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HOUSE OP 4 X > MM 0 NS . —Pbidai , Jtjhb 16 . In the House of Gammons , some conversation arose respecting the Stade JDataes , ana Ihe present state of onrxegotiatioBS TR& Hanover respecting £ hem , Th& snbstance of ihe regies of Sir Bohert Peel and Mr . { jlaastone to questions askeS by lord Pabnemon , J 3 t Bowling , * nd Sit . Suit , -was , that safters stall remained indefinite ana unsettled , thongh the British Government would probabv booh be induced-to make op its mind on the subject , i Tha Princess . An ^ usta ' a Annuity Bill -was proposed for » seconfiireaaiiig , < m which - . lord Hotvick suggested fts ^ propriety of making some provision for the family * & his late Soyal Highness the Dais of Susses . He did net expect any present answer to his proposition , and none -was given . ajt Bcke then said that he shonld takes division cofiieBeconaieaaiigof the BUI .
A divifflon aocoraiujy look place , -when there appeared For the secoad reading . 141 Againstit ^ .... M .., M ^ 37 " Majority 104
1 XISH AK 3 IS BILL . ! Ehe adjourned debate on the Irish Arms BUI -Baa leromea by j Mt SHitaiS Cra-sffoud , -who traced the discontent of the tenantry to their treatment fey the landlords , and pressed on the Govennent thaimportance cf midfirtainng some remedy for their -wrongs and sufferings . Mr . Lefbot defenaea the Irish landlorda , ana expressed his legret thai , they shonia be made the subject of constant attack . J Jii . BiJOXG Wxll -was satisfied that if the € to-Temment -would annonnce its intention of soven * . icg Ireland on tsoncfliatory instead of coercive measures , it -would do more to repress agitation than anything they conld attempt . He highly disapproved of the present loTJ , -which was inopportune and injndidons .
Mi . Phhjp Ho-w- abd , viewing the bin as imcon-BBintional , eonM not support M . He hoped it "Would be referred to a select commitiee , in order to be rejnodelled . Jlr . T . Stuart remarked upon the fact , that the Catholic majority of Ireland had been long goTemed by the Protestant minority , a -want of confidence -was the naniral result of this state of things . But though he disapproved of any thing -which -would have the tendency of placing Ireland under martial law , he would support the Aims Bill in its present stage , beeanse he fell that it -was required , merely reserving to himself tbs sight of snpporting all amendments in committee -which -would remove or -mitl gata- i £ s objectionable provisions .
Mr . KSDrsGTOs eonmaered the present state of Ireland to be due to the policy or the present Goremjaent If laws -were passed for the benefit of landlords , they should also do something towards f <*™ g the landlords-what -were their duties . The present Bill zenred unconstitutional t ^ i * r ^ 9 vitii . not justified by any of the previoas Bills of more recent date . The Irish members were ungenerously taunted -with having assented to preceding Arms Bills ; but their successful efforts against coercive measures -were forgotten , as - well as the fas * fijat , under the administration of a friendly Executive , they had been compelled , by the opposition of Six Kobert Peel and ha supporters , to adopt measures -which they -would -otherwise ha-re resisted .
ill . : Escott believed that S » red cause . of the present state of Ireland , as wmpswd -with -what it ¦ was under the Whigs , arose from tie fact that the present ( rovernment did cot -chot * e to place the patronage of that coaatry at -Q » disposal of 24 * . OtkomeH . Mr . Sergeant Mtjepht -contended that tbe discontent of the Irish people arose from i-eaavietion pf Teal an * substantial 'wrongs . Goapled -wKh the fact of tbe-dis missal-of Magistrates , in -whom the people had « on £ - -deaos , ihe probability -was , that the present ln& -wcwid teedto arm the Protestants , and % o disarm the Catholics . Be would oppose any Arms-BUI , -whether proposed by * WMg or Tory : and lie conia iu& « ancerve that Ibis-was
a time for such a Beasure , when it had been incoabest-» bfy proved that -crane in ifreland was steadBy de--sreasinx . It gave a powjsr to the llagsrtracy-rtiich could hardly escape abuse- ; in illustration -of-which he told a remarkable instance , in which the anotber of « family , in the absence -of her husband , had been "transported ob the charge-of < M ? nrffil * Tig arms—a fact -which drove -her husband to the *• -wild gostice of -revenge , ** by which his own life and that -of fee com--uniting Magistrate were -sacrificed . The-only mode of abating the -Repeal agitation-was to -wipe eway all Invidious lawrfrom the statute-book , and . plaeeSnglish-3 &en and Irishmen on a footing of perfect equality .
Colonel Gas GU / r looked upon the Repeal agitation as involving a crusade against rproperty . It-seemed to Mm that tbe circumstances of Ireland imperatively < aued for snch a Bill as ^ the present Mr . TrasE conceded the point that an Area BUI was Teonirec Jot Ireland , bat did not * hmt that it should < ontarn so many penal provisions as « the pMstat one . Be deprecated th » cn ^ ser&tad -statemsnta -respecting the numbers attending Repeal meetings ta Irnlapd , * Hdi Trere calcnlated to rrrcnte imneceeaBTy alarm ; item , his ova tnowledge , ie fate * that-the idnUingar -mpeHng , -which was said to have been attended by searly ^ 90 , 000 individuals , could not have comprised more than 12 , 000 . -Penal Bieasozes ought ~ te be preceded by conciliatory oaes ; and these he would support , « ome from what Government they-mi ght . * by
SiriEOBERT Psel adverted to the atoTy ^ old Mr . Sergeant 2 dziTphy , which occurred twentj ~ eight years ago , -when he -was Chief Secretary of Ireland . A magistrate , - who iaa titen an active part in -bringing in--drridnals to Justice In a case of gross outrage ! was murdered by a ^ conspiracy ^ formed against him ; a zevard of five thossand pounds was cSTered for the discovery of the murderers ; the individual who had organised the conspiracy became the informer , and he iSir Robert Peel } bad bimigaf paid two thousand pounds to the betrayer of those whom he-had seduced into the crime , end had been threatened-bF him with an action of damages Sat -not having paid the remainder . Cases lite this rather strengtbeBed tbe arguments in favour of the Bill , -which ^ ras sot intended lor any political dfcjjsct , buV to secure the eight * and safety of the people ,
Hr . SO £ BBCE . overlooked tba fact that ice present biD was a renewal of prevwns enactments . The law was temporary , -sod on-each -re-eaactment it " » as espe--dianttbata ease * lionM be made out for the measure . The-st&te of Ireland did not ai present just ^ any estzaordinxrj meaEnrfr ; . and "the bill was simply pemi-• doua . 37 nder it a man might ^ et his arms branded with fee name of an rnEuspectiog neighbour , £ nd having-committed murder , eontxive ^ that the blame should ¦ fall on the innocent dndividual . The wholexountry was one vast jgarnson ; tbe people felt that they were 'Oppressed , nos only by distraetiozs , but by n : easnres -which were an insult as-well as an injury . TheCburch -was ^ tbe cancerous sore , the ^ reat abomination ,-of Ire * 3 and ; and though , doubSess , lhey < i ? ere excited 4 > yde-^ agoguaB who convened publicgwrong into private ad--vaBtase , &e canses of ftw -diseontEiits w # e rex 2 and
wabBtanti&L Beverse the case ; place the Orangeman finder the £ oxnan Catholic priesthood , and compel him ta Bopport tbe gorgeBus Church of Jtome , from winch he derived no advantage , asd we sboald Epeedily hear an ootcry { ran the Conalljs , . coxxrerisg into O'Gonndla . Sir Bs > bert-P « l tad been drasgbd into a blnndEi , in COmHiBDdnga war with magi ^ ratesforAtteading meetlugB to discuss a sulject-wMckihey badasioueh right to entertain as the House to aigne the question now Iwfore tbem . 2 ere he was , 6 nthe £ oor of the House of Canunona , ^© staring , in language not to be Tn ^ cta ^ pn ^ that he wished tbe downfal t » f tbe Church of Ireland .-was taat a sufficient cause for depriving him of any honour whieh be possessed ^ or to intefere with his lights ? Looking to the rirenmstaoees otibe country , on ate -rergB of a « Gorulsion , ie beUeved that the most susehievons meascre -whidi could fce passed was Uj » Irish Arms BilL
Fh JXME 3 GSLLBjJi conbasted the topics unred "with the motion on which they were advanced . J » ot -only in Ireland , with all the accompaniBSits o ! i ™ " ^ preparafion , bat in the House , the destruction of tte Church of Ireland was insisted on , as a condition of peace ; from whence he drew an argnaieEt as to the opedfency and necessity of the bill , in order to ifce due maiatenanca of law and order . Addreseing iaaisdf to the statistics of 3 * r-Pi £ ot , in his speech of Cie previous evening , he addnced figures to show that ^ ESetiTtJy io the population , crime was much more ibaadsni in Ireland than Is England ; and adverting iotas large measures of concession or conciliation which have fceen passed since the Act of Emancipation ,
declaeed that the ^ reat questions incidentally raised as to the Prj > teBta = t church , fixity -of tenure , and so forth , ^ e re is ? too important to be discussed casnaUj . on a motion like the present . He , and other advocates of < 5 atholie JSJmancipation , had supported it , on the nn-° ** standing that the Established Church was thereby IeaQ * redsuss secure . Yet seethe position at which We had -sow azzivea , when , after conciliation in Ire-« nd had bees , warded to its uhhort extent , it-was said tt&t nothicg . bat the overthrow of the Protestant Church and "fitly of tenure" would aatMy the demands of tbeBoHian Catholic * Confining himaeJf to ttebill before tha House , and looking to the existing * ate of Ireland , ha antuapated that it would be ear-> sed by an overwheladog msjodty .
lord John BvsSBtl- conld not refuse to the present 6 ffEamnent- powers which hehimsslf , a * a member of 2 ie Iste Government , had felt to be necessary . But he saw bo « ason for . giving new and extraordinary Powers , jsnch as were askeu by tbe present Bill . The * P ** ch of Six James Gtiham eonveyed the impression ^ 3 j he cooatdered the Roman Catholics were not soffix 5 ea 8 y gr «»*^ i for the concessions whichhad been made io them . Sneh an opinion , coming from a Cabinet ^ paiater , -would make a deep ^ impresaon . The Whig wvemments of 1805 sad 1835 , in renewing ihe Arms ± * uk , had EcwHBpaEiBd them with propositiuns for the improvement and welfare of Ireland : and the late I Gatfc ^ Jansit had labv / ured to bestow on that cou&try lite i asie n ^ TiEdpal francbise as that cf Englaid , as weil » 22-eii . gj ^ cS ^ dal enatixaen tB ; but they w ere rtsistrf . ¦ ytarafser jv > U > sntiliktjr VSK g » ad to secmt fa rfcfj
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W sb ^ te ^ rhat ft ^ t ^ ^^ TBuo * tf iJn TM » Tery « apar » ting pbjaae , ^ a ca lculated to exiate the l ^ . ' ^ f 131 " ^? « xpectaHons [; still the : snbject wa ««» flt *» tonsiaeaaon . England and Scotland bad , each a ^ Ckmch establlahment for the majority « f thai * * e « peebve- populations ; and if they were to proceed by analogy , the Boman Catholic Church would be « stabliahed in Ireland . Had histappro pnatton mbasure been adopted , he believed it would hava been beneficial ; as it was , their couise was rajcompassed W ! th diffioultSes . He would raise the Roman Catholic Church , not depress the Protestant establishment j butnoboay couia affirm that ihepresent fionditaon of the ecclesiastical establishment of Ireland
rested on a jwrmanent basis , lord Eliot had ssnaed personal compliments , at the expense of the Government with which he waB connected . In that case , he was compelled to Bay , that the Government was wholly unfitted to manage Ireland in the dlfficulfc arenmstancea in which It found itself ; placed . Tbe Government might vaunt that it had a great majority in the House , but in doing so it but imitated the bad example of Mr . O'ConnelL when he turned the people against the " Saxon . " He hoped that the Government instead of imitating the spirit of either the Lord Hi gh Chancellor or the Home Secretary , would think better of their high duties , and preserve to the Crown the affection of the loyal Irish people .
Lord Staxley charged Lord John Russell with the guilt of throwing the great weight of his character into tbe critical circumstances of Ireland , and thereby inflaming an excitable people to madness , for the mere sake of gratifying his spirit of opposition against the Government If the people of Ireland had not hitherto been treated en a footing of equality , Lord John Russell must bear his share of tfce responsibility and the blame , reeing that when the Reform Bill was passing , he had joined in resisting all attempts to extend the franchise . His own celebrated Franchise Bill , which was the stalking horse of the Tory party when in opposition , he protested was not brought forward in a party spirit ; and nothing more surprised him
than to find it converted into an engine of party contention . Lord John Russell found fanlt with the Church in Inland , but was not prepared to bring forward a motion on it , thongh Mr . Ward and Mr . Roebuck avowed that they were ready to do so . He -wished that the motion were made , in order to Bee iow they stood upon that subject The wealth ana the property of the United Kingdom were in favour of the present Government ; and in the midsl of much of invectiva , no accusation had been preferred by Lord John Russell which rested on any very intelligible grounds ; and he trusted that the House would go into eoKHiittce on the Arms Bill , in order to give a due consideration to its provisions .
Mr . More ( VFerball affirmed that the Irish Catholics had acquiesced in the accessi » n of the present Government to power ; if they had not felt it their duty to support it , they at least had not given it any factious opposition . But tbe sentiments of Sir James Graham , in his speech of that evening , were not deserved by the Irish Catholics , and were calculated to create great excitement in Ireland . It was not Catholics who , in the course of the debate , had recommended the abrogation of the Established Church . < Sir Chabxbs NiPrKa moved the adjournmefit of the debate , on which a division was called for ; when there appeared—Tor the adjournment « 7 Against it 235 Majority -. —168 Ga $ Uin Bkkkbut tben explained his reasons foi his T 6 ta . :
Mr . GiSBOBXB next moved the adjoHmment of the debate . Mr . iL J . O'Cosxsll , vfh » had beea alluded to by Jrord Stanley , said it was unfair to place him in tbe position of either ealojirt or apologist of Mr . O'ConneU ; bat whatever might be considered tfca violence of hia ¦ distinguished relative ' s expressioes , they conld not-do more mischief than the exprewkras which [ had bean used by Sir JaIces G&aham that-evening . Mr . Phils > Howud also repeated the insinratkaa conveyed in Sir J . Graham ' s speech . : Sir H . W . £ * 3 . R 0 N also termed Sir James GrsfciEn ' s language " insulting" to his cousttry and his Cd&olie fellow-countrymen . Sir Ja £ ss Guabam asked 'for a spec&ogticn of the expressions which were aBeged against Mm as insulting , i
"Mr . F . « OffiKD said thai Sir James € teJbtm had insinuated "that the Catholic -nobility and -gentry had violated'tfeeir oaths . Sir H . ^ W . BaB-ROK , Mt . TfTTSB . and LowtGesmekts confirmed this as their impression of the 'meaning of the language employed . Sir-C £ » ES Grabxh -disclaimed all intention of con * veying any such impression . Mz . ' "RZBLSGTON said "that tbe calm tvsa and quiet manner of Sir James ^ rrehaoi had in some-measure removed the indignant feeling which he 'had originally felt . ; Tha OCoaor 3 X ) K alee accepted thc-sxplanaticn . Tfea debate was then adjourned . Mo * jdjCT , June 19 .
fir Robert ? &bl in reply to Mr . Hbidley , expressed 'hia strong sympathy with the Bsgent of Spain , whfc , in the midst of xoasy difiiculties , "had acted up to the responsibilities of las high statioa ; and ahacld he : be dirvenfrom -yuaei , Tie -wonld still bm ltn ^ nn-» otetion of knowing that lie had mainly con mboted to'lay tbe foundation * of constitutional 'Govern meat in Spain . i Ui . FEERA 33 ) moved for returns -of the d ames of persons who have been appointed ^ governoi s of the Bkipton Union "Woikhonfle during tbe last t woyesrs , with the reasons why they resigned , or were ilismiaeed bom the offiee ; also a copy of all -eommi uiiertioBs addressed to , -or received from the P » or Law Co * Kais -afoners by the Board -ef Guardians , -reJatiD j Unsny < cbarges brought against Mr . a MottraG , mas »» r -of the -eaid Union 'W-orkhouBe , with the proceedirgs & the of and all
-board thtreon ^ the-names agesof inmates of -tbe said Union Workhouse ( as well as of thfe nases of -their parents ) who are now , or whe have been-employed in any -factory since the 1 st day of Januatyiast , with the number of hours per day thej have beencompelled to woik , as well as of the ameoct of their-wages , and of the natass of the persons to whom the same tave i » en paid ; and stating whether the owner of the-factory is a member ofthe-aaid Board- « J GuaTdiaBs ,. £ nd whether the employment of tbe raid inmates was sanctioned by tbe vSoaxd of Guardians , -by the PoocLaw Commissioners , -or by any Assistant sJPoor Law CKn-» MEioner . Also , a copy ef all contracts for 'feed , clothing , coals - * ad timber , which have been eatered into by the said Board of-C-naidiaBS , since tbe-fenBa--txon of the Union , with any member ,-or with aay . « £ 8 -la partnership with any number of tbe-fiaid board .
Ordered . HOW T © " MANAGE" -P-BSIOONS . In reply to Mr Hindley , Sir Ja 3 IES « &e = » eam Baid that the € overnmenl ia-• iended to proceed with the Factories * Bill ,: though tbe omission of tbe edncational clauses would render some alteration of the dettils necessary . Accordingly , a motion was made by -Sir James Gra-¦ hBca , thatifee Hou » a « bould go into comndttee , in order -to introduce tbe nececsary details- ^ bat : Mr CHBJSiOPBBE . sald he had toeall the attention of 4 fee House to a subject involvings gross breach of the privileges of the Honss , and agrex . % abnseof the right of . petitionine , which w » nld , he thoagbt , -be deemed suf-Asieot to justify theaaotion with which ie meant to be the 9 tb
^ ondnde . It woald - recollected toat-oa or May last lbs Hon . Member for Preston bad presented what purported to be » petition from tbe iBhafcltants of Hepworth , a purely agrwaltaral pariih in Liscolnfibire , containing a prayer to tbe effect , that " aHbongh the petitioners were inhabitants of an agricultiwal district , they felt the com and provision laws to be greatly injurious - and , believing ibem to be the cause of the existing distress , they prayed that they might be sapealed , as arbitrarily and oppressively interfering withtte wise and beoeficient designs « f Pwvidence , and tending to deprive the people of their da 3 y bread . " Now . whether from peitlicaiion in the papers , or from fsome -other notiee , the inhabitants of Hepwath became acquainted with the fact of such a pretended petition
having been presented , and a { mblic meeting was held , at which a counter petition was prepared , to the effect that the forme * one "had beena forgery , and that the owners and ooespiera of the pariah wished for an inquiry into the circnsistancea attending the perpetration of the fraud , which had now become too common , and by which the opinion * of constituencies -were too often thus misrepresented . " At first he declined to present such petition , and . reqnesting further evidence , the Testry-derk of the parish ( with which he had been in connexion for npwaras or thirty jrai *) had seat up a " declaration " - ^ place of an affi ' davit ) made before a magistrate , upon examination of an authenticated copy of the , signatures to the
petition ; of which declaration the following was the substance-.- " That out of all the 213 names attached to tfce petition , it had been found that ; only three person * had signed knowing its ; prayer ; and ten more had signed because they were informed it j prayed for cheap tea and sugar ; one of the three alsojwas now a prisoner in the House of Correction—| hear ;—and seventy or eighty were the names of partiesnot known in tbe parish at all ; while the xesidne of the names were positiVBly forged . " Under such circumstances , nothing remained to be said ; and as he found that in 1827 , on a similar event occurring , with respect to an Atblone election petition , the snbject was-itferred to a select committee , on the report of which subsequently the partiti to tbe fraud had been apprehended and
imprisoned by order of the house , he should no * propose that the same course be adopted , and moved taat the petitions be accordingly ref erred—ibear ) . j Sir G . Strickland said , on receiving notice of the cirenmsta ces he had of course made inquiries , and had found lhat he had net received the petition from the London Anti-Corn Law Association , but from a similar association at Doneaster—i Ironical « ries bf " Hear , bear . " ! He had written to some of the parties whose names were to the petition , and their replies confirmed the statements of tLe Hon . Gentleman—( hear , hear ) . He had also received a tetter from the secretary to . the Anu-Corn Lsw ^ association at Doncaster , which Btated in £ nhi » iaRce -that the person -who had taken the petition to Bepworih tad been reconuueaded to item as a respt-ctabis party—tiromcal cries of hear ¦ . )—and thathe EUmil-v cenied the fraud- ( hrar )—adding , that most of jhe namt * £ e m OPfeifit ^ were given wrier » pros ^ e
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tbat he would not disclose them for that tliey were fearful of the fact being discovered —( hear ) . Nor was this confined to Hepworth ; for it had been found that agri culturists generally had been afraid to sign such petitions—( hear )—so abject was the bondage in which they were held—( ironical cries of hear , hear , and oh , oh !} The secretary said , ' farther , that he did not know what motives could have induced the person they employed to commit such a fraud—( ironical cheers )—and that they had carefully cautioned him against obtaining other than bonafide signatures —( continued ironical cheers )—nor could they imagine how he could have found time in one day toforge 119 signatures—( a laugh , and hear , The anti Corn Law League could have no wish to screen such persons—( hear , i hear;)—but it was proper to put the saddle on the right horse —( lond cries of hear , hear ) —and thinking that -a . xommiltee might have the effect of discovering some / facts important in the case , he should support the motion —( hear , hear ) . The motion was accordingly carried .
THE KING OF HANOVER . Mr . Blewitt rose , according to notice , to pnt a question of the deepest importance to her Majesty ' s Attorney-General . It respected the extraordinary position occupied by thd King of Hanover , who , while by birth owing allegiance to the British Crown , and moreover a peer of Parliament and a Field-Marshal , also exercised the rights of as independent , if not arbitrary , monarch abroad . It did not appear possible how his Majesty could exercise properly rights so utterly at variance . As a peer of the British Parliament he claimed the right of sitting in the House of Lords , and of intruding on the councils of the Executive , — ( laughter , ) while , aB a Marshal in the British army , he might claim the privilege of leading the troops of this
country—| langhter ) -i-even when at war with it ( Loud laughter . ) Hon . Gantlemen might laugh—( hear)—but the very absurdity of the thing was hie chief coin , plaint . That admirable constitutional lawyer , Blackatone , in his Comimntaries , laid it d » wn that by changing his country a British subject would not change hiB allegiance ; and again , that the peers of Parliament were the hereditary councillors of the Crown , and as such had a right to advise it on all matters important to the public welfare . So anomalous was the King ' s peaition , that it had been said that tile Duke of Wellington had declined hia Majesty ' s proxy -when , offered . In conclusion , the Hon . Gentleman said he hoped the Learned Gentleman would not forget ; his oath of office , —( laughter , )—and not anB-wer , or decline to answer , from " fear , favour , or affection" —( Laughter ) . The Hon . Member then referred to hisLqnestion , which * tood thus upon the
votes : — " On the motion for reading the ordar of the day * to ask a question of Her Majesty ' s Attorney-General whether in his opinion , it is consistent with the constitution and the conflicting duties of Hi 8 Hanoverian Majesty , as King of Hanover and Doke of Cumberland , that his said Majesty should take his seat in the Hoase of Lords and exercise his right as a peer of the realm and councillor of the Queen . In case the Attorney-General should decline to answer that question , to move aa an amendment to the motion for reading the order of the day , that an humble address be presented to Her Majesty , praying that Her Majesty will be graoiouBly pleased to revoke any license which Her Majesty may [ have granted to enable His Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland to vote by proxy in theHoun of Lord ?; and that Her Majesty will further be graciously pleased not to renew such license while his Royal Highness shall remain King of Hanover . "
The Attorney-Genebax said , he had every desire to -discharge the duties of his office properly ; but he thought , sincerely , that on the present occasion he sb *» ld best discharge tas duty by declining to answer tbe question—( cries x # f " Hear , hear" ) . Mr . Bietvitt Mthnated , that owing to a private -saggestion from tite Speaker ( on a point •«* order ) , he bad been led to believe that he could not proceed with the remaining part of his notice .
STHE FACTORY BH& . Sir J . Graba * , in answer to Mr . T . iDuncombe , stated that it was not the intention -of the Governmeet to abandon any portion of the Factory IBR 1 except the "educational -clauses—( hear , bear . ) Those clauses Saving been abandoood , various toleration * in detail became necessary . Se . should propose , that the bill be recommitted pro forms to enable him to make then 5 when the bill would be -published precisely in the form in-which he should 'propose it agato —( hear , hen . ) If ft were the pleasure of the House , "he should wish to take the ; conuElttal as scon as possible— - ( hear , bear)—* n £ as it stood -on the orders for to-night , p « s bspa it-ctrald be-taken-now . " 'O . < tbe order for tfas committtl of thebiR'beiDg read ,
• Lord AsnLET said , although he deeply-regretted the loss of 'fee educational clauses , he , for the sake of the test of-fee bill approved of the resolution the'Government thad come : to . Even had it been possible for the Government to have carried the measure in that House , he did not think tt would h « ve met wftb that cordial sympathy , and -co-operation from the different classes afietted by it , without which it could not have been « ffectcally carried out . It should be borne in mind , that the Church , with a view to conciliation , were-re&dy to make the very togeBt concessions , larger certainly than they had over dene before , ; but concessions made in the hope of conciliation and peace . But when they found that the tems-which they proposed , so far from leading to 'conciliation and -pease , only led to . neater
dlsnus ana almost to effoctual warjrttwy-BaOnro » ltw nstive but to-Blop , at all erents-flt-the point to which they had already advanced . -Somewhere > or other , however , a-very great -and deep responaibiKty did lie—{ hear , beer ;) It was not -for him to . point out who were the parties really responsible for < the position at which they had now Arrive J . He certainly'must say that the Government bad shown their readiness to act He saw the cborch prepared to maike concessions for the sake of conciliation and peace , and on the other hand he saw the greaJ-bcxiyofXDissentera rejoicing that they had been successful in their-efforts to defeat the measure . Wfesrever thelauit lay , one thing -was quite clear—that tbe really suffering . parties wercthtt vast body of neglected children , who , asftr as present appearances went ,
were new consigned to &n eternity of ignorance . ( Hear ) . At &e same tiaie , however , that he deplored-the result to which the-measure had come , he must be allowed to express his satisfaction at the manner in which it had beoo . received and entertained in the first instance ; and iOX the -absence of ell violence with which it had been received by the Dissenters in that Honse . That reception diiaertainly afford some . ground for doping that .-bereafter- * omething < might effectually be-dvne to arrest the furlber progress of vice , 'ignorance , and immorality in the conntry by . means of some system of education . At present , ihewever , rt appeared -that if united education were to become 'hereafter possible , tbe question was at present involved in the greatest difficulty , and it was one'that had already produced tbe greatest agitation in tbe country . He , for one ,
therefore , was . prepared to -say * that unless a -vary mighty cbau « e shotld take p ! 3 oe in the mutual temper ef both parties ; he would Diverge a party to any system , tie object cf which was ^' -hy mutual concosjion , to being antagonist parties to act together in Che same general pltD . Once more , he desired > to ^ express hia gratitude for the aianner in which the . proposition had -been first received , and since entertained , acd tlso to stcte his coedial bo ^ e and prayer that the time was not ifar distant when some means -might be discovered whereby the men aad women of thic country ie -future gonerations might be put into that state which would < £ t them to be good subjects , and above all , IGhristiaiu , and extend to them the fmitt of a religions education , by preparing tiiem to share in a blessed immortality . ( Hear , hear . )
24 b . Jil . Gibsos conld not understand how it was that-the . Noble Lord nsed the word " eoncearion , " as regarded the conduct of the church with respect to tba education clauses oi the Factory Bill—( hear , hear . ) He protected against the use of that word , "« onces" sion . "—v ( hear , hear ) . On the contrary , be could tell the Noble Lord that it was because the f ram era of that measnre had proceeded on the doctrine that there was some reoogKised superiority in Churchmen—(" hear , hear , * ' frosi the Ministerial benches )—some sort of divine right inihem—( hear , bear )—to trample on the religious liberty ; of the Dissenters—( "No , no "); and to take the Money of the Dissenters to teach tbe tenets of the Church of England—( bear , bear ; j—it was because you perwstied in recognising this sort of superiority
that you have failed in accompliahiBg the object of a general system of education . Proceed on the real principle of religiouB- ] freedom ; let men not be treated with reference to their theological opinions , but simply as citizens of a free ' eountry , having the right to worship their God in their own way , freely aecording to their own conscience ; adopt this as the principle of legislation , and it -would not fail . ( Hear , heat , from the Opposition benches . ) Eut , in fact , the N « ble Lord ' s remark about the concessions , as he called them , of the church having failed , only amounted to an admission that the ehorch had not conceded enough . Treat all sects in the spirit of justice , and never fear for the accomplishment ef the benevolent object they had in ¦ new—( hear . ) Even , however , if tbe Ministerial plan had been carried , i % must be admitted that it was a
very partial and pitiful proposal , considering the great amount of destitution with regard to religious education that prevailed in the manufacturing districts . It was admitted by all parties that the measure now abandoned would not have caused the education of a single ch Jd in the large city of Glasgow , and of not many more in the manufacturing districts in England , than were educated now ; for it was only intended to apply to cotton , flax , silk , and woollen factories ; and it left the children in mines and collieries , and in many other employments , wholly unprovided with education . The small amount of education that would have been afforded by tbe measure was one reason for not so much regretting Us rejection . It w&a a plan that could not have effected much good , but which was certain , on the other hand , to have done much harm—( hear ,
Bear ) . Sir R . ISGLIS hoped that Ministers would not abandon their principle . If they had taken a more uncompromising course , they would have had a stronger support from a large body of the well-wishers of their
measure . Mr . HiSDLETthanked the Government for bavins abstained from pressing this measure , as their strength might have enabled them to do . He denied that the Church had given up anything , and hoped that in another session the Ctorchmen would Bee the fitness of actin ? very < fifferently . Sir G . Qatt considered thia failure ais by no
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means absolving the Ministers from the obligation of looking to the education of the people . He would advise them to increase the annual Parliamentary grants . > I \ . { - Some further conversation followed , in the course of which Sir J . j Graham intimated that tha Government would gladly recommend an increase of the Parliamentary grant , ifj voluntary contributions ehould be raised in due proportion to it . An attempt was made by Sir V . Blake to introduce a discussion respecting the precautionary measures lately i applied in Ireland , upon the plea of their Involving a breach of privilege ; but the Speaker decided that tbe topic was not of such a class as to be entitled to precedence of the orders oi the day . j ' ; The adjourned debate on the Irish Arms Bill was then resumed , ;
Mr . Gisborne was the first who addressed himself to this exhausted subject . He criticised the tone of the speech delivered by Sir J . Graham Jon Friday , and contended that ( Ihe question of the Irish Church was a topic not improperly introduced into the discussions of the preceding nights . He disapproved the conduct of the Governmentj in dismissing the magistrates who bad attended Repeal meetings , and in appointing Judges who , though men of high honour and character , bad evinced in the House of Commons } what , for want of a better word , ! he must designate as Wgotty . A person of the antt-ProtcBtant party whs should be tried before them would ! reasonably feel misgivings like those of the poacher , ! who , being summoned before a couple of Norfolk justices for killings cock pheasant , told them they might just as well try him before a jury of cock pheasants . ' Mr . COLQ . imoCN maintained that the state of Ireland
required an Arms Bill . Witnesses and Jurors in that conntry were in danger of their lives for the evidence and the verdicts conscientiously given by them . Individuals were j denounced by the priests from the very altars , and thus placed in a state of frightful insecurity , I for no crime | but that of voting for Protestant candidates He cited examples of these things from the evidenr A given before the Lords' Committee on Ireland , o at j argued that j Ireland thus differed so widely from T j ng , land as reasonably to require laws which in En , | an < j would be inapplicable . He enlarged upon the L-. TV VHIU IW AUlSJ ^^/ AAVlbUtVa A-A W VUIIUKUU ^ & £#%# »« ¦*»*« - V | A |* Bk
Harities of the Repeal agitation , as furnishing art jitional reasons for this legislative precaution . I j e ^( j extracts from speeches and songs of the I lapeaiers , breathing aa fierce a hatred against the Whigr > as against the Tories , and thence rebutted the asserti on that all which was wanting for the tranquilizatio' s of ire ] and was to restore the Whig Ministry . It yjas not teue that the whole body of the Irish R man Catholics adhered to the present movement party ¦ jf Ireland ; and U was the ; duty of the Govemnien * , to protect those peaceable subjects of her Majesty froi n the terrors of an unconstitutional agitation .
Mr . Williams said , that Ire 1 ' ind would be quiet enough if the Government and P arliatnent of England showed a disposition to do her justice . Lord J . Manners referred t o Mr . Roebuck's repetition of the ; proposal for payir iR the Irish priesthood— i proposal based upon a most undue belief in tbe powe of Mammon . That priesthood was not to be silenc ^ j . Indeed , it had been well said of : that plan , that f ^ e ^ g are two objections to it- -first , that the priests wer a * ot willing to j be boKght ; and , secondly , that we were not willing to boy them . It was not historical ' iy true , that the religion of Rome was the ancient ref Jgion Of Ireland ; it bad ber ^ n first introduced by Hanry ; {{ ., an 4 formed part of the very system of English conquett agaiast which tha agitators were so loudly protesting . He fearedjtSiat no material be « eut wta to be seevned for Ireland , unites some innprovemetft co > ild be mede ia the physical condition of heir people .
Sir H . j W . Barkon , aKudfog to Sir J . Qiuham ' s foumeration t > f tbe concetsions made f , o Ireland , contended that they were eoucefisiens i node only 'from fear , and ) id the most ungraeio ' ae mar m « v . S-tamsacipation'bad txienftweed , iRoform bad be an Crated . Then as to the Chwdh property j it was proved by history and by the etatntes to have been destined "lor three < purposes-r-reKgion , educaticm , m & the TelieT of the p « or ; bat it was not now so applied—a great portion of it w as * spent in koepiug vp Pn tteBtatit-Uninga vhen tbere were < no Pwrtestant oohgr ega * iono . ffhere was co su ch pveponderance in theaDiouct of-eritaein Ireland ovecthe amoant of crime i q Eogland . oa to justify the enactment of this special law against the Irish people— -nay , 'the proportion of crime was greater iu
England : ; and though « r J . Cfraham bad presented « co ) itraty ^ view , f et when certs in returns should be > prodnced which would be mov « d for , Sir -IT . Graham ' s view frpuld'be dhprored . Sir H . Barron then attacked the bin in deUiL 1 "he-set r -as-renewed by tho Whigs , j was free from the .-: objectionable clauses of thiatiill . He * did not ; moan to epe&k disrespectfully of tbe pressot ^ ministers : ; bat he w « c { d > say tha t the whol e Irish-people was against them , by reason of the 1 judges whom 'they had appoint * jd , and of the stipendiary magistrates whom they had-dismissed . The Bishops too'bad been selected from : the enemies of National Education . Tne'Cabinet itself was wholly disconnected from 'Ireland ; not -a single member of it was Irish rand
accordingly no measure bad been introduced by it for the redress of say Irish grievance . The Church was -not the-only grievaece of Ireland : she bad many others which -required the attention of < Government It 'had been-said , thi it the wealth and intelligence of the country j were -with Ministers ; but : ¦ Lend on and tbe ¦ ether great ci ties werea gocdcriterion ef theae . and the majority ¦ ofi their representatives met * adverse to the Governme nt Nay , even the counties , -which / had at first > l » een » tithvihe ministers , would be found against them if they ventured on a-dissolution now . He admonished tin tin-that the < Catholics were no longer a powerless r vce ^ but equal te the-Protestan ts in every « ivilri (* t .
Mr . Hardy" took the reakgnestion-to be , whether there were ni > t in Ireland extraordinary-circumstaBces , requiting this- extraordinary remedy , U there -were , then that man wa&an unreaao&able man who would not submit-to all rtla particular inconvenience for the sake of general seourity . He referred to tbe analogy cf the law under * which tha bouses of people employed in the woellen n ian «{ actures of iYorhahire and Lancashire may be-enterei l / fortthe purpose of puttiog > them to tbe pro « f that any' woollen goodsrfound the *« have been hooestly come by ; ithat was a law reversing the general rule of ^ roof , i ta < l , a law not extending to tbe kingdom at large , Mr . Hardy proceeded , at some length , to deal with sever , il of the generalrtcpics of . Irish politics . ; but theiimpatience . cf the House made it dimcult , to apprehend bis arguments .
Mr . flE . £ llicE , though he hadjwpported the former bills on [ thk subject , felt himself obliged to oppose this , as a part of a system of coercion , < for the Government had now declared that conciliation-had reached its limit . The Cbarch-aod the tenure of land-were , be knew , very SifficuVt wi ^ ects ; but was Gov ernmen t , therefcre , to shrink from tcoping with them f &i all events there should have 'been some inquiry on the subject of the tenures . . And aa to the Church , it waB-so monstross an evil , thatberegarded Slabomefcas a mercifulconquaror in compa « isontof those who bad founded its establishment in Ireland . He would apply its whole revenue to purposes of real utility fcr the Irish . people . The Government of ( Lord Grey had the will and th ^ power to deal beneficially with Ireland , and was in a course « £ sach dealing—and who had interrupted it ? Those who seceded irrom that -Go 7 ernn ) 6 ct—Lord Stanley and Sir i . -Graham . They svho told us there was t « fet > no more conciliation were the real causesvof the esoitement in
which Mr . O Conneil was sp active . He would not conclude without expressing bis convicios that the dcmstalot this empire wuu \ A data from the d&f which stiootd sever the kingdetns of GreatiBritain and Iceland ; bat tie cpuld not , therefore , consaEfi to concur in . a system of cOMcion . Mr Wilnes said that the great eavt of this snd of all former Governments htd been that they had neglected the feelings of tbe Irish Catholics , w . ho were a people essentially religions . He must own , indeed , that he ' covld not see what real grievance that people now sustained ; certainly they would gain aofchin , % from tithe abolitioa , which , since tithe had bees comuiut « d into rent-charge , would be a mere transfer from the clergyman to tbe landlord ; but history showed tA't even imaginary grievances had Important consequence % aad ought not to be disregarded . He thought tbu measure ! necessary ; and trusted that Ministers would ' ¦ ! continue to fulfil thtir pledge of impartial government . :
Sir C ., ivafter made a somewhat angry attack on Lord Stanley , infisting particularly , and amid much laughter , upon the necessity of good temper in debate . He censured tbe conduct of Government with respect to Ireland , and bestowed an equal reprobation upon Mr . O'Connell . For his own part , he did not wish to see the Irish Cturch destroyed ; bat ha wished to see it reduced to the real wants of the country ; not , however , with any view of suffering the rent charge to eiuk into the income of the landlords . < Mr . Sackville Lane Fox entered into the question of the Irish Church in reference to the Roman Catholic Relief Bill , which he regarded as a very injurious measure ; and he quoted many texts of Scripture as authorities for his opinions .
Mr . M . J . O Conn ell commented on Sir J . Graham ' s speech ; which , however , as well as the other speeches ; on the subject of agitation in general , appeared to him irrelevant in a debate upon an Arms BilL He then examined , and found fault with , some of the details of the bill . Mr . Muntz justified agitation in general , having himself , at the time of the Reform : Bill , been an extensive Agitator . I He and his coadjutors bad then been encouraged ] by Sir J . Graham , and no harm had come of it , and no harm had beea meant by it Why then it was fit to leave the same latitude to the Irish . Still , however , if the great question nf ihe stomach were right , he believed Air . O'Coimell's agitation would be all in vain . He wished the Governnient would resort to conciliation instead of coercion . The House then divided on the motion that the bill should be referred to a select committee . For the motion 122 . AgainBtit 276 Majority for tbe bill ... 145
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9 THE NATIONAL BENEFIT SOCIETY . ITS FOUNDATION , PRINCIPLE . TO THE ' CHARTIST PUBLIC . BBOTHEBS , — Mr . Galpin hath readily , and I may « dd , generously , ( seeing lhat it is not usual with disputants te make admissions in favour of their opponents , ) admitted , that under exciting circomstancefl bis proposition will be open to all the objections which I make in the election of the central or local presidents ; ana relies upon the impression that bis three fundamental truths are capable of making upon every individual wind for speedy success . iSee letter thirteen , paragraph nine . ) In the latter part of the fourth paragraph he says " My dependence is not upon any person who may be selected to preside over the society , but on the truth of the principles on which it is to be based , and on the daily increasing knowledge that will be gained of the science of human nature snd of society .
" 1 mZtTm . remind you , Brothers , that the objection referred to above , whereunto the foregoing » set off amounted to Ibis ; that if , as Mr . G set forth , the people were incapable of electing a council for the society , they were equally incapable of electing a president for the society . This position I conceive to be unalterable by any circumstances It is seir-evid , mt that , if the first objection is valid , the second , of necessity , must be equally valid ; and , following the same comprehensive and easy mode of reasoning , u tbe impression of the truths whereof he writes , ana the increasing knowledge of the sciences of human nature and society , are capable of rendering the people
fit to elect the first presidents and all tbe local presidents , they win surely make them fit to elect the central council , and the local councils to act with , ana counsel , the said presidents . For what do we need a council ? Is it to serve us or the president ? If it is to serve the body , how absurd to give the president power to choose them , and dismiss them at his pleagurc . ' When we appoint a council , is it not under the impression that their collective wisdom will be better than the wisdom of one man « Are they not appointed to take counsel together and decide on that course they deem best to perform the work we require to De done ? If there was any one member of a council that had all the knowledge and ab : ity that
ia requisite to do the work himself , even then the propriety of your giving him the power to < lo as he liked would be questionable ; and if a president ia allowed to appoint bis councillors and dismiss themaB will , it is virtually giving him the power to act as he pleases , without having any guarantee that he posaeesea sufficient ability and integrity , Again , if the Preslsident is to be thought so superior to the council as . onjy to listen to their opinions and act with or without them , what need of going to the expense of supporting a council for him ? because he could collect together any or the members that lived nenr him and have their advice , and afterwards if he felt inclined , tell them their advice was nob good . He need not approve of it ,, ana might not act itand thus dismiss them , without
upon ; insulting them with the empty name of a council . Indeed , this council without the power to act , being without a veto , reminds me of that act of the National Assembly of France which divided the people by a sort of negative affirmative , into citizans active and inactive ; thereby disfranchising the great majority © f tbe Frenca nation , after they had declared all the male adults free and equally citizens of France , But are tbere not duties for a council to perform other than merely giving ; their opinions , or deliberating ? Should they . not take cognizance of the acts of the secretary , treasurer , ^ ana president ; and see that each of them do their duty te the society ? Should they not be watchers . of the inclination ot
honesty of each ? checks against any either to defraud tbe body or act in any way dishonourable ? Should not they have the power to see Jne book , bonds , checks , and papers of every description pertaining to the association , that defalcations may be cheeked ere they become ruinous ? In the societies , whether political or trade , to which I have belonged , sach have been the duties and powers of the committees or councils , where there was money to any considerable amount There were stewards on the committee ; and the cash was placed in a box -with three , four or five locks , one for each officer , so that the . money should not be taken eut without the whole were
present But if the council hold their office at the wtii oi the president , how can they perform these important duties ? I maintain that to discharge these duties fully , they must hold their office at the will of the members , and be responsible to them for the strict fulfillment thereof . It is a question how-fa a good system of education and good circumstances from yoath up would remove the liabilities of mankind , to errors and injustice . But , be that as it may , whflafc we live in old society , and are open to the tainU of h « faulty institutions , we must be governed by our experiences and therefore guardagainst all those faults of om
race tibat have oocurred , and are continually occurring , and In all probability Vill continue to occur- Wherej fore , however honest virtuous and wise we may thin * our tellow men , in placing them in offices of trust we must plaee sufficient guards about them to prevent , if we can , the possibility of their doing oup . ht dishonourable and thereby preserve their characters unsullied , anc , our persons and properties unharmed . In support . oi the necessity of such mutual cheeks , I could «« wmerouB Instances ; some where they have saved socle ties from ruin , and others ^ here the lack of . it has pro dooed rain ; bat for the present shall jertron tlxe argit
meats I have adduced . In reply to the third paragraph , I Would e&f , that I Council without a vote cannot be democratic ; and ia acknowledging the compliment to myself ii the second paragraph , I must say I am happj to think that the spirit of my letter bath eiTOS f'ienc galpin such pleasure , as I would ever wish tocariy 9 * any discussion , in which I should eng 3 ge , to afriendl # i yet firm spirit ; and having found a siniilar spirit per . vading my-brother disputant ' s letters , I have felt Ilka pleasure in the perusal thereof .
With these remarks , I move en to letter 14 . In « eply to the second paragraph , if this appKes to who should fill the chief offices , I must assure Mr . G . he ! mistakes me . I do not care who the persons are thafr ' lead such a movement for the benefit of the people . It -matters not to me whether they are sprigs of the court or the cabin ; peers , priests , patricians , or peasants- nor of what sect . If they will siucerely and zsafously , and ¦ indu 8 t « onsly assist in such a work , they are of the , people . I depend on the influence of the principles oF truth and justice on tbe minds of men to effest that ' unity of purpose and unity of action , thatf frian ' d J « alpin seek * to produce by vested power in the presj . i dents of the association : and I hope yet to convert my 1 honourable diapuiant to that faith in his own doctrine of circumstances and education , that be shall place bis whole reliance on their irfluences on our fellow men to " ' produce that desired unity , and abandon his love of ^ despotic authority . j
Third With regard to Mr . O'Connell , oranyothe * leader giving explanatien of his conduct , I think it la pretty evident , that it should be done whenever re-? , " 2 ? ? J * . ^ wh hav e a ri « fct to know , and not be led blindfolded . Indeed , OGonDeU hath recently glren a strong proof of the necessity of leadera , explainiu * the motives of their actions . ( See hia calumnious insul ting refusal of Chartist aid . ) 1 fifr ^ ~ \ respeCt t 0 tha Ckartist agitation of ; 1839 , I join my hope with his . But a people goaded with wrongs , with increasing oppressions and starva- tion and death staring them in the face , will , faoweve * - ' tame their disposition , sometimes become exeited I thick that we did ail that laid within onr power bv ^ our speecbeP , &c , to show that the change w « sooaat'l « as for the benefit of all . But influence , patronage we ! * judice , and ignorance made the middle and b ^ -I classes deaf to our appeals for political rights and com- i Dion jusUce . Poverty , however , with its fearful strides , 4 s breaking down those barriers to their feelings-and J there appears some hope for their conversion I
Fifth—To stick a thorn in the sides of any Govern- I ment , or of any individual of our fellowmen / iH'l no wwh or purpose of Mr . Galpin- . There is-I a principle m that ; but it ia different to the law of the 1 woods , a * Hawkeye said to David Gammut . No it is ^ notthe law of the Wilderness ; and we live in amenfaj 1 Wilderness , and shall find ourselves obliged t « ac 6 1 accord , n sly Neither is it the law of the Socialists ' I for are not they a thorn in the sides of the priesthood ? 3 Aye , as surely a 8 the Christians were a thorn in the I ¦ sides of the Pagan priesthood ; as surely ag the I Protest . nts were a thorn in the Panal I priesthood the
; as sure as Disinters were and -4 n ' - 8 fh T ' 1 a K hB SidbS Of the Church of England - priesthood : and the priesthood deal with them as aa irri- * . tating th ^ rn in their aides ; au . i if theSociai ^ s succeed ( j m . . wm 3 the P ^ P 18 from ^ e sail priesthood , they 1 ThlX ™ H- K d them M We did the WhiK 8 , -Lbrfaithem their b ^ h places to the earth . But th « y will not I find this task so easy as was ours with tbat ruiintf 1 f ^ fou . They will timl th « ir work i 8 CTen n 2 Sfn ' i / T t Say th 6 y Wi " everd ° to »> : butof ^ ne I thing I feel confident , truth wil ! ultimatvly nrBVatL 1 Se of ^ utT iCheVe * 8 id 8 " ! ^ « 8 ' « *» 1 . , I remain , S Yourain hope , | Qr a cchvm . I
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A few weeks since , in an anoiant chest bonght ^ at an auction m Ipawich , was found , in a hiSl pamtion . adeedof thenge of Elmbeth , oonSedl with , apparentl y a large estate in K « nt , aadsomal old coins . The chest had been in possessioa of thai family from whom it had been purchased at the sale I as far as memory teaches , witSont knowledge of fltfl hidden contents . 8 ? H i On Toesdat a desperate case of suicide occurred 1 m the iDt * ntry b » rra « k 3 . A private soldier named * Marshall , who was acting as servant to one of the I officers
, put a period to his existence in a very coolM and extraordinary manner . He had taken off ifoW shoes and stookipgs and laid himself down on hisM back ; he theH pat the mnzzVe of his mu-ket into ti&m month , and palled the tri (? er with bis toe . It wffl supposed the gun wa ? charged with more than one ® ball cartridge , as a window in the room was shat-Jli tered by the oo-ncu « ioa . It is needk-s to say thatSl ' the poor man died in ~ tainly . No caiue can be ag ^ M si gned fur thia dr-aditi ! act . A very short' titimm previous to its commission be seemed in hia i ^ iiftpgj good Bpirits . —Glasgow Chronicle . dill W
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The Empire and the South America steamers , says » H < wf York paper , in thoir ascending trip on the 23 rd ^ ran one hundred miles in four hours and abalf . The question is yet uudtcided which boat has the greatest speed . ;
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HARMONY HALL . LETTER XV . TO THE EDITOR OF THB NOETHKRN STAR . In my last letter I stated ] my intention of reverting at Ibngth to some points of Mr . Owen ' s preliminary Charter , and showing their relative importance when compared with other objects of agitation , which now engage the public mind ; but previous to doing this , I think it desirable to inquire what are really the chief wants of man . j That question , calmly and seriously put by any reflecting mind , may be jeasily answered , and will Bhow what are , in reality . ltbe most valuable kinds of wealth . ' .
We shall find the chief requisites are air , water , food , clothes , shelter , instruction ,, amusement , the affections of those with whom v / e associate , and good society ; and if these could ] at ; all times be procured in abundance , then would men have all the materials that could be desired to ' insure their health and happiness . J If we proceed to inf ^ tfj ^ in the next place , whether the means exist , to I supply man with all the kinds of wealth thr , g shown to be requisite for his health and happi ^^ t we shall find that they do esisfc most abundantly , % uh On 4 single exceptton .
The means re quired besides air ( which all can obtain of some des . a-jption or | other , without purchase , ) are land , w ^^ labour , skill , and capital . Thsse exi ^ grea t superfluity , not only for the supply of the present population of the world , but also for its u- . rtwstrained increase for many ages . All that is requ' < rw ! fa tij 8 knowledge how to apply the materials { q procure these results , and maintain them tnro- Jgh sweceeding ages . ] df we further ask the questior t—jjew j s it ttjat these results have not been at Airrsd , and tbe well- ^ eing und happiness of the * " Amas race have not hitherto been secured ? there
can be but one reply , namely , that we have hitherto been too Ignorant to understand our own interests , and to be so united aa t » apply the abundant means around us in a manner ! that shall secure our happiness . To produce at all times the greatest amount of the most valuable -wealth in ; the shortest time , and with the greatest pleasure and benefit to the prodnctrB and consumers , it is necessary ! that upon a certain proportion of land tbere should be united labour , skill , capital and population ; and that these materials should be combined and directed by those who understand the three
great principles , or ftodaniental truths on which I nave proposed , to base the aecfety to be formed , namely , that man does not form his ] own character , but that it is formed , of his anginal organization , and of the circumstanc 48 Wat surround him in every period of his existence . ; tfeat he has not the power to believe or disbelieve except in accordance with the impressions that are n » * de « pon his mind ; and that he has not the power to I ore < or hate except in ] accordance with the feelings created within him by any object . Such persons -would » lonel > e enabled to unite in their due proportions the materials for the production of wealth .
Let as 'look at the present state of society , as it regards tho whole business ot life ; and what can be conceived more absnrd or irrational than Is there presented to our view ? I With'tead sufficient , ]!? even moderately cultivated , to supply one hundred millions of people , we kavo in this kingdom , with a popalation of about thirty millions , the greatest outcry mode to allow « s to import corn from other countries , tinder the supposition that if this be not -done we must starve ! whilst onr own fields present ik-mean , beggarly , ! and pitiful appearance , tolely beeause we do not apply to them tbat healthy exercise and skill which is capable beyond all other things of giving pleasure and-anij ' oyment , beth physical , mental , and -moral , to all who can take pert in tbe performance ef the labour . I
With millions of -our people -unemployed , t > r ill empkyed , we keep > 8 hem In idleness , daily « nd hourly contracting vicious , degrading , and disgbsting habits , destructive of alltheir powers of body and mind , and ¦ rendering them the scobrge an 3 dread Of those who consider tbemselves ^ beir superiors ; whilst these superiors 'might , by rightly training and-exercising their own faculties , and directiag those df the parties Who are now tfcna unfortnn&tely ^ laced , receive advantagoa-tft a far higher nature tnan any that hava&itherto been placed withia ; their reach .
With pleety of well skilled and highly talented individuals in-avery department of seietreo , who are unable to obtain beneficial exercfee for their -skill ; and those who are employed being-chiefly » r solely so , in minor , trifling , petty matters , | sach as are'tttterly unworthy of the present age , we suffer most grievously frora the want of important measures being carried out ; measnrea that wouldprovide in tba most liberal manner tor the food , clothes , shelter , instruction , -and rational amusement for every individual , and thereby prepare Iriai to form a part of that good soeiety which ! will tend above all things to gratify the-feelings aad desires of * U , and
lead then forward j * 7 ith increased vigour to the pursuit of more extended and enlarged bap ^ fnesB . With a machine-poorer twentyfold lar , jer than onr population , and capable of extension in a > ay proportion that may be required , ] we suffer oar peopl e'to be naked or ill-clothed ; we still permit man to * p erfonc-heavy , laborions toil and exertion , more severe thus that to which the inferior criminals are doomed ; and" we daily and hourly depress tha means of procurin g tbe « ommon neoessariaaof life ,-until , If we proceed n taeb . tonger at the same pace , we shall bo overwhelme d 'by snch as amount < ef vice , crime . iand misery , as the mied of man has not hithert" oenceived .
With-capital so abundant tbat h . can p rotsnve -scarcely any remuneration for jits employment ; with between eleven and twelve Hiijlions of specie lyif « g idle in the Bank of England ; and with a reetrictiov « of the circulating medium utterly incapable of re ^ presenting the amount of wealth that is created , we allo w toad , labour , skill , and machinery all to stand separ-ttte , ^ disunited , and' unproductive , thtreby entailing an an -tooaiof misery upon our children and our country , wb ich , when we shall have acquired the knowledge I spe ak < tf , it will appear to us almost an impossibility tt tat we should ever have allowed to exist whilst the meaas of preventing it lay so immediately within onr jeaeh . I am-gUd to Bee by j the letter of your -cowecpondent ' ^ Gracehus , " inserted in this day's pa per , » that our
Chartist friends are likely to b « € Oroe fai rly eoueed to the importance of a . KJavion&l Society . L tons proceed fairly-and promptly with this subject ; ; ind we may Speedily acquire a strength capable of dem anstrating to oar rulers the ease With which -every logakite fur / human'happiness , may speedily be placed within tbe teach ofalL j We need not longer to quarrel and contend about ' ¦ who-shall . possess this or that power . Tbe power of doing good , of proTitiing well far ourselves , oar families , aad every individual of onr species , is now within our reach , and let us lose no opportunity of -embracing it . Let ; tfcat spirit of aunty whioh can alone leadito-euccessful results be seen among ua . Let us find out the persons tfest are most -advanced in the . sciences of hnman nature And ef society , that they may j o'ireet our united energies Jn the best manner for the : benefit of all . Let usjbrin ? into use all the appliances j wliich the ingenuity and invention of man has brought
so liberally to ocr aid , ] aad we shall soon be enabled to : pro duoc such a . change in the appearance of society as , shal I astonish and delight all who behold it j Th « e ; isis which is now < sapidly progressing , as is most 9 VkJenfc in . erervj department of society , requires - that ' ve Act most promptly on some well defined ! principles , . capable of [ universal application , that they ' shall im meeUatelgtbe embraced 'ty all . Let any rational ' man look : at tha ¦ ferfings now feeing called oat by tbe ! agitation of toe varistta remedies that are proposed , ' and then i « y whether he can expect love , peace , truth , ! or charity , to aaianateifroni such aourcee . i If we look' at the tSepeal question , the debate now going forward is likely ] to excite and irritate to such an extent tbat until true principles shall be placed before j them , must of necessity goad the different parties on-1 wards to such n . ieasui'ss as ahall , if carried far enough , produce eonsequt'nees at which the human mind shudders to contemplate- j
5 5 The education clauses of tiio Factory Bill have been obliged to ba given up , on account of their want of universality ; the parties on both sides wishing to coerce the mind to believe certain matters , without waiting for evidence being brought to ensure con * t Action . The repeal of the Corn Laws is sought for on tbe mo . > t partial aad imperfect grounds , and in a spirit calcu lated to arouse the most angry feelings , and to injure * ke personal interests of our fellowmen » instead of beii "? placed on the legitimate basis of our having free trai te > a all thiegsjwith all the world .
, ' The ad 'oeaey of tee ] People ' s Charter has hitherto been condt icted in a spirit the reverse of what I hope soon to see > Tinnifesed . } Tbe numbers of ita advocates , and of the l . ^ ealers in Ireland , are quite sufficient , as soon as the « pW * of anity shall be well developed in both , and the "V « hall ] proclaim themselves the advocates of universal' measures beneficial to every individual , to produce a public opinion that shall urge upon the Government the i' * ecessity for a peaceful change , in a manner that they wi / t be unable to resist Let this publio opinion be once secured , and the uio ui tuo
' wu |/ rtwiiic < u' b » j" uwwoaiij u , pruuuue aa immediate change , as it we * * e by magic , are ready to be developed . Contention and strife , persecution and anger , may be immediacy am ? for ever banished from among men ; and every ( one may enjoy all tbat is truly essential for his well-being , ph / sicaHy , mentally , or morally . j I am , Sir , Your obedient servant , ] Wilium CUipijj , Harmony Hall , Hants , - Jane 17 , 1843 .
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'• , i } ¦ j ' —JT ^ ~ Negro FtYiNe . —The editor of the Boston Mail ridicules Mr .. Henson and his aerial steam-carnago , and predicts that the first career down the inclined plane will end somewhat like Sambo ' s first expert ment , when he undertook to fly from a garret window with a pair of wings manufactured oat of a leather I apron . The honest negro strack the groaud with his head hard enough to break a sledge-hammer ; and springing to his feet ] with a kind of a rebound " , scratched his woolly pate , exclaiming , "" Dem's fuss rate flying ; no bird ] do him quicker 5 but golly ! I dey ' s dam hard lighting /"
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^^ THE NORTHERN ! STAR . I 7
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), June 24, 1843, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct938/page/7/
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