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Leader (1850-1860), 17th July 1852, Edition Town of 2, Page 684, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      the nature of some remedy , everything wiU be misjudged , unless the name be the right one . The extent to which the multitude is governed by names is incredible to one who has never looked into the matter . So long as positivism forms so little a part of private instruction , the mass must be at the mercy of names They are the weapons of parties , and tvrannv these days a s often fights its battle by the artful imputation of names as by the use of arms . Well-informed enemies know that however bad a term may be made , there will always be men to clam our for it and to mistake it for part of their objects , and to ¦ worship it as a principle , and therefore they destroy and distort the names by which we are judged . A soldie seldom clamours for a rusty gun or a broken sword ; he commonly prefers serviceable and bright ones ; but your political and social soldier has a decided

      partiality for rusty and broken arms . Not content with retaining foolish or hateful watchwords , that have been long worn out , many modern stage-struck polit icians have taken to importing foreign iargon in the same state of infirmity . If a revolutionary sect iut a neig hbouring nation has made some particular signature one , of terror , it will be adopted by preference among us . If a particular flag is the symbol of blood to Europe , some man quite peaceable m his own intents , will carry that flag , inscribed with some Italianmotto , translated into bald English , through

      our streets . Down to the details of formal advocacy the same feature is observable . The working man is no longer known by his honest name—the middle class are designated by a word which few spell alike , and no two at a public meeting pronounce in the same way . The Refugees get the credit of this inundation of revolutionary jargon . In justice to them it ought to be stated that they have in no way interfered with us . Their political conduct has been everywhere reserved and exemplary , as their language has ever been respectfnl to our institutions and sympathetic to our

      prejudices . Their heroism in struggles , and their patience in the suffering of exile , may have been an inspiration and an example . But this is the inseparable influence of patriotism and courage , honourable to all who exercise it as to all who appreciate it . The foreign importation of this froth into our agitations , has been the act of hotbraincd histrionic enthusiasts at home , unskilled in the use of arts by which opinion is legitimately advanced . Every one who has imbibed continental prejudices against the reformers in foreign . states , confounds all efforts which arc characterized by should have

      their watchwords . Our own advocacy thoroughly English lineaments , and bear tho impress of the solid and measured demands , national with us . Saxon language should express the Saxon . sentiment , sis our broadest demands arc often little more than Jin appeal to old Saxon laws and liberties ; and we should keep jus free as possible from the liability of having to answer in London or Manchester for the conduct or speeches of persons in other countries of whom wo know little or nothing—if not too much . We may help all men but we need only answer for ourselves , and be

      Jud ged only by what we do ourselves . The uso of speech in matters not political is commonly made with a certain degree of care . A simile that obscures or falsifies a subject we desire to exidt ih studiously avoided . Words that " cut both ways" considered disadvantageous . Such are the foreign words , symbols , and banners now frequently exhibited among us . Tho sense in which they are used is not understood— -und to make them understood would

      occupy the time that might be better employed m legitimate homebred political instruction . Fusiliers do not employ firelocks which explode in their hands , nor doCH the cannoneer throw shells which do little damage except to those who eject them . Yet . tho political combatants of tho people do not much diller from this—ho little attention is paid to the , choice , of weapons . Right feeling and enthusiasm are considered Huuicient to carry nil before them ; but our militia-men will find that discipline is the hn . lf-l . rother of murage and so in discretion to the political iulvocat . es in a more pacific

      field . ? Some misapplication may be made of these suggestions , owing to the want of personal illustrations , which , however , have hecii purposely avoided , in order not to 1 hereih

      augment the error sought to bo eon'eetecl . - mil difficulty , too , in drawing mil , rules which . should , in cwry <««' , ikjL iih tests by which terms may bo tried , votftjhed , defended , or abandoned- Still the danger ol Immiik misunderstood weinn worth incurring , lor the turice of misipik the question of this paper . Useful renulta must cAno out of its discussion . Tim duel thing to ho aiHhded ih , that Home will begin to feel UppVfthuniAon wi / ere they are invited only to observe «) irciiniHi )»; t ; tion . 7 Those who begin to vacillate ami pro-]> itiWto * 'bHtnu ' the dignify of their muse . There in liarclly >} i ^ aUfr mistake than to attempt to propitiate

      public opinion . It crushes all who implore it . The wise and the inflexible may command opinion—the weak and the fearful only inflame its insolence . To those , therefore , who c annot disting uish bet ween outrag e and submission , but who must fall into one or the otherthese suggestions are not addressed . Indiscretion is better than hypocrisy . The violent is to be preferred to the craven spirit , and those whom the precepts of a manly prudence would merely turn into cowards must bo abandoned to turbulence and to time . Ion .

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      DISHONEST DIZZY . An after-dinner braggart is a " tolerable person and not to be endured . " An after dinner wit who runs Joseph Miller very hard , may come off gaily with the aid of bad wine . An after dinner orator who is dull and pompous , and unsteady on his legs , is nofc unbearable to an accompaniment of " steady port and walnuts . But what shall we say of a post-prandial rhetorician , a minister , and leader among his people , who tells but the law does not allow of and advised writing .

      open At Newport Pagnell , on Wednesday , Mr . Disraeli said they had been accused of supporting a Protectionist policy in " opposition , and abandoning it in office . " I should like , " said this type of veracity , " to hear that accusation made in the House of Commons by any of my opponents . " At the time of speaking , the orator must have been conscious that he had heard the accusation fifty times in the House of Commons . Again . Mr . Disraeli said he would like to hear any one AntiCatholic

      say in the House of Commons that the - Proclamation was an electioneering dodge . When Parliament meets , Mr . Disraeli will be gratified . As it is , the speaker knew that the charge had been flung in the teeth of ministers that they raised the " No Popery" for electioneering purposes . The proclamation was issued just before Parliament broke up , and was the crowning act of duplicity . Mr . Disraeli knew that bis party was trading in religious bigotry ; and he knows that fear of him will not withhold dozens of gentlemen from telling him . so in October next .

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      " the snow or hats . ' At the Essex Election , the Hig h Sheriff proposed that instead of a show of hands , the people present at the nomination should make a « show of hats . " Many of the crowd wore caps , for they were the industrious artisans of Braintree : of course the caps would have been excluded . Docs not this simple fact illustrate . the policy of tho Derby-Disraelite Government ? They are anxious that the hands

      tho hats rather than tho hands , and perhaps than the heads of the country should rule . The hand is a reality , the instrument of honest labour ; it is also tho symbol of frankness , of openness . It is undisguised , unclothed Tho hat , though of the finest beaver , or richest velvet , is only a symbol of wealth , of luxury , of idleness . Thcso ' latter wish to cajole and proy upon those formertherefore ) Derby would rather roly upon hats than hands . At least ; such is the Essex notion of tho Derby Government . Hut wo are hound to say that " a Caucasian explanation of tho phenomenon may bo offered . To wit : may it not bo tho foreshadowing of a hybrid poliey bctwoen tho Vatican and Houndsditch P Tho Popo does ho not wear three huts P mid Ministers , arc they not Jesuits in duplicity p Tho Jew , haa he not been seen wearing many hatu , and is he not famous for clutching at " what , ho can got "Disraeli ! e practice to a T F Jfence the predilection of the Khsox official for hatH—lor great is the influence of nyinl ) ol , and it . would bo presumpfuouH hi uh to question hin knowledge of tho Ministerial intentions . Hut everything will come right if the " heads" will only consult tho inloront , H ol' tho " hands . "

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      Tu 10 Two LmcH . Beautiful »* old ngo beautilul as the slow-dropping mellow autumn of a rich glorioiiH summer . In the old man , nature Ihih fulfilled her work ; she loads him with her blessings ; sho fills him with tho fruits of n well-spent life ; and , surrounded by his children and his children ' s children , she rocks him softly away to u grave , to which he Jh followed with

      blessings . God forbid we should net call it beautiful . It is beautiful , but not the most beautiful . There is another life , hard , rough , and thorny , trodden wi th bleeding feet and aching brow ; the life of which the cross is the symbol ; a battle which no peace follows this side the grave ; which the grave gapes to finish , before the victory is won ;¦ and—strange that it should be so—this is the highest life of man . Look back along the great names of history ; there is none whose life has been other than this . —From the Westminster Revieiv for July .

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      'I'HK VALVK OV TUB rUANCHIHH . Dibokkkt politicians fear to extend tho franchise to men who might ahum ; it , and they limit it , therefore , to clauses who nre more especially qualified . It in too noon to have learned all tin * illustrations that tho present election in furnisliing , of the manner in which the eiifmn < : hined cIukboh appreciate their exclusive privilege ; but one illustration in HUggeHtivo . An elector olfercd his vote , if he could ohtum , in refurri , wherewithal «<» defray his paswago to Australia ! In other words , he would have Hold hin vole for the means of running away from his country .

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      684 THE LEADER . [ Satprdat ,

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      riK THIS DBPABTMSNT , AS AI / L OPINIONS , HOWEVEB BXTBEME L ABE ALLOWED AN EXPRESSION , THE EDITOB NECESSABILT HOLDS HIMSELF EESPONSIBLE FOE NONE . J

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      for Ins adversary to write . —Mir / roir .

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      THE " LEADER" AND THE CHURCH . ( To the Editor of the Leader ?) Sib , —In the letter which you were good enough to insert , with my initials attached ( A . K . ) , it was very far from my intention to impute to you anything that could possibly be construed into an offensive charge ot having , in Church affairs , conducted the Leader with a want of fair and honourable dealing . What I took the liberty of noticing was , the fact that tho Leader , conducted , as any reader would presume , for the purpose , amongst other things , of propagating sound liberal principles in politics , and perfect freedom of opinion and worship in religion , as oppose d to the domination or tyranny of any sect or party , has , nevertheless , systematically devoted much of its time , not to arguments on the evils of a State-paid Church , necessarily the aider and abettor of bad government , but to lengthy loading articles on the internal discip line and policy of the Church , from which any one would infer an " extreme anxiety for the improvement of its ailairs , in order to ensure increased power and stability to an establishment , to abolish which , root and brunch , ought to be the first wish of every true friend to civil and religious liberty . Your readers can be in no doubt respecting your religious opinions , for to your credit you decline to swallow any dogma unless reason and argument are with it ; nevertheless , 1 think 1 have made out my charge of " inconsistency . " It is quite true that n newspaper ought to notice all parties alike , but no one will contend that an editor ought , to advocate the principles of all parties ; and therefore , sir , no one could feel hurt if you were to leave the Church and its synodieul questions to their tide . Moreover , sir , an editor being a teacher as well us a reviewer , might reasonably bo expected to pointout the principles he condemns , as well as those of which ho is this advocate ; and I feel assured you are an enemy to u State Church . Your correspondence in to-day ' s number hits drawn from me these remarks , otherwise 1 should not have obtruded myself a second time upon your notice , nor Hhoiild 1 have troubled you with my first communication if I hud imiiginetl that anything I wrote could ho considered by any of your renders us offensive or unfair to the Leader , for ( he success of which I have done Homo little in my limited sphere , iind of which , behove me , sir , there is no more ardent admirer tlmu Yours respectfully , A . KlNTHKA . Omit Ueortfo-Mlroel , Honnondnoy , l () l . h . lul . y , lHf > a .

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      To ( hcoimi ! HiiNTMt , . 1 UN . Wo r .-K'ird the interference im i American question ulliuleri •<» bjr our eorreNpond « mt «" ; »' ; iofl to the American *! thomHelvcH . Intorlcici . co iron . >»• lor V country can only impecfo the nohitioii which Uionxmt ono «< i " minds of America uWdy iiDlicijmto . ,. » ,.. „ r .. t <} KKK 4 THM .--1 II letter I . <» n the " Dmcmlme al M > * for " lot him try to make injection moult *! , read " let »«» "¦' to Jimko uacotio monkt * . "

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  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), July 17, 1852, page 684, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1943/page/16/