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THE NORTHERN STAR. SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 27, 1841.
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&o ifca&wg atir Com^ottircnto
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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LONDON . DISPATCH , BRIDE LANE—MEETING OF THE COMMITTEE TO INVE S TIGATE THE CHARGE BROUGHT BY MR . BENBOW AGAINST DR . M'DOUALL . Kr . Brown was called to the chair , andI it , vna KTca ^ fi that Meskre . Benbow and M'Douall should be awired a quarter of an hour alternately , to state and reply to the charge ; and that , if possible , the proceedings sKoald be confined to one hour . AI-. B » l \ bow then handed in , in wmin £ , to the daitmic , the following charge : — " I present that Peter Murray M'Doaall , lato of Chester Castle , being a recognised kader of the Char'ie , ts—that the tiid Peter Murray A * Douall , late ri . CM nsedhi 3 influence to excite discontent in
the minds of the persecuted Chartists ; and did urge them , Iv persuasion and representations of terror to a breach of faith -with their "brethren ; and , in Tio ] a :: on of the sacred causa of justice and Ireedcai , traitorously adTj&ed Fueh Charasts ttrplead guilty to Ccria . a ialse alleged charges , to the disgrace and gttari scandal of all good men , and the evil example of others against the sacred cause of justice and freedom . " The Chairiun inquired whether this wts the whole of the charge or charges he had to bring 2 . g ± inst Dr . JTDouall , to which
Mr . Bs ? . bow gave an evanve answer , but ultimately said that the charge he had handed in contained all that he had to advance against Dr . M'Duuall—t ' nat he had none other . Mr . Cutpat inqsl : ^ d whether he was prepared , by documents or evidence , to support the charge . Mr . Bekbo-w—I call upon Dr . M'Douall to say wheiher he is guilty or not . I have not the whole of my documents with me , but when I had : hem and the v-u ' -iesses , Dr . M'Douall was non est invenius . I nt'd no witness ; I call upon the Doctor to answer ny ciurge oL * dvisiDg John Broadbenfc , of Afhton , John Wright , Armittge , Peeling , Essler , of Stockport , Barnett , Stubbs , Savage , Wearers of ilaochsfield , Roberts , of Liverpool , Deegan , of Stalybrid ^ e , and Riwson , of Bary , to plead griiliy of the crimes of "wLich avile Government accused them ; there aro Others whom he likewise advised . Tha Chairman hers asked for the whole of the
names to be stated . Mi . Benbow—I cannot at this moment think of Others , but these are sp ffiaent for ay purpose . Dr . M'Dou-UJ . said it was a strange course for him to be called upon to plead guilty to this charge , when no evidence had been aadueed . Of these men , whom ho was charged wish advising to plead guilty , one was dead , and three were in America . Toe only part of the charge which waa correct was regarding the man Savage ; and how singular that Mr . Benbow had forgotten Robinson and Lowe , who were associated with him in the same indictment . I acknowledge ad-rising these three men to plead guilty . I gate them , a public document to give to the men of MacclesSeld upon their release , rating my
reasons for so doing . To these reasons tuo men of Macclesfield never objected ; if they hare aot done bo , how is it that Mr . Benbow has taken so much trouble in the matter ' I advised the .-. men to pkad guilty , because they had already suffered six or seven months' imprisonmeut for wact of bail , in the small sum of £ 25 . I was preparing their brief for tfc 3 Asazes when a message came from the prosecutors , that they would be released if they would plead guilty , accompanied with a threat that if they did not they would be raore harshly treated , which , in the case of Wearer , who would not plead guilty , was carried into effect . His bail was doubled , and ho waa sen . to hard labour in the neighbouring workhouse . I stand
© n the case of these three men ; I never advised others . To these men I gave a public document , which any one can procure by writing to Maccles-ILeld . I saw that they were Etarving on skilly , that they could not get bail—that being unknown no sympathy was shown for them ; that only 26 s . was « ollecu d for them while in prison . I saw they could do no good to the cause , and much injury to themselves by remaining in pri" 5 On . ' I Qid not plead guilty myself . If . I advised—if I excited men to acts which led to their imprisonment , I Lad ought to be the sufferer . I deny the right of any working mas to suffer through me—if I can consistenly pre-Tent it . It was so disgrace to them in accepting this compromise . They did not succomb ; the offer
came from the prosecutor—they were not shackled with any bail or recogu zancea—they are men who are now aeiive in the cause ; men wkom 1 respect . It was eight months after my imprisonment , when they cams out ; ihs excitement wa 3 then gone br . If I was placed in the same circumstances , I would act in ^ rcciseiy a similar mancer ; with respect to the ciernames , Mr . D . egsn acknowledges tiat Mr . O'Connor advised him and others to plead guilty . Why does not Mr . Uenbow also Sccuae him f Is ii Iscau 3 e I am the weaker party . Easier w& 3 going to be minied , and from ths first detei-iined to plead gmlty . Raw&on als » did bo , and , came back from America to answer a charge of felony that had been preferred against L ' m .
Mr . Bxnbow—He had forgotten to mention Robinson » nd low *; bat these were cot all he had ad-TiBedveur prf 3 orr was Eke a levee with persons coming to visit , and s * lc the doctors advice , and who , by his pernxash ) 2 , pleaded quilty . - lister pleaded guilty , tijit before the doc . or persuaded , him to plead guilty , they were at daggers < L » vra ; but -when he came to that determinaiion , they were the best of friends . The doctor lent him his slippers , and thought he could no ; do too much for Mm . I only mention this so show the feeling which existed . I refer you v > the noble answer made by Weavers to the Jndge on his trial . " My Lord , the seven nun who btood in the dock with me have been charged with feeing wicked and atrocious characters , they have
pleaded ir ii ' ity ; they may b « so , bat I ans not guilty , " and the judjje complimented him for his conduct . The Doctor and I were oa the best of terms until he advised these men to plead guilty . He has asked why I did n&t chaxg : Feargus O'Connor , who was also guilty of the same conduct . It . was my determination not to be drawn into alluding to ilr , O'Cosnor ; but do ? s it exonerate the Doctor , because another has acted the same \ Is the crime improved because another follows it ? The foliowin ? is an exii- ¦; from a letter written by Pewgus O'Connor , a ; inn time the physical force men were fignriii ^ in London , ilr . Benbow then read from his
irritten do-mnents aa extract from the Northern Star cf April 10 : h , 1841 . He meaat to abstain from this subject , uuless driven into it . Can a roan bo hocest who connives at dishonesty in others , who g 'Ve 3 actTice wmcli he will not act on himself T snch conduct was infamous . Mr . Benbow then dilated on the infamy of perjury , giving an extinct from St . Chryscstoio , stating that the man who coaimitteel perjury was guilty of a greater crane than he who committed murder . LeDg before his trial , Dr . M'Douall had stated that . he ( Mr . Benbow ) would be narshly treated , wonM meet with ^ evcTe punisbaent . How could he be aware of ihi ? , unless he was a tool in the hands of the vikst faction that
ever oosgracod a country ? I respsctud . l honor red Dr . M'Douall for his conduct , previous u > bis giving that advice , but ever srece then 1 opposed aim , which be ^ ot a sourness betwetr . me av J Lis friends . RobinEon and Lowe were good honest men ; men of superior attainments to the generality of working men , and I believe they , and ail the other prisoners , would have got off with clean bauds vruho . it pleading guiliy . How could Dr . M'Douall know tWt they would be discharged , unless he had some oompromise with thsir prosecutors ?
Dr . M'DouAii . —I wi ; I do ; detain you by referring to what most be plain to you—the motives wcich prompted my advice to these ecu . I was one of t ; , e earliest victims in the canse ; 1 defended myself on that occLiion , and you saw but little in my conduct that mii ; ai tempt you to accuse mo of either treachery or cowaidice . I go \ . the information that these me * . would be discharged if they pleaded guilty , from Mr . Clarkson , of Bradford , who vra 3 employed on the behalf of acst of the Chartist prisoners ; he acquired the information from Mr . Jervi ? , Member of P&riiamcnt for Chester . If Lowe and Bobin ? :: i were good men , ao : d of such superior abilities , is it not strange that they she-Id be so readil y satisfied with mv raitorous advice ? Previous to giving them
this adv . ee , I had written to Feargus O'Connor , j tlia * they might be allowed to have a portion of the j money raised for a Defence Fund ; it appears that ! Mr . Benbow was jealous of my levee as he calls it . Many persons just before and during the assize , j were admitted to the prison , and many of them ; called upon me in regard to Mr . Benbow ' s punish- j ¦ lent . I do not recollect Baying t ' aat he wonU bej severely punished , bat I know thai frcm his being ! known to the Government in ancient timt » , it wa 3 ; ay impression that he would be so . Dr . Maginn told ¦ me I should hare two or three years imprisonment . 1 : met him the other day and told him he was wrcn ^ in kis judgment ; he informed me 1 had only to thanji my- ¦ elf that I got off so well . I might with equal ; reasoE c ? H him a government tool . I have ever ;
dose my duty both in prison and oat of prison . I advised these men to pltad goiity . I woiud do so : again under similar circumstances . Mr . Benbow ; said he meant U > abstain from speaking of O'Connor . Why , tb . su , had he prepared & case agiinfii him in j bis writtMi docMwat I I was first to be attacked , u the weaker party , and Feargus O'Connor was to ; be shot at tfaroogh me ; but if I am a butt to be shot » t , I know , while I do my duty , I shall have the ; fcpport of the public , of that public who have pi *<» d me in the high position I have the honour to hoM , ; tod if Mr . Benbow thinks that I am the weaker ; party , ke will be mistaken-he will fiud that while j I continue to perform my duty I shall meet a ; aatioB'fl support . Why did not Mr . Benbow bring this charge immediately oa his release from prison ! why delay it ! j It was then moved
, " Teat both parties having been heard , the Com- I aittee do decide . " Mr . Be * bow . —I have not yet been able to go into > tbe whole of my eT ' . dence in tupp-oit of the charge , ; Mr . Benbow vr « then aiicwcd t"nree- ^ uax » ori « of an hoar , or longer if aecessery , that he might htve a full opportaaity of proviu £ his case .
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Mr . Benbow occupied the time in a reiteration of his former statemeuts , and stated that he had seen the same charge brought a ^ ainBt the Doctor by Mltclicli and Dana , in the Stockport and other papers ; that he had attended on the Manchester Council , oa his release from prison , and urged them to investigate the subject , ana hadstayed eight weeks in Manchester at great inconTenienoe to himself , thinking they would do so ; they wished him to state it at a public meeting , but this he declined , thinking the Council could best investigate . From the commencement I reasoned with Mm against this advice , and told him that instead of advising men to plead guilty and get released , we should have endeavoured to fill to excess the jails with victims , that government might see the folly and wickedness of their
conduct , and oe compelled to change it . Ever since the Doctor had persisted in refusing his advice he had not exchanged a word with him . He could not even sit in the same room with him , not even with friends . I told him emphatically I had done with him . I also charge him with writing letters to people in London and the country , prejudicing them against me . ( Mr . Benbow being asked for names , sa d a Mr . Hogg , of London , had received one . ) I have not seen the letter , but it stated that it would be well to get up a demonstration for O'Connor or for O'Brien , but Benbow was nil . I am willing to meet the Doctor at any pablio meeting . I wish to have the names of this Committee . I wish you to do justice to me and injustice to no one , bat act as men in the sight of God and your country .
Dr . M'Douall , in an eloquent address replied to Mr . Benbow , and said he felt convinced they wotfld return an hones ; verdict , one whioh would exonerate him from even the suspicion of being a traitor . Mr . Goootellow then moved the following resolution , " That the charge of being a traitor brought by Mx . Benbow against Dr . M'Douall , is , from the evidence bef « re us , frivilous and unfounced . " Mr . Knight seconded the resolution . Mr . Watts agreed with the resolution that the charge was unfounded and frivolous , yet Mr . Benbow was an old veteran in the cause , active before many of U 3 were bom ; he should therefore , to cndeaToor to allay resentments , move as an amendment , " Thit no charge impugning the character of Dr . M'Douall has been proved by the evidence that Mr . Benbow has adduced ; but that Mr . Benbow kas acted under the influence of mistaken motives . "
A little discussion ensued on the propriety of amalg- ^ mating the two , but the original resolution was finally carried , and the whole of ( be nine Committee mtn—namely , Messrs . Martin , Goodfellow , Knight , Drake , Wilkinson , Rogers , Ctiffay , Watts , and Brown , having appended their names to it , handed it to Dr . M'Douall . The investigation was carried on in a calm , deliberate manner , which did great credit to the men who conducted it ; and we trust the affair is for ever set at rest .
The Northern Star. Saturday, November 27, 1841.
THE NORTHERN STAR . SATURDAY , NOVEMBER 27 , 1841 .
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OBJECTIONS TO THE NATIONAL PETITION MET AND REPLIED TO BY THE EXECUTIVE . We displace , with much pleasure and satisfaction , an article which we had written on the objections of some of our Scottish brethren to some points of the National Petition for the following temperate , wellreasoned , and conclusivo document , issued by the Executive and received by us on the day of going to press : — " TO OVB BKETHBKN , THB WOEKIMG MEN OF
SCOILASD . w Bb-otheb . Chaktists , —We , the Executive Committee of the National Charter Association , havo read the Report of a public meeting held in Glasgow , on Monday , the 8 th of November , in which a resolution to the following effect waB carried by a majority ; viz . ' That the inhabitants of Glasgow oppose the introduction of such questions as Repeal of the Union , and Repeal of the English Poor-Law Amendment Act , into the Scottish Petition for Universal Suffrage , and the other Five Points of the People ' s Charter . ' M We do not presume to interfere with the power of the Central Committee of Scotland , and far less with the just prerogative of the people of Glasgow . We simpiy address those who voted on that occasion , and the people of Scotland generally , to explain away any cau _ e of difference , and reason upon the justice of the posit on we have adopted .
" it is our sinceru and ardent hope that the lamentable effects of division may be averted betweec two nations strugging in the same cause during the most momentous crisis of Chartism . Brethren , we are the servants of a powerfnl association ; our first duty is to act according to the will of the majority of its members , and we feel jastly proud that our exertions hitherto have secured the respect , confidence , and support of oar constituents . " We doubt not but your adopted Council have acted from the same motives , and that their exertions haTe been rewarded in a similar manner , and v- is because we believe so , that we look with considerable apprehension upon the slightest difference which may arise between the leading Councils of two great people , hitherto united ; and stUl we fervently hope to be one in mind , in
measures , and in Chartism . " We should have been rejoiced . had the leaders of the movement in Scotland favoured us with their advice , and accepted of ours in return . We conceive that every shadow of diff-rence would have vanished , and this address been entirely useless . We address you now in the name of the English people , who have , without a dissentient voice , adopted , and are now signing , the National Petition , prepared by the Execn ; ive council , which has likewise beon adopted by several important meetings in Scotland . Let our reasons be maturely weighed , and may our Scottish brethren give their decision , not for the sake of England and ^ -Ireland , but for the sake of that cause of justice , which recognises no distinction between men , and permits no prejudice to exist between nations of oppressed and insulted
bondscea . " Brethren , tho ? e who have differed with us are men of acknowledged talent , men whose rectitude of condiici has excited the admiration of their English fritnds ; and we imagine that zeal in the canse has originated their watchfulness , l 6 St any equation should arise , short ot that which hus gloriously exi 3 ied for the People '; Chmer alone . We xespeot snch justifiable j .-aion-y of purpose ; bui , we stand second to none in steadily pursuing tho one grand object of our agitation , asd iu battling wiih factious opponents and curiD ' ng cesiguera of half measures , calculated to delude and d : Tide the people .
"Our Excellent : r : ? nds , Ross , Thompson , and Callen , we supro ? e to have mittaken the objects sind aims of the Nrt ' onal Petition , and to have acted un < ier the supposition , that other questions were to bo a ^ it&t-ed besides t : ie PeopV : 's Quarter ; we do not complain oi an ocp .-Fuiou , which a briei ' explanation , we feel coiifi : ent , wiii rectify and remove . " The National PoutioD it u . viicd into three parts . Firstly , we describe and pr ' Vc the Government of the country to be in trie limes of an irresponsible class , in other vroid ; , we begin with the cause of misery , misgovern mint , nnd slavery . Secondly , we proceed to poini . oui ihe rFficrs , and enumerate , ^ mci ^ it many oth-ir trlovaiiccb , ; ne Now Poor Law and the Irish \ . '; -io : i . We have even mentioned monopolies of crtrv kind , so as to anticipate objections . Thirdl " , v . -.- j .--: . t ou 1 ' ui , ^ nddemand the only remedy , whicti is the Pjvi . ie ' . s Charter .
"It is , there " - - -.- -.-., nar . o clear that the relation of grieve ; es is a mere preamble , or pleading , before the pe'ition ; and we uibtinctly declare that those sigcing th « petition a . ro not pledged to an agitation for the removal ^ : a ^ y one evil , but solely to the adoption of th * People ' s Charter , as the grand remedy for aiv . The iasi ciause of the petition explains thisi ' uliy . We there say as follows : — ' Your petitioner ? , therefore , exurcifd-jg their just constitutional ri >; ht , demand that your Honouraple House , to remedy tha many uross and manifest evils of trMch
your petitioners complain , do immediately , without alteratii-a , deducii-in , or addition , pass into law the docume&t entitled the People '; .- Ch-rier , &c . &o . ' " Ttie great question , in oar op urn , L > as follows : —Is the relation ot grievances m ' . he petition juat ] Every CL ^ rtist will auawtr— Ye > . Then no Chartis ; can re ; use to acknowlf dgc it by his signature ; especially when that act ( Jess r . ot biati him to agitate for or give precedence to thu » e separate questions , whilst tho great one of Universal Suffrage is unsettled .
" The petitioner pleads his case , first , to make it stronger , and concludes with his demand for political power , to remedy now and protect for thefutnre . We wftl suppose thai Sootlaaci objects to the grievances of England and Ireland being mentioned in the preamble of our petition . If it bo so , then that measure which is oppressive to labour in England , must be a question of intermit and sympathy in Sootland , and vice versa . Wherever labour ' s wrongs and burdens are augmented , labour ' s rights must be violated , and we have ye ; to leiirn that the selfish spirit of oppression his ever bouud the English , the
Scottish , and the Iri-h heart to their own narrow internets , when the cries of goffering brethren came beseeching aid from afar . Perish such unworthy distinctions betweoa tho lister kingdoms ! and let labour zl least reserve to ittelf auiicst its degradation and its rain that hoiy ana sacred sympathy which has ever been exchanged between the oppressed of all nations , that ennobling feeling which the rich may envj but nver imitate , that exalted Fpirit or justice whica arekiiig an immortality of its own , rises r . perior to the selfish pursuits of classes and -ke savage feuds of nations .
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" Brethren , we must avoid the fatal error of two petitions and two Conventions ; our cause is common and our iaeasares should bo the same . There cannot bs 6 nfe ( S ^ tttem for SootUnd ^ and another for Eosland . We cannot late England , Ireland , and Wales , pursuing one coarse , and Scotland another , without placing ourselves will ally in the power of tho enemy , and writing them to crush us in succession . This is not a time for difference , but a time for action ; and if individual quarrels have brought injury , weakness , and ridicule open our cause , bow much more most national ones distract the attention of our supporters , and strengthen and encourage our enemies ]
M Brethren , we must strive to create and preserve that confidence in eaeh other which will secure mutual co-operation on all questions affecting the rights of industry ; and we cannot deny to Ireland that cordial support which we are so anxious to receive from her . Neither can . England and Sootland consistently differ upon the Poor-Law question , after the continued union which has existed during the past , whether the question was the Charter or the Corn Laws , the Glasgow Cotton Spinners or the Dorchester Labourers , whether it affected the patriot 3 Gerrald or Moore , or the more recent victims , Frost , Williams , and Jones . The latter ease we could not avoid enumerating in the list of remarkable in juries inflicted , and we are confident there is not a Chartist in Scotland who would withhold his name , because that oppressive case was recorded in the list of grievances now being endured .
" Brethren , we have been actuated by the best of motives , and whilst we in the spirit of truth declared our detestation of all oppressive laws , we were not thereby hound to adopt the crotchets of enthusiasts , or looic for a panacea in the repeal of the Poor Law , the Corn Laws , or the abrogation of the Union with Ireland ; at the Btfme time we Baw no reason which could condemn the mention of our sufferings in a petition for justice . Wo feel satisfied that there is wisdom in stating reasons why we shoald have the
Charter , and no argument can be more effectual than an accredited list of atrocious enactments , disgraceful alike to human nature , as they are destructive to human kind . We urge our grievances in public meetings , in lectures , and in the press , why not in a National Petition ! Do we admit at one time what we deny at another ! or are we afraid to acknowledge that oar intention is to abolish or amend all enactments grievous to humanity or oppressive to l abour !
" Brethren , we have embarked in a just cause ; our stake is a large one , and wo shall never oease to urge its importance upon the public mind , justly conceiving the greater the prizj the greater exertion will be required to possess it . '' Let it be understood , that we urge no man to agitate for repeal of the Poor Laws ; for the abolition of any one monopoly or injustice ; we are bound to the great question of questions—Universal Suffrage . Oar measures point forward , not backward . Brethren , let us have your support , calculate safely on ours in return ; and in conclusion , let it be firmly impressed upon your minds , that our sole objects in drawing up the Petition , have been to direct public attention to the cause of our national misery , embarrassments , and political bondage ; to
enumerate grievances which have excited the greatest sympathy , and deserved the most unwearied attention , and to rear , above all , the glorious and enduring principle of the People ' s Charter . The standard of cur cause is where it was , undiminished in its supreme" importance and unshorn of its national interest . Brethren , we shall keep it there : aid us then , as you have done , und let union , peace , and energy characterize our nnited and inseparable exertions in the great cause of England , Scotland , Ireland , and Wales . " Your brethren in Chartism , *• P . M . M'Douall , " R . K . Philp , "James Leach , " Mobgan Williams , " John Campbell , Sec "
We trust that the reading of this document will remove every shadow of a shade of difference of opinion , not only from tho minds of our Scottish friends , who regret the introduction of those particular grievances , the English Poor Law , and the Irish Union , bat also from those of other parties who have written us expressing their regret that more prominency was not given to those subjects in the Petition . The Executive have no easy task ; the anxiety and care attendant on the mighty interests of the masses demand more wisdom , energy , and prudence than are commonly to be met with ; they exhibit an amount of talent and patriotism equal to their work , and with such a head the movement muBt progress if the people do their own work and beware of falling out by the way .
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liab . labourer and the Irish peasant grows more hopeleu . If , Uiia year , there are 8 , 000 , 000 , of the Irish , with not enough . even of roots to e ^ t , in ten yean more the number will be Increased . It at this moment starvation stares in the face of millions of English axtiaana , where ! ¦ the hope of bttter times ? For yean they hate been hoping for reform . In allowing the Tories to gain the ascendancy , they tried the Tety last experiment No temporising policy will serre them longer . ' ¦ ¦ ¦ ' ; ; V"i . ' " _ " ' 7 " . ! -: ' : \ . y
"Toe day that the people of England rise up and with tbeir own strong hands take the right * tbey c * a never peacefully attain , that day ; shall we think better of amnanlty . Endnranoeof wrong-iano virtoe . He who submits to fraud it in acceworjr . Man has no right to be wronged . A small evil may be endured , as the only meant of attaining a great good , as for the sake of a cure we may submit to an operation , but then theetllbecome a portion of the good . " It ia unjust to the people •( England , the deaosndanta of our common ancestors , to suppose that ten yean more cm pass witbout a revolution . Heaven grant that it may be a bloodless one . "
It would indeed , as our transatlantic friend says , be an insult to the people , to their sense of feeling , and their discernment of moral right and duty , to suppose that another ten years could pass without seeing an end of the system of iniquity which has brought us into this condition . The revolution must come—it will come : and we have all confidence in the long suffering whioh has so far stayed the arm of vengeance that it will be bloodless . The peop le are not now to be led in the wake of the " base , bloody , and brutal" panderers to outrage and arson for the support of party . The tocsin has been sounded
more thaa once by the villanous Whig press ; but it has met with no response . They have hoisted the standard of "bread or blood !* ' They have cried " hurrah for the barricades ? " and would new egg on" the incendiary to a career of madness , pointing oat Buckingham Palace and the British Museum as proper objects for his destructive agency ! and all for the last desperate hope that out of the wreck some plank or cask may be seized hold of , on whioh the drowning rats of Whiggery may float again upon the surface of the troubled waters . Their demoniacal devices will be frustrated . The people
will not be thus befooled . They will pursue unhesitatingly and incessantly the one object—the Charter of their rights ; they will meat , expose , and trample upon , all the syren sophistries of faction ; they will concentrate their energies , unite their efforts , and make known their moral might . Tyranny and all its manifold ramifications of oppressive legislation and social injustice shall be made quietly , speedily , and permanently to give place to justice and its consequent equality and prosperity , by a moral and enlightened people who have learned wisdom from the harshest but the most efficient of all teachersbitter experience .
We never remember to have seen faction so fairly at its wit ' s end as it seems now to be . All that rampant malice and ruling hatred could effect , has been tried and found wanting of the required force to beat down the rising intelligence of the people . Canning now takes its place ; and while the Sun , the Globe , the Chronicle , and all the crew of dastards seek artfully to urge the starving people to violenoe under the banner of a big loaf ; their
agents and co-partners try an opposite diversion , by labouring to resuscitate the cry of physical and moral force ; and so divWe our forces . The one experiment is just as futile as the other ; the Chartists of 1841 have left both schools far behind them . We fancy , from a report given elsewhere of Mr . Brewstkr ' s " last struggle" in his own town , that he has found the truth of this observation to his no small chagrin .
New accessions to our moral powers are every day mado , and despite the undeniable aggregate of suffering which now exists , we look forward with much confidence to the advent of liberty , in the establishment of just principles of legislation , as a sure remedy , whose operation on the body politic shall be permanently , ii' not suddenly , reviving , and shall bring back the wonted healthy and powerful developement of character in Old England—the land of the brave and the free . "
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THE LAND ! THE LAND 11 THE LAND I !! As mankind become more enlightened to know their real interests , they will esteem the value of agriculture ; they will find it ia their natural—their destined occupation . —Mental Recreations , Article B . We have often been astonished at the indifference with which all matters relating to agriculture , and the land , are received amongst the population of our manufacturing towns . This indifference , no doubt , is in great part owing to the studious efforts of the anti-Corn Law League , whose constant effort and aim it is to draw the attention of the people from that moat yital subject the capability of the soil , giving employment to the surplus population created by machinery .
Any one would suppose from the utter want of knowledge and contempt of data displayed by the manufacturers , and their lecturing agents , in their crusade against agriculture , that they bad never seen a green field or an aero of wheat in their lives . How often , and how peraeveringly it is asserted that" England can never , under any circumstances , grow enough corn for her own consumption . " —that she most always remain an importing country , and " that corn can be produced cheaper and better on the continent than here . " These and many other Ilka statements have been published by every Whig paper—repeated by every spouting anti-Corn Law lecturer , and enlarged upon at every
hole-and-corner demonstration , until some people have actually begun to look upon them as ascertained facts ! Mr . O'Connor ' s letters have done much towards exposing the falseness and hollowneas of theso fallacies , but a great deal yet remains to be done ; a vast amount of prejudice has yet to be removed . One of the chief points urged by the advocates of a repeal of the Corn Laws , Is " the impossibility of the limited soil of this country producing enough food for an increasing population . " They refer us to the yearly importations of foreign grain ( averaging from one million to fifteen hundred thousand quarters ) and ask "if these are not strong proofs of the impracticability of England ' s growing enough corn for her own
consumption ? " New , with all due d 6 feren 0 B to these gentlemen , we must beg leave to Inform thsm that they prove no such thing . Our not having hitherto produced enough wheat for our own consumption , does not prove that we cannot do so ; but that there is something deficient in our system of cultivation . It is well known that for years past the principal part of the land has been gradually getting into the hands of the lai ^ e proprietors ; these think it their interest to lot tho kind in as large portions as possible ; these large farms are often taken by persons without the requisite capital , and consequently ore very seldom half cultivated . To show the present condition of agriculture in England , and what it might be under a proper system , we will here give an extract from a well-kno . Tn pimphlet , * reviewed in Tait'a October number .:
—" Of the seventy-six million ? of statute acres in the United kingdom , there are about twenty-six millions remaining in waste and sheep walks . Of the other fifty millions there are about thirty-two millions in natural grass , aud only eighteen millions in tillage ; that is to say , little more than one acre in tillage to two acres in grass ; or , in other words , that in every three acres only one is cultivated . We know , in a general way , that in tha populous parts of Germany , the proportion of grass- ( and to the arable is about one acre in seven or eight acres . We know also , in a general way , that in the populous parts of Italy , the proportion of grass-land to the arable is about one acre In
every twelve or fourteen acres . In France , atatistics nave bean more studied , and we know from the official cadastre , or modern Doomsday Book , that the proportion of land cultivated by the plough , epade , or hoe , ia seven acres in eight , leaving only one acre in natural grass . The Duke of Buckingham estimates the producta of land , in tillage , at five-fold what the same land would yield in grass . His Grace , unwilling to overstate hi * argument , baa , in fact , understated it ; for five-fold , alz-fold , or more , mig&t be atated on lands of superior quality . Much meadow land , if broken up ,
would yield , -with less expense of culture than a poor soil , thirty bushels of wheat per acre ; on other products , of proportionate value , whether in either corn , in pulae , in roots , or in artificial grasses , auch aa clover , linseed , and others . This supposes about four thousand pounds of bread from the ploughed acre , againEt somewhere about , or less , than two hundred pounds of meat , or its eqiiyalent , in cheese , batter , * o . from the same acre in grass . But we will adhere , for the present , to the admitted estimate of a four-fold proportion , the auount will then stand as follows : In England , thirty acrea of grass land Iproduce thirty-
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two parts , and eighteen acrea in tillage , estimated to yield four-fold , produce seventy-two parts ; In all , one hundred and four parts from fifty acres . In France , one ere ot grass land ptodwoea « s » part , m 4 seven acres in tillage , estimated to yWd four-fold , twenty eight parts ; In all , twenty-Bine parts"ftom eight aeiwi ; that is to Bay , one hundred and eJghtyyme parts from flftyaeres . " ¦ r ¦¦; . . - '*¦ '¦ ¦¦ _ ¦¦¦ ¦ . ¦ ¦¦ ' /• ¦ ¦ •¦ To prow that thia writer h * a not over-stated the relative proportlOB of grass to sable land in this eoan try , we give » few farm atattrtios , which nave been received from practical agriculturirta In different parts ef the country : — ¦
FIRST . In a farm of 200 acres , Bogeley , Staffordshire , the relative proportion of wheat , Ate . stood thus—Wheat ... ... ... ... ... ... 34 acres . Barley and oats ... SO Tarnlps , cabbages , and potatoes 15 Fallow ... ... 11 In gran 120 210 This is the general average in this and the neighbouring counties .
SECOND . A tarmor if 0 acres , Ballam-in-Weatby , Lancashire . Wheat ... 13 acres . Oats and beans ... 36 Turnips and potatoes 14 £ Fallow 15 Pasture 63 £ Clover weds 18
160 1 H 1 BD . A farm « f 91 acres , Lytham , Lancashire . Wheat ... 10 acres . Oata and Barley 20 . Tornljps and Pea » ... ... ... ... t Fallow 0 Grass 34 Clover seeds 19 91 The tenants of these farms gained prkea at the last Lytham agricultural meeting , so they may be taken as very fair specimens of the farms In Lancashire .
FOCBTH . A small farm of 23 acres , Syleham , Suffolk , Wheat ... 6 acres . Fallow 3 Barley 5 Clover ... 3 Beans and Peas 6 Grata 1
Total 93 From these statistics ( and many others of the aame kind , which it would take up too much space to insert ) it appears that , in many cases , one half of the land farmed it left entirely out of cultivation , and that at the farm increases in size so does the quantity of wheat grown diminish . If the farm of 200 acrea , in Staffordshire was divided into farms of 20 acres each , the land would produce 56 acres of wheat instead of 24 , or more than double ; the farm of 160 acres in Lancashire would have 42 acres instead of 13 , or three times as much . This statement suppose * that the present system of cropping and fallowing was continued ; under an improved system the land might be made to produce aixfoldand sevenfold what it docs at present .
To prove that the system adopted in England is bad , and that a much better one might be carried out , we dose this article with two or three extracts from Chambers ' * Tour in Belgium . The extracts are rather long , but their importance will , make amends for the apace occupied . After portraying the manner , customs , &c of the inhabitants of Belgium , Mr . Chambers goes on thus to describe the state of agriculture ia that country . " It has been ascertained by minute statistical inquiry that the agricultural population of Belgium are at this moment among the most contented , virtuous , and generally-comfortable peasantry in the world . The farms are for the most part of a small size , just sufficient to pay a moderate rent , and support
a family in a humble but decent manner . The greater part of the inhabitants are renters and cultivators of land to the extent of fire or six acres each family ; and this with a cottage and gardes , i » quite enough to render them comfortable . They are all Roman Catholics , and are exceedingly devout . Their piety , h owever , does not render them gloomy and moroso ; they have fifteen holidays throughout the year exclusive of Sundays ; and these they partly devote to dancing , and out door amusements . The food of this cheerful , industrious , and religious people U of a very simple kind . It consists of coffee with bread early in the morning ; bread , butter , cheese , at nine o ' clock ; potatoes with lardat noon ; in the evening , a salad with bread ; and sometimes a little beer . "
Conversing with M . le Compte Arrevebend , on the state of crime in Belgium , Mr . Chambers was informed by that gentleman , " That he had resided for eleven years in . a village called Guesbeck , in the province of Brabant , containing three hundred and sixty-four inhabitants , and that during the whoiu of that period neither a crime nor a culpable indiscretion had been committed . " Mr . Chambers here goes on to quote from the report of George NichoIIs , Esq ., the parliamentary commissioner sent out by the Whigs to inquire into the condition of the labouring population of Belgium : — " Mr . Nicholla , in his third report to the douse of Commons , says ; —
"The extensive manufactures which at no very remote period flourished in Belgium , appear to have congregated a numerous population of artizans in and around the great towns . As the scene of manufacturing industry changed , this population was deprived of its means , of its handicraft employment , and was compelled lo resort to the cultivation of the soil for subsistence . This seems to have been the chief , though not the ac ' . e , origin of the system of the small farms , which still prevail , and which , are cultivated by the bolder and his family , generally without other assistance . The farms in Belgium very rarely exceed one hundred acres .
" Tiie number containing fifty acres is not great ; those of thivty und twenty acres are more numerous ; but the number of holdings from five to ten and twenty acrus is very considerable , especially these of smaller extonfc ; and to these I chiefly confined my inquiries . The farms of from five to ten acres , which abound in many parts of Belgium , closely resemble the small holdings in Ireland ; but the small Irish cultivator exists in a state of miserable privation of the common comforts and conveniences of a civilised life , while the Belgian farmer enjoys a large portion of those comforts . The houses of the small cultivators in Belgium , are generally substantially built , and in good repair ;
they have commonly a sleeping-room in the attic , and closets for bads connected with the lower apartment , which is convenient in siz i ; a small cellarage for the dairy , and store for the grain , as well as an oven , and an outhouse for the potatoes , with a roomy cattle stall , piggery , and poultry loft . The house generally contains decent furniture , the bedding sufficient in quantity ; and , although the scrupulous neatness of the Dutch , mny not be everywhere observable , an air of comfort , and propriety porvades the whole establishment . The premises were kept in neat and compact order , aud the family were decently clad , none of them were ragged or slovenly , even when their dresa consisted of the coarsest materials . The diet consists , to a great extent , of rye-bread and milk , the dinner being usually composed of potatoes and onions , with the
addition of some pounded ham er slices of bacon . The quantity of new wheaten bread ooaaamed , did not appear to be considerable . In the greater part : of the flat country of Belgium , the soil is light and sandy and easily worked , bub its productive powers are certainly inferior to the general soitt of Ireland , and the climate does not apptar to be superior . To the aoil and climate , therefore , the Belgian does not owe hia saperority in comfort and position over the Irish cultivator . The difference is rather to be found in the system ef cultivation pursued by the small farmers of Belgium , and in the habits of economy and forethought of the people . " The cultivation of the small farms in Belgium differs from the Irish—lit , it the quantity of stall-fed slock which it kept , and by which a supply of manure is regv ~ larly secured :
" 2 d—In the strict attention paid to the collecting of manure , which is most skilfully managed ; " 3 d—By the adoption of a system of rotation of five , six , or seven successive crops , evenin the smallest farms whichis in striking contrast with the plan of cropping and fallowing the land prevalent in Ireland . " In the farms of six acres we feund no plough , horse , or cart ; the only agricultural implement besides the spade , fork , and wheelbarrow , whieh we observed
was a light wooden barrow , which might be dragged by the hand . The farmer had no asslstance besides that of his wife and children excepting sometimes In harrest , when we found fae occasionally obtained the assistance of a neighbour , c * hired a labourer at a franc a day . The whole of the land is dug with the spade , and trenched very deep ; but as the soil is light , the labour of digging is not great ~
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" The stock in the small farma which we examined , consisted of a couple of eows , a calf or two , one or two pigi , sometimes a goat or two , and somo poultry , n , cows are altogether stall-fed , on straw , turnips , clover rye , vetches , carrots , potatoes , and a kind of soup made by boiling up potatoes , peas , beans , bran , cut hay , && Into one mess , and which , being given warm , Is said to be very wholesome , and to promote the secretion of milk . In some districts the grains of the breweries and diatilleriei are used for the cattle . No po&tior oe THE FARM IS ALLOWED TO BB FALLOW , but Hit divided into six or seven small plots , on each of which a system of rotation is adopted , and ttus , with the aid of manure , the powers of the soil aremainlaituduTiexhaushd . in a state of constant activity .
" The order of succession in the crops is various , bnt we observed , in the several farms which we visited , plots appropriated to potatoes , wheat , barley , clover flax , rye , carrots , turnips or parsnips , vetches and rye for immediate use as green food for cattle . The flax grown is heckled and spun by the fanner ' s wife , chiefly during the winter , and we were told tiiat three weeks ' labour at the loom enabled them to weave inte cloth all the thread thus prepared . ' " The weavers are generally a distinct class from the small fanners , though the labourers chiefly supported by the loom commonly occupied atoutanacreofland , some times more , their labour upon the land alternating with their work at the loom .
" It waa moat gratifying to observe the comfort displayed in the whole economy of the households of these small cultivators , aud the respectability in which they lived . As far as I could learn , there was no tendency to the sub-division of the small holdings . I heard of none under five acres held by the class ef peasant farmers , and six , seven , or eight acres is the more com * mon size . The common rent of land is 20 s . an acre . If a Sick Club or Benefit Society were established among these people , so as to enable them , by mutual assurance , to provide for the casualty of sickness , there would BE LITTLE LEFT TO WISH FOB OB AMEND IN THBIg SOCIAL CONDITION . " So ends Mr . Nichols ' s report It proves moat decidedly that the system of small farming is not onlj practicable , but advantageous ; and when conducted on proper principles , has a great influence onthemorab and condition of the people .
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* Action of the Com Laws reviewed on the prlnd pies of a aound political economy , and of Commoa . Sense . By the author of letters on " The Times , ' which , more than twenty Jean since , bo mainly conttL buted to awaken public attention to the aubjeet London : —Saunders and Ottey , 1841 .
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The National Petition . —Our publisher , Mr . Rob son , has printed the National Petition for 1842 , on a neat sheet , for the purpose of being eaten sively distributed amongst those from whomsigna lures are asked , that they may know for what the / are signing . He is ready to supply them to tht Associations and to individual * at the following charges : —100 copies for 2 *; l , C 00 / or 15 s . ' Pt , tilion sheets , of good strong paper * ruled in four columns , and holding two hundred names when filled , may also be had , price Id , eaek
The Petition and sheets may also be hai from Mr . Cleave , London : and Mr . Hey . wood , Manchester . But in all cases tht monei must be sent in advance—the price being so lou as to preclude credit' ¦ $ 9 * Messrs . Paton and Love , of Glasgow , apprixt us that they have made arrangements with Mr , Hobsonfor the supply of our Scotch friends vWi sheets and petitions . Those in Scotland , who r $ > quire them , vnll do well to make early applicatim to these gentlemen .
TO AGENTS . The Parcels of Medals and of Portraits .-During the next few weeks we shall have to send parcels nearly to all parts of England and Scot land . In each case we shall endeavour to semi by the cheapest mode of conveyance ; and shall be obliged to any agent who will point out tht best and clieapest mode of reaching him . Wt beg to call attention to this , that there may be u complaint afterwards . Those who will experience any convenience from having PetitionsM
Sheets , or Poor Man ' s Almanack , or Mr . O'Connor ' s Pamphlet , or any other of our Publisher ' s Publications inclosed in their parcels , had belter apprize him of the same in time . In all such cases , however , he desires us to state that monq must be sent with the order . The price of tht petitions and sheets are known ; and the allow ance upon the other goods to vendors , it 25 per cent ., therefore they can easily calaukit what the amount will be ; and in all c&ses goodi to the amount of cash received will be sent .
John Thomson , Pastor of the Christian CHisrai Church at Greenock . —His letter shall appear in our next . Birmingham . —Hamftoi * Ward Chartists . —If * received no report from them last week . O'Brien ' s Press Fund , Huddersfield . —We an requested to state that the proceeds of At O'Brien Festival , at Huddersfield , wen £ 21 19 * . 2 d ., from which the expences bdao deducted , leave in hand a balance of £ 7 Us . 6 a , which was handed over to Mr . O'Brien and Au Press Fund Committee . Brighton O'Brien Press Coh « ittee . —Those person * having collecting books for the O'Brien Press Fund , are requested to deliver them to &t committee on Wednesday evening next , with such monies as they may have collected , prtparatory to the books being audited , and the
amount collected transmitted to Feargus O'Cm ? nor , Esq ., the general treasurer . O'Brien Press Fund . —Mr . S . ^ Morling , of Brighton , acknowledges the receipt of four shillinfft from Arnofd , nearNottingham , and 2 s . 6 rf . / rora Calverlon , near Arnold , for the O'Brien Press , per Mr . Wm . Emmerson . The Poets must really give us a little respite ; we have loads of their obliging communications unlooked at . jAMts Collier . —We cannot insert the strange story he has sent us of a silk-agent and a femait worker . If the circumstances be as he states , we advise him to send the letter to the employer of the filthy wretch , who is clearly unfit for lot situation . Chius cofher Wood . —We have no room . An Artizan . —His very long letter " To the B ritish Youth" would occupy far loo much of our
space . Wm . Wildgoose . —The Chartists of Motlram mutt remember that ice have only 48 columns for ( nt whole empire . Female Signatures to the National Petition- — In reply to many letters upon this subject , wt advise female signatures to be kept on distinct sheets . Mr . Rl Nicholls , Bradford , Wilts . — We cannot find space for his letter to the Cornish men . at speaks highly of their spirit and intelligence , out concurs in the general outcry for a missionary . Messrs . James B . O'Brien and Henry Vincent are requested to communicate immediately w ™ Duncan Nicolson , 37 , East North-street , Aberdeen .
Chimney Bribery . —A letter from Northwich states that an overbearing Tory , whose chimney wtuM annoyance to some of his neighbours , promue * one of them to build it higher if he would vott for the Tory parly . The vote was given to f » Tories on the faith of this promise , but the ch ^" ney has not been raised . Our correspondent wishes for our opinion as to whether this vrnt _* case of bribery . ) Ye should say yes : and ° ^^ Aim to prosecute If he succeed the Tory tm » ¦ punished for bribery , as he ought to be . Ij }* Jail , he will be punished for accepting the on ^ i
as he ought to be . , Duf field . — We cannot insert the attack on tM policeman sent us . Houxver true it may to * fact , it is a gross libel in law . »¦? '•• Charlks Davib 3 , Srtckport , apologizes to his Eeclts friends for disappointing them on the 8 th » " »• Sickness was the cause of his doing «> . # . W . Ped £ ev wishes to impress upon the Chartisi boij generally , the necessity of supporting the - ® WC j * tive . He says , and very properly , that to a * this it is only necessary that the rules ° JJ ^ National Charter Association should be t * T ™ fi
out tn every locality . York Female Chartists . —Mr . Stallwood sends « the following note : u Sir ,-The ladies V York do not think you are quite so gallant as ! W » should be , seeing that you neither inserted tnev communication , or announced the reception V j *; last week . —Truly yours , Edmund Siall »« ° « . We know not to what communication thu . *~* . refer . We have received none ; nor canwe learn that any such communication has been recttvf * at this office at all . ' Thady Caffkbky , Ballaghadbrrinb , w * Mayo , Ireland , begs to acknowledge the ? # * £ of some Suu-a , on one of which , were the tnutm "W . B . Darlington . " ¦ , . _ CkanbobIc . —In the notice of Mr . Powell ' s UcW * i at this place , inserted in eur last , the " « f" * JJ& the audience was accidentally printed A * w instead of 1200 . . . ^ Erbatum . —In Mr . Harney ' s lettery given in ouruuh for * Ashby Poor-house , " read " Ashover Poorhouse "
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BRIEN PRESS FUND , LEEDS . £ . d . Received of Mr . Hobson , treasurer of the Demonstration Committee , being part of tiv » proceds of the Soiree given to O'Connor ... « 7 " Received from the Chartists of - 9 Horbnry , per Mr . Hick ... 0 5 "
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OUR PRESENT STATE AND PROSPECTS , Never within the period of man ' s recollection was the social condition of the people of this oonntry so deplorable as now . Nor do we Bee the least prospect of amendment so long as the domented holders of a position , which already trembles under them , continue to keep their footing on the people ' s necks . We have become objects of contempt for our immediate neighbours , and of oompassion for our sons and brothers across the Atlantic . Our heart sickened as we read the following truthful , feeling paragraphs from an Americau paper : —
ENGLISH LIBERTY . rt Tho last papers from England , held up the curtain of a scene of horror , such as the annals uf the world , fall as they are with crime and misery , can scarcely parallel . While the table of expences of the English Sovereign are given at 300 , 000 dollars a-yeor , it ia stated that ia one manufacturing district there are 100 , 000 of that Queen ' s subjects without work , in a stato every hour verging nearer starvation , without the remotest prospect of relief .
" By day and by night this terrible tale has been ringing in our ears—this picture of horror Las been constantly before xu . We have seen the madness of the father , the despair of tho mother , and the pale , bsaeeching faces of mourning babes . The sun shines en them from the azure heavens , the gentle rains fall round them , and th ? y live upon the beautiful earth , denied the privilege of toil , with nothing before them but the prospect of a horrible death . " Here , in one district , ¦ within the compass of a few miles , is a population larger by thousands thau that of NtwYork city , which has been sinking by slow but certain degrees , lower and lower , till human woe and wretchedness seem to have found Its lowest depth , and there Ueshumanity . nelpless . hopeless—the grave yawning alike ' for the old and the young—all enduring a common fate , and that the most awful that ever scourged the world .
" Can anything be done ? Onr commiseration avails not—our alms could not reach them , and if they could it -woulQ ba but a prolongation of misery . What if we remonstiato ' Will the haughty aristocrats who now govern England and aspire to the supremacy of the world listen to remonstrance 7 They , on wnose ears the groans of millions of the down-trodden fall idly as the whirling of the autumn leaves—they , whom the tnoaas of women and children , famishing for bread , cannot soften—will they thus listen to the faintly whispered reproof that comes across the Atlantic ? " The thousands of priests who , by a huge establishment , fleece the natisn of a tithe of its productions —the thousands of the rich and titled who hold in
their uaelencbmg grasp the wealth—with the law and the sword for their protection , will they let go their hold , « r give up one of the privileges which their lawless bandit ancestors seized and they claim and defend , —will they rescue poverty from starvation ? " When the ne ^ ro slave is sick , lie is nursed—when old and inarm , he is fed and sheltered ; infancy is cured for , age protected . If there is famine , the master kills his cattle , sells his property to feed his slaves . In England the white slave labours longer and harder for a poorer living than the negro , and when proviaons are dear , and his work not wanted , he is left to starve . This England sends her Thompsons to declaim on the sin aad « orse of negro slavery . In the eyes of the Almighty the southern slaveholder ifi less guilty than the English capitalist .
"What of liberty has the English artisan to boast ? He has not , even the liberty to labour , the liberty to eat the bread of toil . England is no country © f liberty . The slave who Beta his foot upon her shore is free—to starve . Does he ask bread , he is told to earn it . When he asks for labour , there is none to be had ., If he attempt to kill game in the forest , or catoh flah in the stream , he is sent to jaiL England is a country of privilege . The nobility , the clergy , all who compose the great machinery of her government , havo privileges to
—privileges oppress , to monopolise , to crush , to starve . In all the tyranny at privilege England abounds . In all the freedom of democracy and equal rights it is wanting . It ia governed , taxed , pillaged by privileged classes . Millions toil from infancy to agehundreds of thousands live in want aad starvation , that their sovereign may enjoy a thousand costly luxuries A world ' s wealth is hoarded around London . We can form no adequate idea of the grandeur that is concentrated upon the few . God looks down calmly from above and sees the many starving .
" Can this be always ? Will generation after generation pass into eternity , after a life « f horrible destitution here , leaving wealth aad privilege still in the enjoyment of the few , and toil and want still the lot of the many ; or will the spark of humanity , not quite stamped oat , revive , and brains and muscles assert the rights they were intended to " protect and enjoy ? Will all the brawny artisans of England cringe under the awful power of purse and sword for ever ? There is no hope of reform . Wealth does not relax 1 U grasppower does not give up it * privileges , and when did either care for right 1 Every day the case of the Eng-
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THE N O RTIBM S TAB .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Nov. 27, 1841, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct963/page/4/
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