Current:

Leader (1850-1860), 3rd January 1852, Edition Town of 1, Page 7, Untitled Article

Page 7
Page 7
7 of 24

On this page

  • Text (5)
  • Transcript

    • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

      Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

      Untitled Article

      Question between the employers and employed , having been raised by the latter , should now be brought to some clear - and definitive issue . We learn that individually nearly all the firms in this district have received from their customers , for whom they are making mill or other machinery , in some cases under contracts with penalties as to nbnfulfiiment in time , the most cordial assurances that they approve of the course taken bjr the employers , and that they a * e disposed , under the circumstances , to . extend to them the utmost amount Of indulgence that may be sought in the completion of these contracts . "

      A PBOP 0 SBD-1 BEMEDY TO OBVIATE 8 TB . IKBB . Mr . W . B . Adamshas written two letters to the Times , in a fair spirit on the pending dispute . "We mention Mr . Adams , because in his letter of the 30 th ultimo he makes a proposition to the men , which is worthy of consideration , more especially . as coining from so large an employer of labour . ? A body that can raise a fund of £ 25 , 000 in a short jme from its- own earnings , needs no patronage . Rightly guided by the wisdom of their best members , they have ample power to raise themselves to a position of moral worth and influence never yet possessed by any body of working men in any State . Let but one more mischievous remnant of ancient intolerance pass away ,

      by the institution of a rational , law of partnership , and these working men will be enabled to bring about a new division of labour , beneficial to themselves and to the community , in union with the great capitalists , thus getting rid of the bugbear feud between capital and labour and setting up a true Socialism , based on individual interests , without needing the reconstruction of society ; i . e . a system in which the honest worker , may by economy gradually accumulate capital , and safely ( employ that capital in business to procure himself a profit * instead of building an uninhabitable

      tenement or putting it in a savings bank . It is the combination of j oint-stock cooperation with individual energy and skill that must form that great practical National Assurance-office , which will put a final « nd to strikes , and bind the whole community together with an interminable chain of links that may bid defiance to internal accident or to outward force . It is only when the have nots ' get too numerous that the « haves' of the community are exposed to risk and the cohesion of a , nation is destroyed . " - ' Will the engineers reflect on these suggestions ? FROM THE MEMBERS OF THE AMALGAMATED BOCIETY OF ENGINEERS , MACHINISTS , ETC ., TO THEIR , EMPLOYERS . Gentlemen , —The ^ Executive Council of the Amalgamated Society of Engineers , Machinists , Millwrights , Smiths , and Pattern Makers , wish to address a few observations to you upon the practices of piece work and overtime , which they have come to a resolution to abolish . , :. ¦ .... ' _ ... . l . _ :.:. .. ; .. _ ,: _ The Executive Council , in taking this cdurse , have not the slightest intention of unwarrantably interfering with , or attempting to dictate to , employers . They have only in view the performance of their duty as the guardians of the interests of the members , and the organ through which the voice of the trade expresses itself , and they trust that what they have to say will be interpreted in the amicable spirit which animates thprn . So far , indeed , from the discussion of these questions , if properly considerell , having a tendency to create angry feelings , we believe that their satisfactory adjustment is of equal importance to both employers and workmen , and that each party should be anxious to see them equitably settled . We believe , too , that the present time ia peculiarly fitted for the discussion of such questions , as is shown by the interest evinced in them by the public at large , and the general desire which exists among all cl&Rses to shorten the hours of labour . In addressing gentlemen in your position , it is not of course necessary for us to elaborate thoughts , with which you roust be to the full as well acquainted as ourselves ; all . we need to do is to state the simple facts of the case , and leave them to your consideration . We would say , then , that overtime is injurious to employers , because it is the dearest possible way of doing the work that is to be done . Not only ' is the rate of payment for time greater , but a higher price is paid to tired workmen whose cap-ability of work , just when they should be leaving their labour , is considerably reduced . Taken as a whole , we should not be far beyond the mark when , we say , that work done in . overtime costs nearly double that which is performed in the ordinary working hours . . Beyond , however , the mere fact of men being less able to exert themselves when they are actually working overtime , the system tends to produce permanent incapability , by injuring the health of the workman , and thus making , his ordinary labour of leas value than it would otherwise bo . guides this , overtime is one of the most certain causes ° « ignorance , by preventing men who leave their beda to work and leave their work to sleep , devoting any portion OJ Weir time to the cultivation of their minds . Every employer knows that it ia better to have intelligent men than ignorant ones 5 for , independent of thp former being more truotublo and trustworthy , the ' intelligence they m ng to their work increases their value . We have as yet eaid nothing of the system of piece work - but it must bo obvious that most of the reasons fPP'y " ^ to overtime are oapable of being urged aguinsl « .- V \ . ateyer evils spring front men working longer nours than is consistent with their health or moral woll-» eing , Bpring from piece work to the full as much as irom overtime . By it mon are incited to work aa long > s exhausted nature oan sustain itself , and in addition it cws them to hurry over their work , and leave it imperfectl y finished when defects may bo concealed . ™ J w ° u » d hope , however , that irrespective of the considerations uprfnging from these fecte , and which

      merely ^ fiect the interests of empibyersv we may enlist your sympathies on higher grounds . We would appeal to tho 8 ^ feelingswhich dignify . and ennoble our common humanity , to induce you to give up . some ^ ing of mere « ain , if need be , in order to elevate the condition of your workmen . For that , however , there is no necessity .. In this instance , at least , benefit to yourselves and benevolence to your workmen go hand in hand , arid we peg that you will serve at once your , own cause , and that of your workmen , by intimating to us that we need-not fear your ^ opposition , but rather may reckpn on your support in this effort to deal with the questions of piece work and overtimen ; ~" : " ' ¦ * ' - ' . . ¦ ¦ * . * . Entertaining these views , and actuated by these motives ; the Executive Council have decided to advise the trade generally to discontinue the practices of systematic overtime and piece work after the 31 st of December , 1851 ; and in those cases where overtime is really necessary , in cases of break downs or other accidents , all time so worked over to be charged and paid for at the rate of double time . I am , Gentlemen , your obedient servant , ¦ W . Allan , Gen , Sec . London : 25 , Little AlierStreet , Whitechapel .

      Untitled Article

      REFORM CONFERENCE . The National and Parliamentary Reform Association have issued the following circular , calling for a Reform Conference . . " National Parliamentary land Financial Eeform Association , " Offices , 41 , Gharing-cross , January : 1 , 1853 . "Deab . Sir , — 'The council , of the National Parliamentary and Financial Reform Association have decided upon convening a conference in London , to which they invite the earnest friends of the cause from every part of the United Kingdom . The necessity and urgency of such a course will be apparent to all . It is desirable that the introduction of a ministerial measure of Parliamentary Reform should be a matter of certainty—that there should be such a manifestation of public opinion as shall cause that measure to be radical and complete . That means should be taken to secure its success and to obviate the necessity for further agitation . Such are the objects soughts in convening the conference , and it is felt that at this important crisis every sincerereformer will estimate the value of immediate and united efforts in behalf of these objects . Your acknowledgment , with the circumstances of your locality in reference to the reform cause , and the names of the persons likely to attend the conference , will be esteemed . In the appointment of deputations care should be taken that the opinions of all classes aie represented . It is thought the meeting of Parliament will be the most suitable time for the conference ; but with thi ; precise period you will be made acquainted . —( Signed ) J . Walmsley . "

      Untitled Article

      ' Q MXMBJ ^^^^^^ IAJ ^^^^ ^ P ^^^' Some time ago , a Prince Esterhazy , formerly one of the Batthyany Ministry , and known in England as the wearer of a diamond jacket , wrote a letter to the Tirnes , attacking the policy of the Hungarian Constitutionalists , and denouncing the conduct of Kossuth . This was followed by another letter from a " Batthyany" well known at Epsom and Newmarket , concurring in the views of the " Esterhazy . " Now , as there are many Esterhazys in Hungary , so there are many Batthy anys . One of the , latter was among the prisoners in Turkey liberated by the joint action of America and England . When the Mississippi touched the coat of France he landed , and was permitted to proceed to Paris , and there to take up his abode . This Batthyany was baptized Casimer , and here the title of Count , He was . also a member of the Ministry of Louiu Batthyany , and afterwards of Kossuth . To this CaaimerVmany persons applied the letter of the horse-racing gentleman ; and in vindication of himself and his country from the aspersiqns of Esterhazy , and to separate himself from ail complicity with either of the letter writers , he wrote the letter himself to the Times , and , having successfully refuted Esterhazy , he attacked Kossuth . The tone of the letter is moderate and dispassionate , the nature of the accusations against the Governor of Hungary clearly stated . They , therefore , demand

      attention . Count Casimer Batthyany believes that , at the outset of his public career , Louis Kossuth intended to maintain the union existing between Austria and Hungary ; but that , exasperated by the want of good faith on the part of the Government of Vienna , his impatient temper , " his ambition and hankering after notoriety , arid his suppleness" led him too far , so that he was obliged to break with the Imperial Government . Then follows a decided arid strongly coloured estimate of t , he character of KoBsuth . 44 Deficient in the knowledge of men and things , in the steadfast bearing , cool judgment , and comprehensive mind- of a statesmanand without the firm hand of a

      , ruler ; settling at naught all Bound calculation , while he played a game of chance and staked the fate of the nation on the cast of a die ; encountering danger ^ witU lioirbrained temerity when distant , but shrinking from it when near ; elated and over bearing , in prosperity , but utterly prostrate In adversity ; wanting that strength , and intrepidity of character that alone oommande homage and obedience from others , while ho suffered himself , to be made the tool of every intriguer he ciiinem cpnneotion with ; mistaking his manifold accomplishments and natural genius for an aptitude to govern a country in times of trouble ; and setting , in the flights of fancy , no bounds to the scope of his ambition , Kossuth hurried away the nation into a course of the moat impolitic

      measures , and grasped the highest power in the realm by dubious means . " "Subsequently Count Casimer distinguishes between the cause of Hungary and the person of Kossuth as the object of English sympathy ; and he speaks of Kossuth as having been obliged to " pay a tribute to the feelings of legality , " which animate Englishmen , and to eschew -the . demagogical rant" in which he indulged at Marseilles . He denies Kossuth ' s right to set himself up as the representative of Hungary ; and declaims against Kossuth for' not appearing after his . liberation as a private citizen . Instead of doing this , he has set himself up as a dictator to his countrymen . Then follow these remarkable passages , containing allegations which neither Kossuth nor his friends can overlook .

      "It is , therefore , the sacred duty of those who , although far from wishing to fetter his activity , are not disposed to admit his claims , publicly to protest against his proceedings . Without dwelling any longer on the weighty motives for caution which may be deduced from his past career , I will merely observe that his pretension to be . still regarded aa governor is the more barefaced from the circumstances attending his resignation . The circumstances ; are these : —He was summoned by Gorgey and three members of the Ministry to resign . He instantly complied , and resigned the Governorship without convening the Council of State , that he was bound by law to consult on every important occasion . He resigned without intimating his intention of doing so to the three other Ministers ( of Whom I was one ) , and who were , consequently , quite unaware of the fact . He did not resign his authority into the hands of the Ministers—as under such

      circumstances he was bound to do—but into the hands of Gorgey . He even invested Gorgey with a power and authority with , which he had not been invested himself—viz ., the dictatorship . He delegated a power which he only held himself personally , and , in fact , provisionally , by a direct mandate of the Diet . He resigned in the name of . the Ministry , "which he had no right whatever to do . " In estimating the importance of this letter we must remember that Count Casimer Batthyany is a titular noble , and Louis Kossuth is not ; that Count Casimer B ^ tthyanyjnrasperniitteiiby M . Bonaparte to enter France , and that Louis Kossuth was not ; and that these weighty allegations and solemn charges rest partly upon the opinion of Count CasimetBatthyany .

      Untitled Article

      THE HUNGARIAN REFUGEES . __ Lord Dudley Coutts Stuart has addressed a letter to the'Daily Netos , inclosing the subjoined communication to himself , from Mr . Francis Newman .

      . ' ¦ TO LORD DUDLEY STUART , M . . P . " 7 , Park-village East , RegentVpark , December 30 , 185 T . "My dear Lord , — Allow me to address a few thoughts to you concerning the honourable exiles of Hungary . " You fully see the misery of trying to . provide for their wants by a money subscription . No moral interest in them can be sustained . Money will always flow in slowly , and the aid thus given is insufficient , degrading , and ere long reluctant . Such a mode of doling out relief is ill called charity . Unless enough money could be

      raised at a single effort , such a procedure is quite undesirable . Surely one must wish that the individual exiles should be brought into personal knowledge with individual Englishmen , and receive a hospitality which would generate an honourable friendship when between equals in rank ,, or else a generous kindliness . I hear there are 161 exiles in London . Surely 161 householders exist here warmly disposed towards Hungary , and able to afford a sleeping apartment . It seems to me that the immediate want is of a suitable committee , that will advertise to receive pr . offers from the friends of Hungary , to afford this kind of hospitality—say for three months .

      " The British Association does something of this kind at its meetings , always successfully , the time being there only a week ; but the form of their proceeding might , perhaps , guide the committee . The parties making the offer might be invited to state if , first , they could spare a gentleman ' s bedroom ; or , second , a servant ' s bedroom ; or , third , receive a gentleman at their table ; or , fourth ,, at their servant's table . Many would probably at first only offer a bedroom ; but after forming acquaintance and becoming interested in the person , would gladly offer something more ; and those who gave a bed , and could not afford board , would make exertions among their private friends till they were enabled to do this also . " Altogether , I am persuaded that the system of centralization is here , as in everything else , demoralising ;

      and that the only way happy to him who gives and to him who receives , is that of quartering individuals locally . 41 Englishmen ' s hearts are more , open to Kossuth than to other Hungarians , because by his writings and speeches we know him ao well . Wo must also know the other Hungarians individually , if we are to take adequate interest in them . Perhaps , three severe winter months impend . Pray , my dear lord , « xert yourself ia this direction , which will not at all' interfere with . the Kossuth fund : I mean , try to establish such a committee . 44 i have the honour to be , sincerely yours , 41 ( Signed ) Francis W . Nbwman . " This is an excellent plan , and one which maybe readily adopted , though it will involve the sacrifice of that domestic privacy so dear to Englishmen .

      Untitled Article

      THE FRENCH IN MOROCCO . One of the consequences of the late bombardment of the old piratical port of Salleo on the north coast of Africa , appears in . tho shape of an appeal to English Public Opinion . It ia a great fact .

      Untitled Article

      Ja * . 3 , 1352 . ] ig ^ ; . 7 ;

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 3, 1852, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1916/page/7/