On this page

• Text (1)

  Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

  • 

    Untitled Article

• Transcript

  • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

    Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

    Untitled Article

    i s-Ti the whole world will value , and upon which we shall rip reason to congratulate ourselves . ^ Iam quite sure Sit mv noble fr iend at the head of the Government may l eU console himself for any attacks that may have been lu » on him in contemplating such a result , and that we have ca to appr eciate highly the mixture of firms and judgment by whichhe has been enabled to attain rte end that is before us . " ' ' ' . Mr . Layakd followed Lord John ; He blamed Lord Aberdeen for saying that his policy was "based on

    peace ; " the interests of England should dictate the Llicy of an English minister . « We have heard on all sides during the recent alarmin the lobby of this House , in private circles , amongst men of all opinions— ' Had the noble lord the member for Tiver been at the Foreign-offiee , we should not have been in these straits . ' "Was it because the country wanted war ? No ; it was because the country was convinced that the best means of preserving peace was to assume at once a firm arid dignified attitude . "

    Explaining the character of Prince Menschikoff's actions , pointing out his interference with Servia , showing the spread of Protestantism in . Turkey , and the efforts of Russia and the Greek clergy to suppress it , and stated his opinion that without the dominance of the Sultan , the parts of the Turkish empire would fall a prey to anarchy and confusion . Are we prepared to take possession of Asia Minor , Mesopotamia , Syria , and Egypt , or can we allow them to pass into the hands of Russia and France ? Tor we must do one or the other , as there is no dominant family in any

    of those countries except Egypt . We should not forget that although Egypt is a high road to India , Syria and the vallies of the Tigris and Euphrates form the high road , and any Power holding those countries would command India . Moreover , the power which holds Constantinople will ever be looked upon in the East as the dominant power of the world , and with Russia at Constantinople , our tenure of India would always be a purely military tenure . Mr . Layard then commented on the conduct of the diplomatists .

    " We have committed , in my humble opinion , two grave diplomatic errors . In the first place , when Colonel JJose learnt that Prince Menschikoff was prepared with a secret treaty , a fact known to many persons at Constantinople * and that he had informed the * Porte of his intention to force it uppn her , forbidding it , under pain of the Emperor ' s high displeasure , to communicate ifc to the other Powers , and when we learnt , not from mere report , but from positive and reliable information , that the Russian Government was engaged in preparing vast armaments on the frontiers of Turkey and at Odessa , we ought not to have been satisfied with such assurances as the noble lord has stated were eiven to us in London and St . Petersburg .

    But we should at once have insisted on an immediate disarmament , or such satisfactory proofs of the pacific intentions of Russia as would have removed all doubts whatever upon the subject . Our neglecting to do so was a grave error . That error having been committed , we had no remedy ; but we had another opportunity , and committed a second error . The very moment we wero informed by ltusaia that she intended to cross the Pruth , wo ought to havo said to her , 'As eoon ns you enter the ^ Turkish territory , we shall consider it a casus belli , and * bring up

    our fleet to Constantinople . ' ( Cheers . ) I do not mean to say that wo should have gone to war ; but this would huvo been the effect of our declaration—all the treaties of Russia with the Porte , upon which she founded her protensions to protect and interfere with the Christian subjects of the Sultan , would have been ipso facto by the law of nations abrogated , and we should then have insisted that Turkey should enter into no now treaties with Russia , to which Franco and England wore not privy , and of which they did not approve . Had wo hold such language with firmnoss , I think that Russia would not have dared to

    cross the Pruth , and we should in the vory beginning havo brought this question to an issue . I havo little doubb that tlio Russians will now evacuate the Principalities . It would not bo worth tho while of Russia to ongago in war with tho whole- of Europo on account of those provinces , which woro , to all intents and purposes , her own . She has accustomed Europo to their occupation without a caso of war , and aho has shown that sho may do with them as sho pleases , and that any ono of thoir inhabitant who may daroto opposo her will , will bo subjected to her heavy dispieuauvo . Wo have , wo are told , to congratulato ourselves upon having achieved a victory—a peaceful diplomatic victory—if wo induced tho Russians to loavo tho

    Principalities . I much doubt tho victory . Russia has gained , without firing a shot , what would havo boon wollworth Purchasing by n bloody and expensive campaign . Sho hns J'stablwhod her powor in tho East—sho has humiliated lurkoy—sho hns compelled hor to submit to an invasion without resistance—sho lias oxliaustod hor rosourcos—and , yhni ij , , who has humiliated this country and Franco iii tho oyofl of h « r own subjects , and of tho populations of ¦ lurkoy . What liavo wo dono for Turkey , who opposed y » o demands of Russia with our nanction and support—• lumimls winch wo admitted to bo outrageous and unjust ? vvu havo subjected hor to humiliation and to all tho « x-^ T" ! - . Y ' . . ulwo arq now urging hor to a . ocopt tho

    to > ¦ winch wo advised hor , in tho first instance , in / 1 i ' Ancl iiOW lllld ~ tnoH 0 donianda boon now urged "I'on Her , and what doos thoir acceptance- involve ? Why Jrlm l r ^ ' l 0 ftmf c fr ( Mn tho JloWo W ( l thftfc W «» DroHiT , ! • ° l ° l ) O 8 rtI to ''» agrood to by tho ro-J 2 r ? , of fcll ° ii ) url ' oww ll < i Vienna wan first « S " nMlllto < 1 , <; ? m " 1 ' otorflburg , and was , of courso , WithS ' i ; ° l ) t 0 ( l ~ th 0 aoooptanco being sent baok CVci vl i , ft 'V uI boforo tho PwpoBal' could havo oven reached the Porto . Tho conaoquouco w that , if tho

    Porte declines to adhere to this proposal , Russia-will call upon us to support her in compelling the Turkish Government , who has the real voice in the matter , and can alone judge how far the proposal affects her rights and independence , to accept that which we have sanctioned and recommended . ( Loud cries of ' Hear , hear . ' ) In fact , Russia has turned the tables completely upon us , and has made us her allies against Turkey , instead of our being supporters of Turkey in resisting an unjust and uririghte-Ous demand . If Turkey accepts the proposal under this terrible pressure—for it is a terrible pressure , Russia now being united with the four great Powers of Europe a gainst the Porte—we have directly sanctioned the pretensions of

    Russia to protect and interfere on behalf of 12 , 000 , 000 of the Christian subjects of the Porte , a privilege which she mi g ht always have claimed , and , to a certain extent , exercised , but in which we have never acquiesced . Why , this is monstrous ! ( Hear , hear . ) Let this case be reversed . If Turkey had been in the place of Russia , what should we have done ? Why we should have compelled her to evacuate the Principalities at once , to have paid the whole expenses caused to Russia by an unwarrantable act —( Loud cries of' Hear , hear' )—and to have sent an ample apology . ( Hear . ) Nothing less now will satisfy the ends of justice . ( Cheers . ) If tve do not deal with this outrageous case after this fashion , we show to the world that

    we have one measure for the weak and another for the strong , and we forfeit our character and prestige in the East , rendering the position of our ambassador at Constantinople utterly untenable . ( Cheers , ) When once this great country has lent itself to a palpable act of injustice , as she has unfortunately done in tMs instance , she must descend in the scale of nations . ( Cheers . ) Look at the question as we may , we have taken the place of a second-rate Power , and conceded that of a first-rate Power to Russia alone . It is said that the question is settled . I contend that it is only a question deferred . Allied with France , supported by the public opinion of the whole of Europe , engaged in a just and righteous cause , we have

    lost an opportunity which may perhaps never occur again , of settling on a proper basis this great Eastern question , and those vast conflicting interests that yearly threaten the peace of the East , and of assigning to Russia that p lace to which as a great Power she is entitled , and which I should be the last person to refuse her , but beyond which the safety of Europe and the interests of civilization forbid that she should go . ( Cheers . ) Better would it have been to have induced Turkey at once to have accepted Prince Menschikoff ' s proposal , than to have abetted her in a resistance which has only ended in her humiliation , and which has inflicted a blow upon her which must accelerate

    her ruin , and render utterly hopeless any attempt to preserve her as' an independent power . But it is not only in Turkey and in the East in general that the effects of this fatal policy will be felt . Sweden , Denmark , Germany and every weak state in Europe , which depends for support—aye , for its very existence—upon tho high character of England , and our known respect for treaties , will look upon further opposition to Russia as hopeless . The day will probably come when we shall see the error we have committed , and repent a policy against which , as a humble member of this Home , I can only record my solemn protest . ( Cheers . )"

    Sir John Pakington expressed surprise at the shortness of tho notice which Lord John Russell had given of his intention to make a statement upon the question . Lord John must have known that Mr . Disraeli would have desired to hear the statement , but he had left town yesterday morning , and would doubtless be surprised to hear of the statement having been made . Sir John then briefly adverted to the matter of tho statement—regretting that there was no information as to whether the evacuation of the Principalities was involved in the proposition placed before Russia . IJufc ho would defer comment until all the papers were laid before the House . Lord Dudley Stuaht assorted that we hrul allowed Russia to get all she wanted , and that our course had been pusillanimous .

    " Thoro aro two ways of maintaining poaco ; ono is by obtaining for thoso whom wo protect everything that is thoir right—tho other is by submitting to every insult , by receiving comi > lacontly every kick , by breaking faith with our allies , and by placing ourselves in a degrading 1 position , where no ono will respect us . While sensiblo of tho servicos of a Minister who maintains poaco by tho first course , I cannot honour ono whoso policy is based upon tho latter principlo , and I beliovo that if wo had now a Minister who was not tho Minister of Austria or Russia , but tho Ministor of England , ' none of thoso doplorablo events would havo occurred , which have endangered , and still , in fact , do endangor , tho poaco and tranquillity of tho world . "

    Lord John Russet , ! ., referring to Sir John Pakmgton ' s complaint , of tho statement being inndo in Mr . Disraeli ' s absence , hinted thnt Mr . Disraeli must have expected tho statement — or hud absented himself , rightly supposing that thoro wan to bo no discussion , but a more statement of facts . Without entering into a dispute with Mr . Laynrd or Lord Dndloy Stuart , Lord John alluded to tho belief tlmfc tho Greolcs would not assist tho Turks against Russia .

    " I cannot boliovo if an attempt should bo mado by Russia to invado Turkey , that tho Christian rsubjoets of tho Turkish Government would bo indisposed to assist them . I think tho caao would not bo vory different ; from that which is related in an anoedoto of Charlon II ., who , with his usual wit , on an occasion whon tho Duko of York Raid ho should takes caro of his lifo , and hoped he would not m > in ho unguarded a manner about tho otroots us he wan m tho habit of going , Haid , * I will toll you what ; , brothor ; I havo this security . I do not think anybody will kill wo in

    order that you may succeed . ' In the same way the Mahomedan yoke is not so hateful to the Christian subjects of the Porte that they would be rejoiced to have that power overthrown in order that they might see a Russian power established in its place . " Mr . Muntz would also relate an anecdote of - King Charles II . When refusing a demand : that hadbeen made by the Dutch ambassador , he said to him , ' You would not have dared to make such a proposal to Oliver Cromwell . ' « Your Majesty , ' replied the ambassador , ' is a very different man from Oliver Cromwell . ' If they had a different set of men in the Government of this country in the present day , the Russians would not have marched into the Danubian provinces , and they had done so because the Emperor of Russia entertained the opinion that nothing would make this country go into a war . .. ¦ ¦'•'¦

    Mr . Blackett pointed out with emphasis that the evacuation of the ¦ Principalities , was more important than any treaty which diplomatists could devise . The failure of the Emperor of Russia should be madepalpablc . The Government should not lose time in devising terms to soothe his mortified spirit , but should rather hold the case up as a warning from Europe to the next malefactor who attempted to disturb the public peace . Mr / Coede ^ , firstly expressing the general opinion that Russia had been " treacherous , heedless , and violent , " made an attack upon Turkey .

    "There is a growing conviction in our minds that what has been hitherto a current phrase , ¦ ' the independence of the Turkish empire , ' has now become a mere empty phrase , and nothing more ; because the fact is , that within the last twenty years there has been a growing conviction in the minds ' of people that the Turks in Europe are intruders—that it is not their domicile or their permanent home—that their home is in Asia , and that Mahomedanism cannot exist in Europe alongside of civilized states . ( Hear . ) I have no wish to see the Russians in Constantinople , but I will not prevent them by our taking our stand for the preservation of Mahomedanism in Europe . Also the fact is prominently before us , that the

    Christian element in Turkey in Europe is now the prominent one , and we cannot ignore it , because , for every one Turk in Turkey in Europe , there are three Christians in Turkey in Europe . The great majority of the people in Turkey in Europe are Christians , and the question is , what are the feelings of the Christian population towards their Mahomedan rulers ? I believe that the feeling amongst the Christian population in the interior of Turkey is not favourable . I believe that in the large cities , in Smyrna and in Constantinople , the Christians enjoy a certain portion of protection , but if you go into the interior of Turkey ,

    all the evidence goes to confirm me when I state that the Christian population in the interior of Turkey , in the small towns and villages , have a very hard lot indeed , and they are as much now under tho rule and violent domination , of an insolent caste and a barbarous people as ever they were . The noble lord offered tho opinion that they woula prefer the Turks to the Russians . ( Hear . ) Well , that is possible . But I must say for myself—having visited both countries—that if I were a rayah—that is , a Christian subject of the Porte—I should prefer a Russian or any other Government rather than a Mahomedan one . "

    Mr . Cobden then denied that our trade with Turkey was better than our trade with Russia . Constantinople is but the depot from whence our goods are sent to Trcbisond and elsewhere . We never had any commerce in the Black Sea until Russia took possession of the Crimea , and even if Russia keeps the provinces , she will still scud us corn , llow can we trade with Turkey ? It is a country without a road . Compare Petersburg and Constantinople—the ono may vie with London , the other a . city of boxes , with lids open all day and shut at night . Russia could not dream of invading England . Sho cannot move an army without foreign gold , and she should como to England for her steamboats and artisans .

    "But while I say this , lot mo address a word to those incmbors who represent ( ho manufacturing districts—let mo give them a word of udvico as to the position wo should occupy if war wero to break out . Tho sufferings which that event would occasion would bo such as thoso who only remember tho war that commenced sixty years a < jo can havo no conception of . In tho first place , wo havo a vnufc incrcaso in material wealth , and that wealth has greatly increased our manufacturing population . When' we had ono man dependent upon tlio raw materials supplied by foreign countries in'l 7 i ) 3 , wo havo twenty-five men now . Whoro w « hud 30 , 000 , 000 or 40 , 000 , 000 of oxports then , wo havo 80 , 000 , 000 or » 0 , 00 O , ( MK ) now . Let mo tell my friends tho members for tho manufacturing towns , who talk so trliblv of war , that whilo I airreo with them that in

    a . war to defend this kingdom I'Jng huul would bring all hor resources to boar , and would defend horself against all tho world , yot I say that if England wero to go further , and to ongago in a continental war , you do not know what bolligoronts you might havo in six mouths from ils declaration . A war now would bo at tended with «? oiiHoquontv . a of which tho present ' gonoration little think , or they would not talk of it bo glibiv . In H ><> first place , you would havo tlio Americans , wlioso country wan n moro infant in 1703 , and to whom wo could then say , ' You shall como to no part in Europo oxcopt by our pormiHNion , ' and wo could ho ' izo thoir ships and pirns thoir crows at our , pleasure . Now , if war woro to break out , what would bo tho firnfc thing wo should bo oullod upon to do ? Why , wo should bo called upon by tho Americans to disavow tho right of search . Wo could nofc rgi ' ufiothiit ; , and that concession would plrtco

    Untitled Article

    A ugust 20 , 1853 . ] THE LEADER . 795

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 20, 1853, page 795, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2000/page/3/