annual sugar duties , _ lord Howick ( y , f , ter the presentation of some petitions on tbe subject ) moved , as an amendment , for a committee ef tha whole House , on bo mqeb of the act 5 aud G Vic . c 47 i as relates to the imposition of a duty on the exportation of coals . He avowed that hia object was to obtain the repeal of the ; duty impoBed last year as a portion of the financial measures of the Government . Passing over the arguments as to the necessity for husbanding our stores of coal , Beeing that competent authority had estimated that the Northumberland coal field -would last for seventeen bundled yeaTa , and that of Wales for two thousand , he addressed himself to the considerations which had been adduced
by Sir Robert Petl as vindicating the imposition of the duty . Tno anticipations of tbe Prime Minister had not been realised ; the tax had already . operated disastrously on the ; trade , in proof of which he adduced doeuraentary evidence , showing that our exports had fallen , off one-half with France , while the Dutch trade was nearly lost altogether , and that in the abort space of nine or ten months . We were only beginning to feel the results of this pernicious duty . In Spain , Germany , France , Belgium , and other continental countries , capital was now investing in the expensive operations necessary for the production of coal , and when once fairly invested it could not and would not be vmhdra-wn , and thua a class of competitors was raising up against us , depriving us of a
trade which it wasivain to expect that we could regain by retracing our aleps . Tha example of the sulphur trade was a signal warning . The Neapolitan Government fancied—a * did all trio world—that it had a complete monopoly of the sulphur trade , and : it imposed a heavy duty on the exportation of sulphur to this country . But the ingenuity of our chemists had discovered tbe means of manufacturing sulphur in this country , which maintained its ground against the Sicilian sulphur , though the Neapolitan Government hail retraced ; its s ^ eps . The effect of the coal duty was apparent , not only in tbe stagnatiou of tbe trade , but iu the condition of Ihe working population , deprived as they were of employment ; the shipping interest was alao suffering , for freights were now lower than tbey had ever been j wherever the trade was retained , the tax was paid , not by the foreigner , but by the Britisu shipowner . It operated disastrously on
British industry in other ways ; the Transatlantic Steam Company , which used to hava a depot of British coal at New York , was compelled , since the imposition of the duty , to let ; the Great Western steam-ship perform out with American coal . Sir R . Pee ) defended the iox on revenue grounds alone , and he bad calculated on receiving from it £ 140 , 000 annually . But the actual produce had been only £ 100 , 000 , and as the old duties had produced £ 12 ^ 000 , the amount received was only £ 88 , 000 , which bad still further to be diminished by the expense of collectien , as well as the indirect diminution of revenue caused by the tax itself . In fact , were a balance sfruck , it "would be found that the Treasury was rather a loser than a gainer by the tax . The budget of Sir Robert Peel had proved a more signal failure than any ; the least ef its evil ri-culta had been its disastrous operation on various departments of British industry
Mr . Gladstone did not seo the necessity for an elaborate "working out of such dicta , as that it was much more difficult to regain a lost trade than to create it Tfto tax had unquestionably hot been proposed with the assent of the coal trade ; its repeal ought not to depend on its diWnt . The state of the revenue was &n ail-important consideration ; he did cot defend the tax as abstractly good ; but he was sure that if they listened to the claims of the coal trade for tho repeal of the duty , they Would be bound , in reason and equity , to entertain the claims of other interests for smilar concessions . Nine months was not sufficient to enable tbem to judge of tfce effects of the imposition of the tax . He did not deny that it was an impost on the trade , but he denied that tho
depression cf the trade vraa to be attributed to it . lord Howick ' 8 estimate of tbe produce of the tax was dravrn from imperfect data ; the actual annual amount would be about £ 112 000 or £ 114 . 000 . This was not a large sub ; , when considered with reference to the fact , that in this country we have to raise from forty-sight to fifty millions o ' f revenue . But there were certain states of tbe public ; Treasury , when such an apparently small sum could not be conveniently parted with . Returns showed that there was an actual small increase in the amount of exportation—aii increase which would have been larger , but for' the unnatural stimulus of two years ago , which was followed by a corresponding langour during last year . The testimony of the English Consul at Btest w&s against tbe allegation of tha dimli . uiikn of our exports Into France in consequence of the duty ; and , though there might
possibly be a dimnhition of the exports to Holland—a fact still in uncertainty—even that dimunition , if it did exist , could be traced to other causes , such as the general depression of trade . The picture drawn by lord Howick of tke effects cf the duty on our home trade was mnch exaggerated ; the duty bad fallen m&inly on a class of middle-men , intermediate between tbe coal-owner and the foreigner ; nnd though he was far from wishing that ( the profits of these middle-men should be diminished , still their cose was very different from that of a general state of distress in the coal trade . Nor was the pressure on the shipping interest to be attributed to this tax , inasmuch as the general depression of trade was a main cause of it . : On the whole he did not think that a case had been made out for the interposition of the' House , or that a sufficient time had elapsed for the purpose of enabling them to judge of tbe effects of tho tax .
Mr . Hodgson Hinde was glad that Mt . Gladstone had abandoned the high ground on which tbe tax had been originally defended . The depression in tho coal trade was unquestionably not to be traced to tbe duty ; but it could not be denied that it had produced much mischief . In fact , no answer had been given to the case made out by Lord Howick against the tax . Lord H . Vane said that in France there were no less than sixty-one coal mines open , though not worked . The effect of the tax would be , that English capitalists would go over to work them . It was not wise policy in this country to maintain anything whose tendency was to check native industry , and stimulate foreign rivalry . : Mr . BELL did not consider the motion of Lord Howick to be well timed , but as it has been brought forward he would support it
Sir Qeorge Cleuk pointed out , that in . the four months which elapsed between the time when Sir Robert Peel made [ his financial statement , on the 11 th of March , of last , year , and the final passing of tbe Custom Acts , there had been an extraordinary activity in the coal trade , which accounted for the depression which followed . But the trade was reviving , as was shown by returns , though the trade of Sunderland was affected by local causes , not connected with the imposition of the duty . '¦ Mr . Labouchebe felt himself perfectly justified in supporting Lord Howick's motion , aftKthe evidence they bad of the utter failure of Sir Robert Peel's anticipations , whether it were the distress caused by the coal duty , or ; the moral mischief produced by the spirit duty in Ireland . He recapitulated some ef the factB addnced against tbe coal duty , tbe operation of which ha contended was pernicious , and not worth maintaining fer the sake of the small revenue which it produced .
Sir Robert Peel reminded the House of the financial condition cf she country , which was still in a state of deficiency , in spite of the Income Tax . Our diminished -: ; ports to the United States were adduced as an tv : deace of the effect of tbe duty . But the United States imposed a duty of 83 . on the importation of British coal , which must be taken into account . Looking to financial considerations , he hoped the House wouid support the Government in resisting the powerful combination which sought to repeal the duty , and thereby to inflict la blow on public credit . Every other interest , as' the advocated of the' repeal cf the duty on wool , Would be ready to urgy arguments similar to those by . waicb . the repeal of the coal duty was 8 olicVted . ; Mr . Liddell , though feeling that Lord Howick's motion was ill-timed , wouid nevertheless give it his support . , Oa a division there
appeared—For Lord Howick ' s motion ... 124 Against it 187 Majority ... ... ... 63
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From thibty to five and thirty thousand workmen are now employed in the re-building of the city of Hamburgh . A Fugitive slave undergoing an examination at Northampton , Connecticut , when asked if his master was a Christian , replied , " No , Sar . he ' s a member of Congress / ' , PaEVEWMON BETTBB THAW CUBE . — It IS a fact beyond dispute that most of the diseases with which tho human raoe are afflicted are the result of a disordered state of the blood . To remedy this , the occasional use of Parr's Life Pills should be had
recourse to , and sickness prevented as well as cured . A Fool . —A drunken shoemaker at Skerton made a firm resolution ] on Monday night last to drown himself ; and in the presence of a number of spectators pluaged into ] the river Lune , but , not baing out of his depib , he suddenly bethought himself that his temporal affairs Were not properly arranged , and delileratcly walked . out of ihw watery &rave to lequoath bis old cou , t to a brother cobbler , when his iriends dragged him home , to the no small amiutmeat of the spectators . —Lancaster Gazette .
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HARMONY HALL . LETIEB XIV . TO THE EDITOR OP THB NORTHERN STAR . Sir , —Before proceeding to the [ subject of my letter for this week , I must make one or two comments on that of Gracchus , which appears in this day's Star . Your correspondent appears toj attach more importance than I do to who may be the persons to first lead such a movement as I desire to see' in aetion . I rely on the principles I have laid downj ; on the ease with which their practicability may be ] demonstrated whenever unity ia obtained ; and on the universal happiness to be gained by their adoption ; as the weapons that shall overpower all opposition and lead men forward to undertake and accomplish the task * that I propose . Wi . h regard to Mr . O'Connell or any other leader giving an explanation of bis conduct * I believe that whenever or wherever this can be done , it is highly serviceable ; but nay remark only went to shew the objection to compelling a leader to debate , discuss , and explain at a period when prompt action may be absolutely necessary .
Respecting the excitement produced by the Chartist agitation in 1839 , I am well aware of the fact , but I hope n similar excitement will never again be required to be produced . If the objects to be gained had been shewn to be beneficial to all ; the means of obtaining them made clear aud distinct ; and the movement carried forward in entire unity , under Hound practical leaders , these objects cotdd ha | r « been readily obtained , and a much higher position might ere this have been gained for the general body of the people .
To stick a thorn in the side of any Government or of any individual of my fellowmen is no wish or purpose of mine . It is true , that whilst ] we are so irrational and so ignorant of what contributes to our own happiness ; whilst we are surrounded by circumstances which compel us to seek our own individual interests at the expence of others ; or are obliged to associate with those whobe minds cannot be expanded to anything resembling universal principles ; j we must both give pain to others , and be ourselves pained by their conduct towards us . But I seek another and a far different
destiny for every child of man ; my purpose is to show that the means fur human happiness abundantly exist around us , and that all may be provided for as readily as true desires c ^ u be created without an inj ury being committed to any . j Gracchus Bays that numbers h&zuded their liberties and may-be their lives is the struggle , and have been sacrineed as scapegoats ; and he claims this as au evidence of a proud position in the political world . It is from such a position that I desire to remove every human being , to whatever class ! sect , sex , party , or country be may belong . I hope we shall never be afraid of the loss of liberty , life , or anything else , however dearly prized , except truth aisd justice ; but I do also hope thut the minds of all will become so far enlightened , that they will see an easier and a better mode » f acconipushing what all must j of necessity desire , than by making sacrifices of any kind longer
necessary , j With regard to the theory laid down by Robespiere as being in accordance with the democratic principle , namely , that the rights of every man are baund by the rights of others , and if we pass bur own boundary we invade the rights of others ; it | is quite inapplicable to the universal and eternal truths on which alone I propose that we Bhontd form this association . The rights , the interests , the duties ojf man , are all universal , and it is only in proportion as we can embrace this idea that we shall be enabled to progress to that higher and better destiny , which I believe is now ready for us , as soon as we can be sufficiently united to receive it !
I have , in iuy former letters , given an outline of a new society which I propose should be formed for removing the present distress , which every where exists , and introducing such changes as shall secure to all ranks and classes a higher and better state of existence than they have hitherto obtained . I bave stated the principles on which such a society should . be based , and some of the chi 6 f objects to which it should devote-its attention . I bave spoken of the election of the Central President and his Council , and of the kind of manifesto or Charter they should pnt forth . I hr . 7 e , at some
length , explained my reasons for djesiring a unity of proceeding , and the views I entertain' of tbe most practical mode by which this unity can be secured , and I have alao at some length given the details of an organization simple of construction , and easy jto be worked , which if it be established by men of com prehensive minds , will , I think , be sufficiently powerful for the great object required , namely to procure an enlightened public opinion that shall combine and direct all the energies we possess to promote the universal happiness of man . f
I stated , at the conclusion or my last letter , that l should in this , point out further ] practical steps that will require to be taken , which after this lengthy digression I wiil now proceed to do . | In my letter No . 8 , I stated that the Central President and his Council should , if possible , be immediately located on the land , and call to their assistance the best minds that they can procure to carry on the agricultural and gardening operations iu the most superior manner that the present knowledge acquired in these sciences will admit , and that they { should employ on the land the greatest quantity of manual labour thut the means afforded them would allow ! These remarks form part of a subject which now very much engages the public mind , namely , that of the occupation of the land ; and , as it iB one en which I have had some practical experience , and one to which
the Society I hnve been speaking of will have to pay great attention , I shall place it as the next practical step on which I am to speak . In the occupation of land , as in every other proceeding , entered into by a society based on the three great truths which I have placed before your readers in former letters , entire unity of purpose and action should be observed . However large or small the business may be which the society undertakes , it must be one and entire , and under the chief euperintendance of one directing mind . This principle poes not prevent , or interfere with , a variety of modes of occupation ; but , on tbe contrary , will allow of these being suited or adapted to all existing circumstances . My opinion , as before stated ] is , that in the first place every effort should be mado ] to locate on the land tbe Central President and his Council , assisted by the best minds with which he can be associated : and that
au the parties so placed ehould every day do something towards the proenrieg of their own food . After these are provided for in such a manner as to give them ease and calmness of mind , ] and a due appreciation of tbe great business they will have to perform , and the necessary expences attendant pn the missionary and other exertions connected with jthe diffusion of the principles ond objects of the society are liquidated , I should propose that all the money raised by the contributions of the members , both centrally and throughout the branches and classes , should be appropriated in the next place to tho purchase of [ freehold lands , in the
names ef the trustees of tbe -society . These lands should be selected iu the bc 3 t localities , and with the greatest natural advantages that can be secured . They should , as far as possible , be contiguous to each other , and the better the soil is at present , the more advantageously may tbey be brought [ into immediate high cultivation and profit ; Much has been said about waste and inferior lands , but it will be found that under sound arrangements and wise direction , it will be most economical in the first j instance to select the best lands that can be obtained , and te cultivate , however small the quantity , to the highest point of perfection .
With regard to the mode ofj occupation—I would always distinctly keep in view Mr . Owen ' s largest combined arrangements , as laid down in a wark published by the Home Colonization Society ; entitled " A Dcvelopement of the Principles and Plans on which to form self-supporting Home Colonies , " and as rapidly as the minds of those who associate could bo brought to see or comprehend the advantages of such a combination , I would endeavour to carry them out to their fullest extent . But in the meantime ijshsll not neglect tbe simplest form cf occupation , namely , the Allotment System . I would proceed from this jto other and higher orders of occupation and association , in p : oportion as the numbers of the society , or other
fitting perHaua , offered themselves Jon terms advantagaous to the society , but I wouid not f ^ rce prematurely together minds not trained to cffjrd pleasurable company to each other . I know it may be urged that the superior minds will naturally attract and draw up tue inferior , and to some extent this is correct ; but I have seen and kno « trn by the strongest personal expc-rieuce that the warmest and most devoted feelings and actions for tbe benefit of others , are often ] and even generally , misconstrued in Buch conduct ; and rendered dangerous to the individuals who possess them , and saeh persons euff ; r to an extent not to be calculated on by those who are differently organised .
I shall have again more than once to revert to the subject of the Land , and to speak mere in detail , but I would here again urge more especially , as it involves the whole of existence to all who associate ; whatever may be the extent of the combination let no parties evei think of commencing except on a basis of unity , with the strongest power placed in the hands ol the governor , and that governor in some manner selected by themselves . All external interference with the internal regulations , whether by an individual , a society , a monied proprietary , or any other jbody of persons , who are not equally advanced iu associated arrangements , iB false in principle , and cannot fail to lead to disastrous results in pracUce .
The highest combination , or association , under the name ef united interests ever yet formed , is that of the establishment from vehiph this letter is written , and nothing could more powerfully demonstrate the truth of the principles of the formation of character , than the practical experience daily gainedjhere . In proportion as these have been understood jand ected upon , the most satisfactory and harmonious results have been obtained , and those who have been enabled truly to comprehend them , have had a foretaste of an order of existence , higher and moreiioble than men can generally anticipate . . I
There have , however , been errors made here as ia all other new undertakings , and in M > uit of mj fu ' . ure letters I may have to allude to eojne of thca ?; !> ut in tha meantime I amst revert at length t-j soii : ^ p-jii »* s
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ol the Preliminary Charter , and shew their r ^ Jativd importance when compared with other objects of agitation , which now engage the public mind . I am , Sir , Your obedient servant , William Galpin . Harmony Hall , Hants , June 10 , 1843 .
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TO THE CHARTIST PUBLIC . BROTHERS IN HOPE , —Again , the political horison sheweth signs of approaching < Jay ; the bright ravs of the sun of liberty illuminating the borders of our dormant scene , proclaims " the night is far spent , the day is at hand . * ' The new crisis is gradually though certainly approaching ; the delegates of North and South Lancashire have issued their manifestoes ; Wales is answering the ca ! I . Those signs , like the tints of early dawn , note , surely that the bright j refulgence of noon will come . We shall awake with renewed vigour to the labour of love and hope , with tbe increased strength that a day of Test is wont to give to tbe mind and body , with the increased confidence in each other that years of companionship in toils and troubles is wont to bring , with the undying energy that years of active zeal in a righteous cause is vont to effect ; and ' neath the influence of these holy fee lings , by our united moral strength , who can say but we shall be invincible ?
The Congress of the Rational Society have addressed us , through last week ' s Slar ; allow me to draw your attention to that address . Let mo iDdu « e you to read it again and again ; it is full of good truth respecting the present state of thiugs , and contains gcod adviea -opon the remedy of the evils under which we labour , and however so much some of you may differ with the doctrines of Socialism , I trust we shall none cf us be so foolishly stubborn as to reject good advice , and truths , come from whatever quarter they may , though it were from an " infernal den , " as seme of their halls have been named by the professedly pious . I particularly
wish to draw tbe attention of tbo South and North Lancashire delegates , at their next meeting , to that address , especially the two IcbI paragraphs , with a view to their deriaiog some plan whereby we could start a society , in connection with our Charter association , for the purpose of relieving , to some degree , the poverty of our fellows , and drawing from the labour-market some of the surplus hands , giving beneficial employment to that surplus ; in a word , seiziDg the wealth tbat is within our united exertions , by bringing together the idle labour and stagnant materials fcr the benefit of all .
The practibility of such a society is the first purpose of my present letter . An outline of a pLm suitable to such a society bath already been drawn up by delegates of the people , that is , the plan of the National Charter Association , That plan only requires a few alterations to render it perfect . It was not to be expected that any plan could be sent forth from any body of men perfect , it may be based upon a true principle ; but it would require to be tried in order to prove whether it had faults or not On the discovery of those faults , they should immediately be remedied . One fault in our present plan appears to be , that the people have net sufficient knowledge of the candidates for the executive offices . To obviate this , I propose that every candidate . shnll have testimonials fiom tbe locality ia
which be resides or baa been a member , statin ? how long he has been a member , what offices he has filled , and his general qualifications for office , published ia the Slat , with his nomination . Another fault in the localities is , that tee mttnbei-s do not pay sufficient attention to the manner in which their officers perform the duties assigned them , nor to their general behaviour te the members , and consequently are ill served ; this the members may immediately remedy , as it is in themselves . Again , they are often very backward in using their common discernment in electing their local officers . These things they must remedy before all will go on well ; in this they do not do their duty . The members are the best judges of
the fitness cf any of their brother members for office , and must use that judgment in common justice to the association .. Tbe plan of conducting a national association by a general council and executive committee with its numerous secretaries , treasurers , < fec- is a good conception . It forms a cord to bind all tbe members and officers together ; and has an influence on every member , { more or less ) whereby he feels himself part of a great whole ,. and as the plan continues it will beget a stronger influence , whereby the individual will feel he has thousands of brother members who have a claim upon his actions : that these expect he will do his duty . That the plan requires maDy additions and aHeraiiufis I feel confident , but the groundwork of the plan I would not have altered .
In cominenciDg our new campaign , -I would recommend that a delegate meeting be convened from all the localities that can make it convenient to send , whose business it shall be to revise and amend the present plans of organisation , consider the ulan or plans for a national benefit society , and adopt or draw up one suitable to the present depreseed and varied cirettm-Btances of the people , having for its objects the relieving of their present wants , either by giving them employment for the society , or a weekly stipend in accordance with their subscriptions ; the ultimate locating them on the land , or in thu societies , workshops , and warehouses ; the defence of all members who shall be arrested for performine any services that tbe society exacts , or has deputed fcb * m to , and to engraft tbe same into the National Charter organisation as part and parcel thereof .
Let me induce you , by the poverty that surrounds us , in which we shall surely be all overwhelmed , unless by such a society we provide against its future rapid fearful strides , the present and future prospects of desolation . Ltsujnebeg of you to turn your attention to thia subject . I am assured feat Mr . Hill is prepared in a short time to submit a plan to you or your delegates that will embrace all the desired objects . In the mean time , brothers , bestir yourselves ; consider and discuss this at all your meetings , until you have decided upon giving your delegates instructions to act thereon , ami to tbe best of their abilities frame such a plan that will meet our numerous wants . We possess in onr body all the requisites to such a society . We have plenty of tried , honest , energetic , talented , businesslike men in cur localities ; we have , as the Socialist ' s address sets forth , that power which calls wealth inta existencein abundance , viz ., labour and knowledge . There
is an abundance of raw material waiting for the labourers mngic . arm to coin it into wealth , hat us unite our pencu to purchase it—let us no longer stay like gaping idiots or paralized mortal * , gsz . ng on thi 3 unholy , unjust , unnatural divorce of labour and land , or its springing , ripening , and ripe comforts . If we possess already associated such abundant means to acquire a sufficiency of food and raiment , wherefore should we longer remain in this slough of poverty ; if we possess in our association , the requisites for such a besefit society that I havenamed , wherefore should we suffarit any longer to lay dormant ; an 1 if such a society is so much Deeded in our present distressed coaJ'tion , what will the world think of U 3 if we do not attempt to establish it ? Other countries will say of us , aye , even the upper classes of our own will excuse their want of feeling with the stinging accusation of " they might have bettered their condition , but would not "
Come , brothers , let us prevent their having even the shadow of a pretext for such a taunt ; let us by forming such a happy combination of all our powera , avsil ourselves of all the advantages within the reach of such a union , and thereby maintain our character for intelligence , industry , and ingenuity . In conclusion , brothers , let me aak of you to read my letters on the subject of this National Benefit Society through once more , and calmly consider whether I have not established the necessity for such a society , and its practicability : aud if you think I have done this , the rest is for you to do , by instructing your delegates to the next National Delegate Meeting to frame the plan , and then work like men to carry it out . I have herein shown how it should be carried forward on the democratic principle .
I should have proceeded further with that argument in continuation of uiy last two letters ; but thought , — seeing you are so wedded to the above principle , —that that subject may stand over awhile , and that the question of practicability was to you of more immediate consequence ; seaii g , too , that it ia more than probable teat a National Delegate Meeting will shortly i » convened by tjnimon consent , when I hope this subject will occupy t o ^ ir attention , and that they will produce an efficient plan embracing all our wants . I remain , Yours in Truth , Gracchus .
3a«G*Tfal.3^Arff Ameti T.
3 a « g * tfal . 3 ^ arff ameti t .
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^ THE NATIONAL BENEFIT SOCIETY . ITS PRACTICABILITY , ITS FOUNDATION , ITS PRIN . CIPLE . " THB RIGHTS OF MAX . "
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At a Match which took place on the Thames on Thursday , between five yachts , three of which were iron , was shewn the superiority of iron vessels over wooden ones for speed . The three iron boats made the disumao in shorter time than ever was known before , aud beat all their vcooden competitors . No Accounting fob Taste . —A morning paper assures U 3 ihat everybody , high and low , at Kew , loves and admires fcha King of Hanover . Thb Berwvn * a , uge of hills , in Montgomeryshire , were on Wednesday morning last , the 7 ch ot June , enveloped in snov ? . Last week , two vessels sailed from G-reenock to Quebec and Montreal , taking with them no less than 590 passengers , prmoipallj auri eulturists , and very respectable in their appearance .
The Aer for the abolition of slavery m India passed the Supreme Council on the 7 th ot April , and became law . Henceforth , there is no slavery in India , pave that which is perfectly voluntary . St . Pe-iersbu&gh , May 16 .- Yesterday was our L ' . ! n ^ charaps , ba ! i all ice and snow . AU vegetation is del' ! , aud ihe thermomoier on the freezing poiufe e ? ea at uoon . The oldest , inhabitants do not rem aiber a similar season ; auu mo $ & a-tonrshinx still , similar accounts arrive from Tiflis , the Naples of our cmp ; r < 3 .
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• j = — THE NORTHERN STAR . j 7
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Northern Star (1837-1852), June 17, 1843, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct937/page/7/
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