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4 THE NORTHERN STAR. February 15, 1851;
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EfiUSMfiJiHT OF THE KATIOSAL IHSTnUGTOfl
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eo woYmvonvemt.
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The Potisn and Hungarian Refugees.—T. Br...
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TEE lOmEll STAB SATDiiDAir, FEBKU4SSY 15, 1851.
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OUR MIS-REPRESENTATIVE SYSTEM. The Gover...
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A PAUPER REBELLION. In the county of Suf...
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PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW. As we anticipated,...
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BRADSHAW AND O'CONNOR. We beg to,inform ...
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THE LATE MANCHESTER CONFERENCE. TO THE T...
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MB. 1EAC1I AND THE HALIFAX CHARTISTS. TO...
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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4 The Northern Star. February 15, 1851;
4 THE NORTHERN STAR . February 15 , 1851 ;
Efiusmfijiht Of The Katiosal Ihstnugtofl
EfiUSMfiJiHT OF THE KATIOSAL IHSTnUGTOfl
Ad00411
So . Til . of the New Series OP " THE NATIONAL SSTEUCTOR . Is now ready . SIXTEEN LABGE BOYA L OCTAVO PAGES .
Ad00412
On Saturday , Fehruarv Stli , was FaMished SECTS and SECTA 1 IE S . Being a Verbatim Report of the Oration delivered at tlie literary Institution , Jobn-srrffet , Fitzroy-square . by Samuel Phillips Day , formerly a Monk of the Order of the Presentations . Also , in a iew days , mil 62 nalilished , Price Twopence , . die Second Edition of ROMANISM , THE RELIGION OF TEKHOR . "An Oration , delivered , at the ah : ve In stiiuriou , bv the same Author . i ' tiun & ud hv E . Trudove , 33 , John-street , Fltzrojsquarc «; Watson , Queen ' s Head-passage , Paternoster-row .
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LETTERS TO CHAUT 1 STS . The Friends of Political Reformation are informed that there is now commencing in THE "LEADER " Kewspaper , a series cf LETTERS TO CHARTISTS , BV A MMBE 2 OF THE DCECCnVE . The object of ttjese Letters is to discuss tha new aspects of Chartism , and to en-ieavour to explain inn-hat way its friends in tlie Press , on the Platform , and in the Workshop , may attain to Unity commtnsorate nith the importance of Democracy . Tj , e foliowin : ; are Topics of the earlier letters : — The Unenfranchised a Political Tower in England . Democracy a Disuity . Progress Defined . " W « i ] , ons ( Not Seizable hv the Police ) . The Uiants and the Draffs . The •" leader" " is delivered in all parts of the Country every Saturday . London ¦ Published by Joseph Clajton , jnn ., 205 , Strand .
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QTALYCUIDGE . At a Meeting O of the Council of this Branch cf the Nation" ;! Charter Association , held on Saturday < = veiati | r . lrel > ruaiy Sth , it was resolved— "Seeing that tlie Sialybridge and Stockport Branches have both advertised delegate meetings , to be held ou the same day , and for one and the same purpose , vre ( K-eme 1 it advisable to send u deputation to wait on the Stockport Council for the purpose of arranging Trith them at what place tlie delegate meeting should be held " Tlie deputation met the Stockport Council at their Room on Sunday afternoon , Feliruary flth , when the following resolutir-n was agreed to : —Moved by Mr . Scrag ? , seconded by JIr . llarrop , " That the Delegate meeting be held at Stalybri ( h ; c in consequence of its being mere convenient for the var inus localities surronndinj it "—Wn . Hill , Sec
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NATIONAL CHARTER ASSOCIATION . Office , 14 , Southampton-street , Strand . TH E EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE herehyannouuee the following meetings : — On Sunday afternoon at three o ' clock the Metropolitan Delegates will meet at the City Dail , 20 , Golden-lane , Darbicaiu At the same time the Lambeth locality will meet at the South London Hall , and Mr . Pattinson . the sub-secretary , will be in attendance to enrol members . Ou Sunday evening next at the Rock Tavern , Lissongrove—Frinccss Kojal , Circus-strei-t , Uarjlebone—Bricklajers * Arms , Tonbriuge-street , Sew-road—Crown aud Anchor , Cheshire-street , V . ' ateilooTotra—andXeW Eastern literary and Scientific Institution , Morpeth-street , Green-Street . 3 fctbnalCreett . Oa the same evening at iire o ' clock , the United Delegates of the Tower Hamlets will meet at the Woodman ' Tavern , White-street , Waterloo Town ; and at eight o clock Mr . Ftalen will kctore at tbe above tavern . Subject : * Labour ' s Living Poets and their Poetry . ' On the same creuing the IVaMungton locality will meet in the spacious ruom at the Rose aud Crown Tavern , Col-¦ villt-place , John-street , ToUtnuam-court-road . and at half-past eight Mr . Ernest Jouei will lecture . Subject"Past , Present , and Futuie . " On Monday evening nest the Westminster locality will meet at the Peacock Tavern , Maiden-lane , Covcnt Garden-Mr . William Shute . the sub-secretary , will be in attendance to enrol metnoers . Tlie i : cnuond > tj- locality meet every Tuesday evening at the Ship and Mermaid , Snows-fields , where members can l » e enrolled . Oil Friday ereniii" nest , at tlie Sonfh London Hall , " & T . Ernest " Jones will lecture . Subject : 'The Spartan Bepablic . X . R . —Tlie members of tbe society for Democratic and Soci ; t l ' rojuigandvsffi , would feel ohliged to their friends fur tld dem-Vralic new .= papers . periodicals , or tracts . Their u-. otive fir making this appeal is to place them in the pusicsaou of those who have neither the means nor the inclination to purchase them . All parcels or numbers of the above , wast be sent ( free of expense ) to tlie care of 3 . D . Leuo , ( secretary to the society , ) 26 , GoWeu-lane , Barbican .
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Perfect freedom from Coughs in Ten Mantes after use , and instant relief , audi , rapid Cure of Asthma , Consumption , Coughs , Cold * , ami all disorders of die Breath and Lvrngs , are htmred by DE . LOCOCK'S PULMONIC WAFERS . A few facts relatiug lo tlie extraordinary success of Dr . Locock ' s Pulmonic Wafers , jn the cure of Asthma and Consumption , Coughs , Colds , and b fluenza , Difficult BreatMng . Pains iu the Chest , Shortness of Breath , Spitting of Wood , Hyar .-eness , ic , cannot fail to be iateresting ^ toalL when it is borne in mind how many thousands fall victims annually to disease of the chest .
Ad00417
RE-ISSBE OF TBE LECTURES BY ERNEST JONES Owing to the increased demand the lectures entitled HANTERBURY versus ROME , vy Are now re-issued iu five parts , price twopence , or in one volume , price one shilling . Tha second edition of No . 1 , is now ready . OriSIOSS OF THE FBES 3 . The first thing that wilt strike any one who takes up these lectures will be tbe beauty and eloquence of the language in which Mr . Ernest Jones has clothed his ideas , and the great knowledge of hiblieal aud historical lore , which he displays . —The lectures are effusions ef incontestible and , in some respects , incomparable ability . — Weekly Times . .... ., Both eloquent and able , we shall further notice them when this publication is complete . —Leader . and soul elo
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THE CELESTIAL SCIESCE OF IDE STARS . MR . F . MOORE having after years of sedulous devotion to the study of this sublime science , made himself perfect master of it in aU its bran , ches , respectfully offers his services to a discriminating and enlightened public , trusting that by personal demonstration some may be convinced of its truth and importance . In Horary Astrology . Prrfessor M . has been eminently successful , the accuracy oi his calculations and tlie perspicuity of his judgments have caused hundreds , who before considered it to be an imposture and a cheat , to join the ranks of the wise and bear their grateful testimony to its reality and exceeding usefulness , when legitimately practised by educated and competent persons . Tliis department of the Art ( If . A . ) esteemed the most beautiful , is founded outhe sympathetic properties which
Eo Woymvonvemt.
eo woYmvonvemt .
The Potisn And Hungarian Refugees.—T. Br...
The Potisn and Hungarian Refugees . —T . Brown ' s List . —Smith's workmen 2 s 8 d— . Miller ' s Book Is—Brewer fid —Barker Gd—Crocket Sid—Engineers . Jfarth of England , Darlington 3 s Cd—Concert at Temperance Hall , Stepney £ 1 lOd—Richards fid—A mistake , last week to Mew the Body was £ 2 7 s . —Any mistake arising in the Money List , application to be made to T . Brown at Turnmilt-street . Thomas Matee . —I heg to inform my friend that I found no difficulty in procuring furze seed from a seedsman in Gloucester , and , I think , if he makes application to any setdsman in the nearest town , lie will liave no difficulty in procuring it F . O'C , James Bess . —Your communication is an advertisement , and should have been paid for . Kikkalbv . —In answer to the three questions put by my Kirkaldy friends , I beg to state , firstly , the Company ' s estates cannot be mortgaged , but trill be sold when the
Company is wound up ; secondly , with regard to the amount of money received for the Winding-up , my friends will see the amount announced in the Xa & TnERN Stab ; thirdly , I think tlie full oaid up shareholders "ill he the first entitled to be paid offi F . O'C . Mr . i . Peaeci . —We have bo room for discussion . Your questions shou d he sent to the Land Office . ~ 'L Erkatcm . —The Society for Democratic and Social Propagandism . —In a resolution , moved by Sir . Wood , at a meeting of this society ( a report of which appeared in our last number } , for 'feigned ? read ' fecund . ' A . Tubxer , High Wycombe . —They are not published , but may be . 5 . MotwEi , Todmorden . —Write to Mr . O'Connor . We cannot give you any other answer than ire did last week . Tin ; London Conference . —John Wall , Nottingham , suggests that every locality should elect as delegates mem hers of their own body , doers and not talkers , who on their return home would carry out the objects of the Conference .
Tee Lomell Stab Satdiidair, Febku4ssy 15, 1851.
TEE lOmEll STAB SATDiiDAir , FEBKU 4 SSY 15 , 1851 .
Our Mis-Representative System. The Gover...
OUR MIS-REPRESENTATIVE SYSTEM . The Government of this country is , professedly based on the principle , that representation , and taxation should lie co-equal—in other words , that every man who is called upon to pay to the expenses of the State , or to ohey the law , shall , either by himself or his representative , have a voice in determining what shall be the amount of the one and the nature of the other . To carry out this theory , tho Constitution has created two legislative assemblies ; the one composed of the hereditary descendants of a particular class , or of persons who may be entitled to take seats in it b y Royal favour—the other , of persons assumed to be elected by the commonalty , and , therefore , called the Bouse of Commons .
The Members of that House are elected by less than one-seventh of the adult male population : a mere fraction usurps the right to make laws for , and to tax the whole . For very many years , tha excluded sixsevenths have been knocking at the door of the House of Commons , and asking in vain for admission iuto what is , theoretically , their own Legislative Chamber . But its members , elected by a minority , as a body , are allied by ties of blood , relationship , and personal or class interests to the aristocratical
element . The consequence is , that the " People ' s" Elective House is a repetition of the Hereditary House . The machinery of Government , ostensibly constructed for the use of the community , lias become the monopoly of certain privileged classes . We are ruled by an oligarchy , under the forms of a Representative System . So thoroughly vitiated is the tone of public opinion ou this subject , that it appears quite a matter of course , young lordlings should fill the benches of the House of Commons until
they are called to the House of Lords , by the decease of existing possessors of the peerage . Tliis very week , an active , experienced , and independent gentleman , whose opinions aud interests are identified with those of the tenantry of South Notts ., thought it necessary to make an elaborate apology , at the hustings , for his temerity in daring lo come forward to oppose a stripling lord , who bus no experience whatever , and whose only recommendation is , that he is heir to a dukedom . Not content with their own House , the Peers think they have a right also to scud as many of their offspring , or nominees as possible to the other . The seats not under their immediate influence
are appropriated by the trading , manufacturing , shipping , railway , and colonial interests . Occasionall y , some one or other of these latter intrude into the domain of landlordism , and wrest a few seats from them ; but it is merely to strengthen their own particular interest—not to win power for the people . tVhen the six-seveuths of the population , who are robbed of their political rights by the conspiracy of thelauded and monied oligarchy , press their claims for restitution , both sections unite to oppose them . The youthful "lord "
Our Mis-Representative System. The Gover...
by courtesy , fresh from college , whose incipient *' moustache'' and "imperial" have scarcely passed from the " downy" into the "hairy—the bald-headed , grey-whiskered , keen-eyed man of business , who has heaped up hundredsof thousands by buying cheap and selling dear , and watching the turn of the market —theprosperous , pushing , owners of factories , warehouses , and wharves—the speculators in stocks and shares—the briefless , unscrupulous , but expectant lawyers , who make seats in the
Commons stepping stools to Solicitor-Generalships , Attorney-Generalships , Judgeships , and the Great Seal : all are horrified at the idea of the people having a voice in their own " House . " However keen may be the quarrel among themselves for the division of the spoil at other times , they never fail to combine most cordially in their resistance to any motion for the enfranchisement of the spoiled . " The system works well ' for them . Why should they alter it ?
If It depends on them , it never will be altered . Every year , as it passes over our heads , demonstrates the fact more palpably , that " a great gulf" separates the people from their so-called representatives . The questions which stir to their profoundest depths the heaits and tbe intellects of the masses , find no voice in what ought to be not only the legal , but the legitimate and real expression of the national will and intelligence . Around the Legislature mighty agencies are at work—material , mental , and social—which are calculated most surely to change the destinies of society , and stamp anew image on
the future . Yet few , even of its most eminent members , have the most remote conception of the nature , extent , and tendency of these agen- ; cies . The limited constituency by which they are . elected re-acts , by producing a limited and a conventional public opinion within the House . The topics on which a man gains the readiest hearing , and wins the greatest , apr plause on the floor of the House of Commons , are precisely those in which the bulk of the people take not tbe slightest interest . If by chance a stray expression should fall from any member , which beats iu unison with the feeling out of doors , it is either ridiculed or reprobated , according to the mood of the hour .
When is this dinerence between the Theory and the Reality of our Constitution to have an end ? How is it to be terminated ? An occurrence in the House of Commons , very briefly related in the Parliamentary Report , should stimulate the Political Reformers of this country to give a speedy and a practical reply to these questions . On Tuesday afternoon the stranger who
had been fortunate enough to . procure an order for the stranger ' s gallery—and ardent enough to go down two hours before the door was opened , in order to have the chance of hearing the expected Protectionist debatemight have seen , hut could scarcely have heard , a member on the last seat of the second bench to the right of the Speakek , rise up and ask the following question : —
Whether it was tlie intention of her Majesty ' s ministers t ' p take any steps , during the present session , to extend $ ie right of voiing for members of this house to other portions of the adult male population of these realms jh » n those now in possession of the elective franchise Ullder the provisions of the Reform Act ; or whether there was any intention to amend the deficiencies of the Reform dctoflS 32 ? What was the reply of the Prime Minister to Sir Joshua Walmsley ? Here it is , verbatim : —
Sir , in answer to the two questions of the howmrahle gentleman , I can say , in the first place , that it is not the intention of her Majesty ' s ministers to take any steps in the present session to extend the right of voting for members to sit in this house . —( Oh , oh . ) With regard to the second question , whether there is any intrntiou to amend the deficiencies of the Reform Aet of 18 S 2 , 1 have on a previous occasion expressed my opinion to the bouse that there were certain amendments to the Reform Bill wil'Cll I thought it was desirable to make , tilth a view to the extension of the franchise . —( Hear , hear . ) I still retain that opinion , and I shnll certainly carry it out when J think t he proper time has arrived for doing so . ( Great laughter . ) The " noble lord" is not " Finality John "
as he has been calumniously called . He still graciously retains the opinion : that there are " certain amendments" iu the . Reform Bill " desirable , ' ' and when he thinks the proper time has arrived , he will certainly carry out his opinion ! The reporter informs us that this answer was followed by " great laughter ; " but it is impossible for reporters or editors either to analyse and convey in words all the varied emotions expressed in that laughter . One thing is certain , that any other man ' s ears but Lord John Russell's , would have tingled for a good hour afterwards with
the reverberation of the bitter irony which predominated at the idea , that he would ever think the proper time hud arrived to Reform the Reform Bill That would be a capital joke , indeed ! Still it is not absolutely impossible ; and , therefore , if the people have no other way of obtaining their rights—if they are endued with the requisite patience and forbearance , and are of opinion , that they ought to wait until Lord John Russell thinks proper to let them have some small instalment of the great debt justly due to them—why , all we can say is , that they will be rightly served ji € they never get even that instalment
The cool aud contemptuous tone of the reply would amount to offensive insolence , unless we keep in view the peculiar atmosphere of the place in which it was uttered . It was not the little , insignificant looking man whososententiously and pomposcly put his veto on a nation's rights who was to be blamed , but the system of which he is tho mouth-piece and representative , —that system which sends to the House of Commons men , before whom a Minister of State is neither ashamed nor afraid to speak in such a tone on such a subject
We repeat tho important question—How is this system to be put an end to ? Let the advocates of Representative Reform supply the answer . It rests with them . For they are told by all parties that public opinion is tho ultimate ruler m . England , Surely it is possible to create a public opinion sufficiently potent to compel the submission of the Oligarchy to the People . ?
A Pauper Rebellion. In The County Of Suf...
A PAUPER REBELLION . In the county of Suffolk , five miles from Ipswich , stands ouo of the pauper prisons ' with which ifc pleased the wisdom of our Political Economists to stud the country after the passing of the Poor Law Amendment (?) Act . The sight of these prisoas wets to cure our labouring classes of the disease of pauperism , with the same speed and certainty as a glance at the brazen serpent in the wilderness cured tbe Jews who were bilten b y its fiery prototypes . But alas lour "Economists' * are neither prophets nor deliverers , and so we have both the prisons aud the pauperism .
It is a bitter and a wretched life to alternate between hard labour and semi-starvation iu the fields during six or seven months in the year , and semi-starvation with imprisonment in the bastile for the remainder of the year . Yet , such is the ordinary fate of a large portion of " our bold peasantry—their country ' s pride . " The seven or eight shillings doled out to them weekly in the name of wages , at those periods of the year when the farmers require
their services , are manifestly insufficient to do more than keep soul and bod y together from day to day . The moment that the winter season sets in , when owing either to short days or bad weather , it is apparently no longer the interest of the farmer to employ tho labourers , they have no resource but-to appl y for relief to the Guardians . The answer made and provided 111 such cases by the law is : " Come iuto the House . ' '
well do the labourers understand all that is implied in these words . They know that sep aration from wife and chiroreD — subject to restrictions more severe than those enforced on felons in the hulks , and confined to a dietary compared with which , that assigned 11 conncted burglars aud highwaymen ia
A Pauper Rebellion. In The County Of Suf...
positively luxurious , are the penalties they must pay for accepting the shelter of ' , » the house . " But what can they do ? Hunger has no law , and half a loaf they say is better than no bread . Besides , the natural repugnance with , which they looked upon the Bastile has partly worn off—the , manly sense of self-respect and independence has been broken in upon . They have gradually acquired the recklessness and the meanness of habitual paupers .
In the Barhairi Union . House , one hundred and twenty " able bodied paupers , " were cooped up , and subjected to all the pedantic and studiously severe regulations of our philosophical and most ignorant ; economists . They ought to haveheen satisfied with their treatment , seeing that it was strictly deduced from the sublime and saving science of Political Economy . But unfortunately for either them or the " science" they were not . On Sunday nig ht last , " after prayers , " they broke out in rebellion—whether stimulated thereto by the " prayers'' does not appear in tho report . . As , however , American slave owners prohibit religion , and education to their human cattle , ifc is possible that the prayers
had something to do with the rebellion of the English slaves ; there might be something to starving men alarmingly suggestive in the petition " Give us this daj our daily bread ;" and some of them might have just intellect enough to think that the will of God . was not exactly " done on Earth , " ( at least not in Union Workhouses ) " as it is done in Heaven . " It is quite possible too , the effect of the prayers lost nothing ,. by their beingread by the head gaoler , usually called the " Master , " whose duty ifc is to enforce an anti-Christian but " philosophical" and " economical" system of dietary and discipline . ...
, Whatever may the cause , however , the insurrection commenced in good earnest immediately after prayers were read . The hearty English "hurrah , " which has preluded many a bloody battle in every clime , was the signal for war in the Suffolk Workhouse . The opening cheer was speedily responded to—the barriers that separated the men from the women thrown down—the master and inferior officers compelled to fly from the house—and then tbe
victorious insurgents turned their triumph to substantial use , by storming the larder , store room ,, and cellar , and by having a hearty meal—the first , we dare say , they have enjoyed for many a long day . Everything on which they could lay their hands was eaten up // When the cooked victuals were disposed of , steaks and chops were cooked by means of such impromptu utensils as presented themselves . In short , it was evident that the people were maddened beyond all endurance by hunger , and that they were not like Jane Wilbred , starved down to such a point of
submission us to have lost both the spirit and the capacity to resist . Under the unwonted stimulus of beef and beer , it is no wonder that the insurgent paupers waxed riotous , disorderly , and destructive . ' . Even in well displayed armies , plunder and licence follow victory . -If you doubt ifc . ask"F . M ., the Duke of Wellington . " The burning of the books and furniture , aud tho smashing of the win dows of the Barham Union House . by the Suffolk peasantry , were' the merest trifles and flea-bites , compared with the wholesale destruction of property , life , ^ happiness , and
honour , committed b y the troops under his command , after the storming of many a town during the Peninsular War . Battles are , in fact , always followed by a Saturnalia on the part of victors , and the Suffolk paupers did bat imitate the fashion . They do not appear , however , to have deliberately inflicted any personal injury on their opponents . The porter distinctly states that ho was warned not to interfere , and when , despite that warning , he did interfere , even in the midst of tlie excitement , they remembered that "he was not to blame , " and prevented him from being
injured . For a few hours they were suffered to hold possession of the premises , until policemen and soldiers could be collected to attack them . , The appearance of these assailants led to a renewed struggle , in the midst of which the police forced an entrance , and , armed with cutlasses , succeeded , after a desperate fight , in overcoming the insurgents , about fifty of whom were handcuffed and secured . The wounds given and received during the melee were numerous , and , in some cases , very severe , and the injury done to the house is very great ,
If we are to believe some of the Members of tho House of Commons , who ought to know the state of the agricultural districts better than the writers of "Royal" Speeches—or even leaders in Politico-economical newspapers —Barham Union is not the only Union in which the spirit of revolt is to be found in this country . Ifc is sown , broad cast , and but waits for favouring influences to ripen into action : a melancholy commentary on the system which produces such lamentable results .
As yet no direct light has been thrown upon the particular circumstances which stimulated this outbreak . Incidentally , however , the fact peeps out—that the able-bodied labourers must have been treated with peculiar harsh ? uess by the authorities , and especially with respect to diet . The reason assigned by those who were charged with having participated in the disturbance was ,-in point blank termshunger . Of course , the matter cannot rest where it is . A strict and searching investigation must be made—the result of which , we anticipate , will be to disclose secrets as to the practical administration of the Poor Law , of an instructive , if not very gratifying nature .
The strangest part of the whole affair is the dogged obstinacy with which the Poor Law Authorities , from tho President of tho Commission at Somerset House down to the lowest Relieving Officers , adhere to the exploded system of harshness , repression , low diet , and idleness . The experience of every year since 1834 is decidedly against them . Yet , still they persist in it . Experiments of a more practical , humane , and beneficial nature , followed by satisfactory results , seem to be made in vain i ' or them . In any other nation , the facts elicited by the adoption
of a re-productive and useful labour-system , both in the Cork Workhouse and by the Sheffield guardians , would have attracted attention and investigation , with a view to ascertain how far they were generally applicable and practicable . No one can deny that , in their own limited sphere , both of these experiments have most admirably and satisfactoril y fulfilled the objects , and realised tlie antici pations of their projectors . But cf what use is it that such experiments are made , if the central authority , which is maintained at a great expense to the country , for superintending the Administration of the Poor Law , takes no notice of them ? If we understand tho dutv
of that Commission aright , it is to introduce generally such improved modes of administering the funds raised for the relief of the poor , as may conduce at once to the interest of the ratepayers and the rate receiver . Every measure by which this twofold object can be attained , ought to receive' their most earnest attention , and , when successful , their most strenuous support and encouragement . The Sheffield plan of setting able-bodied paupers at work on the reclamation of wastelands , was
adopted firstly as a means of curing refractory paupers . At Sheffield , as at Barham , idleness and a short diet bred discontent and strife , and the p olice had to be frequently called in to quell disturbances and enforce tho regulations . From the moment that an outlet was opened for this pent-up activity , and the able-bodied men and boys , formerl y condemned to forced idleness , were permitted to spend 'their energies in useM and healthful labour , the Sheffield guardians have had no more " refractory ' paupers . Work at the wild tract of
A Pauper Rebellion. In The County Of Suf...
ground , which is being reclaimed from the bleak moorland , is looked upon as a privilege , not a penalty ; and while it keeps alive a wholesome spirit of independence , and conduces to a healthy state of moral being in the worker , it at the same time confers a benefit upon the nation , by adding to the extent . of its cultivable and productive acreage . The Government and the local authorities have these things in their own hands . If they fail to do their duty , ifc is they who are to
blame—they who ought to be punished for any evil that may follow their neglect or ignorance . Ifc is their false , vicious , and unjust arrangements that have driven the able-bodied paupers of the Barham Union into open revolt . Why punish the victims of these mischievous arrangements ? It is time we began at the right end , and instituted better . Punishment will but provoke retaliation , and retaliation is sure to be followed by revenge .
Parliamentary Review. As We Anticipated,...
PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW . As we anticipated , the Ministerial measure with reference to " Papal Aggression " fails to satisfy either party . It bears the stamp of Whiggery upon it , and ' srhile it goes too far for one sectiou of the community , does not go far enough far another . We are not sure , however , whether on this solitary occasion TFhigism is not the best policy . No one , we are certain , will mistake us when we suggest such a possibility ; and should ifc really for once have brought forth a good and pertinent measure , it will be the
one exception that proves its general incompetency to legislate beneficially for the nation . Tho question was one surrounded with great difficulty . On the one hand , the present and several previous Governments had recognised and given place and precedence to the leading Roman Catholic Clergy , as a political necessity , and an irresistable corollary , of the more enlightened and tolerant legislation and spirit of the age . Iu Ireland , especially , where so large a proportion of the people belong to tho Roman Catholic Church , it was a matter of the greatest importaace to the Government
that a good understanding should exist between them and the heads of that Church , exercising , as they must do at all times , so large and so powerful an influence over their dioceses . A somewhat similar policy had been pursued in the colonies , and the great and apparently insurmountable difficulty in the way of any repressive legislation , was that it must either he limited to Great Britain , and so create a special grievance and comparative inequality—or be retrogressive and penal in the case of Ireland , where such titles and immunities had already been directly and
indirectly recognised and sanctioned . On the other hand , rightly or wrongly , a very large proportion of the people of this country believing that the policy of the court of Rome is constantly aggressive—thai ifc is never content with equality , but aims at supremacy , and , that wherever that supremacy has been obtained , it has always been fatal to the civil , social , political , and religious freedom of the people—claimed that the first assumption of power on the part of the Po p e should be met with a bold , decisive , and sweeping measure .
But , again , there was this danger to be apprehended . All experience shows , that , creeds and sect parties thrive best under persecution ; the appearance of being subjected to pains and penalties for a conscientious adherence to the doctrines and discipline of their Church , would have surrounded the question with a dangerous and a delusive halo—prosecutions . would have become rife , and tho boasted religious freedom and equality , on which we have prided ourselves so long , would have been lost in the struggle between contending and infuriated sectaries .
Had Lord Joiln' proposed a penalty for assuming territorial titles , the country might thereby have been kept in continual hot water . Every infliction , of a fine would have been followed by a public subscription to pay it ; and if imprisonment had been added , processions would have visited the martyrs within their prisons to condole with and comfort , and encourage them , aud to hurl moral defiance to the lawj while the extreme measure of deportation would have raised an outcry against us from one end of Europe to another .
Such are a few of the practical and tangible difficulties which the Ministry had to grapple with . To stand still was impossibleto go back to the old penal and restrictive system , equally impossible—but something must be done . What was it to be ? We think there was considerable genius and tact shown in the answer . First make the assumption of these titles illegal , as we hare a right to do ; and , second , if parties will disobey the law , punish them by depriving them of all power to act in respect of property under these titles .
The full effect of this prohibition is not visible at first sight ; but , in fact , it takes away " the sinews of war , " aud venders a powerful and aggressive Roman Catholic hierarchy in this country all but an impossibility . The attempts to evade the action of the law will only add to the complication and the difficulty of managing property so placed . It must , in the nature of things , be always more or less at the mercy of individuals , and a constant barrier would be presented to any combined or preconcerted action , demanding the support of large corporate possessions .
The Cabinet have , therefore , we think , aimed a blow at the vital part of thelato Papal policy , and have , at the same time , not exceeded the fair right which all States possess of laying down conditions , with which all who desire to enjoy protection for life and property are expected to comply as their portion of the social compact which can never , without injustice to some one or other , be que-sided . The debates iu the House have exhibited the
usual diversity of opinion , but no new light has been tin-own on the abstract question . Lord John has shut tlie mouth of those who twitted him with inconsistency , both in action and speech , by candidly confessing that his opinions have been altered by the conduct of the Pope and the conclave of Cardinals . He did believe that they would be satisfied with equality , and act . in good faith towards a Protestant State which showed itself favourable
to that equality . He no longer believes this , and acts upon his altered convictions . That may be regretted , but certainly neither Cabinet nor Legislature provoked the alteration . It has been forced upon them , aud those who did so must not complain if they get a " Rowland for their Oliver . " ' The bill is not yet introduced in consequence of some of the Irish members speaking against time on Wednesday—the consequence was that six o'clock arrived , and tho SPEAKEK left the chair . The motion , therefore , became a " dropped order . '
Mr . Disimkli ' s motion served as the text for a long speech , prefaced by an unusuall y long exordium . It took just one hour and a quarter to make his " preliminary remarks , " The substance of his speech was not novelits manner was slightly so , and altogether there is a marked improvement in his stylo of handling such matters . But ho has a radically vicious and defective case in hand " The owners and occupiers of the soil ' ' niav be in a distressed condition , but it is not
because they have an undue shave of the national burdens to hear . True it is , that they have to pay taxes as well as other men ; but we think that a practical and vigorous investigation would . show . " the shoe was entirely on the other foot " -and that their proper , tionate share of the national imposts is comparatively small . The leader of the country part y made a . vigorous onslaught on the inconsistences and anomalies of our fiscal and financial system , and especially dwelt on the hardship of prerenting the British fannerafrom
Parliamentary Review. As We Anticipated,...
growing one crop—tobacco — and laying a heavy duty ou another —barley . But they are not alone . The excise interferes with capital , cripples industry , and prevents improvement and enterprise in more , pursuits than those of the agriculturists . Mr . Disraeli will do some good , if he will turn his attention to the formation of a just and eq uitable financial system . His present occupation of making out a special claim to exemption du the part of the landed interest must fail , because it has no foundation either in fact or in equity .
The reply of the Chancellor of the Exchequer was , as usual , crammed full of figures about exports and imports , production and consumption , and averages of prices , which , however conclusive to statists , really are very unsafe and fallacious data from which to predicate the actual condition of a people . It is quite possible that a portion o the population may have acquired the power to consume more largely , while the great bulk have had their former consumption diminished .
If the gross amount is the same or larger , the statist when he strikes his average , concludes , that the relative position of these parties continues the same as before , or is improved , as the case may be . This kind of jargon , however , has a fine effect on the " groundlings "—it seems so very profound—it looks , at the same time , so very " matter-of-fact " like , and it indicates such painstaking on the part of the Minister , who is stuffed with bales of figures , that it is quite the fashion among would-be statesmen .
The result of the debate shows that Protectionism is , however , by no means so devoid of vitality as the "Manchester School" are in the habit of stating , and as those who pin their faith to Free Trade newspapers , implicitly believe . Ministers were close run , indeed , having only saved their seats by a majority of fourteen ! Last year they- escaped with only twenty-one supporters . On a question of such , vast importance this is no majority at all ; and whatever may be the composition of the minority , no high-minded , independent , nor honest Ministry , would hold office in the face of what
is , really , an adverse decision of the Legislature against their policy . At one part of the evening , indeed , it was expected that the majority would have been at least six or seven against them . But at the last moment , it is whispered , that the blandishments of the whipper-in , reinforced " for that night only " by the potent charms of Mr . Tufnell , the late whip , succeeded in deterring several Irish members from voting , and from dragging others reluctan tly into the lobby . What were
the conjuring spells by which these transformations were effected upon men who , a few hours before , had pledged themselves to vote against Ministers , we do not pretend to know ; but no doubt their constituents will narrowl y inquire . Had the twenty-five Irish members voted as they were expected , Ministers would this morning ( Friday ) have only " held the seats until their successors were appointed . " As it was , fourteen only came to the scratch , aud they were saved for the moment .
But it is , we believe , only for the moment . Notice has already been given of a Parliamentary Debate in the House of Lords , on Tuesday night ; and it is not unlikely that , encouraged by the division of Thursday night , Lord Stanley may venture upon trying the conclusion in the Upper House . The question may be again brought on in tlie House of Commons , in another shape . Tho
combination of parties—to which , before the session , we alluded to as probable—has evidently began , and the Whi g Cabinet is in danger . Before Easter it is not improbable that WO may have a New Ministry , and , after it a New Parliament . Surely there is something in that fact to make Chartists organise , unite , and act in concert , for the purpose of sending , at least , half a score members to represent them ?
Bradshaw And O'Connor. We Beg To,Inform ...
BRADSHAW AND O'CONNOR . We beg to , inform the working classes that Mr . Bradshaw insists upon having the whole amount of his costs paid off by the 20 fch of this month ; and we must say that nothing can more firmly convince the people ' s enemies of their ingratitude , than the manner in which they have allowed Mr . O'Connor to be treated
by his revilers , persecutors , and slanderers . He has never allowed a man to bo tried for a political offence without procuring for him tho best counsel , —even before a farthing was paid;—in truth , he did a nation ' s work ; as he paid over £ 100 out of his own pocket to save incarcerated Chartists from oakum picking . We trust that the working classes of England will not allow their long tried advocate to bo RUINED WITH EXPENSES .
The Late Manchester Conference. To The T...
THE LATE MANCHESTER CONFERENCE . TO THE T . W . TEOR OY TffE -SOUTHERN STAR . Sir , —The concluding portion of the report of the Manchester Conference—published in last Saturday Aorthern Star—contains some errors , personal to myself , which I trust you will favour me with space to correct . It is not true that Mr . M'Grath told me I was fighting the battle of my patrons with zeal and ability . Sir , I have no patron except my conscience ; and had Mr . M'Grath made such a remark , I should have resented it with as much emphasis as I did oppose the very many objsctionab ' o sayings and doings of that gentleman , and his friends , at the late Conference . The speech , set down to my name , at tho bottom of the fifth column , page seven , is'to me so perfectly new , and taken into connexion with other speeches made by me on that occasionabsurd .
, I never thought that the policy recommended by the Executive would bo rejected by the Convention they have called . I do not differ with the mode by which the present Executive was elocted . 1 did say that I thought our movement for the fUtUl'B would be a Conservative Democratic one ; that it the Executive recommended any rash policy , any physical force organisation , or base their power and influence upon personal antagonism , that their recommendations would be scouted , and themselves tabbooed . This much I did say , sir ; but I also said that Iliad too much confidence in the integrity , wisdom , and experience of the Executive ( as a body I speak of them ) to suppose them capable of so a great iollv .
There arc many other things in the report which arc anything but a faithful reflex of their original . It is with extreme regret that 1 have thus , far trespassed sir , upon your time and space , but I have felt it to be a duty I owe to myself , and to the very many persons whose opinions and feelings I may 1 ) 6 said to Lave represented ac the lute Conference . Sir , I am , & c , Geouge Joseph Mantle . 2 , Cable-street , Manchester , February 10 th .
Mb. 1eac1i And The Halifax Chartists. To...
MB . 1 EAC 1 I AND THE HALIFAX CHARTISTS . TO TH « EDITOR OF THE ' SOUTHERN STAR . oiu ,-I perceive by the report of the proceedings ot the Manchester Conference , contained in your paperofiaat Saturday , that Mr , James Loach is ^ ported to have stated that the Co-operators of llnliiiix subscribed £ 52 fur the support of Mr . J-ines s laimly during { lug incarceration , while tho veritable Chartists refused to subscri- e anything towards exempting him from oakum picking . I am at a loss to tell where he has received his information ; tiie whole story , however , is a pure fabrication . Every farthing of tlie money subscribed for tlie above purpose was subscribed by the veritable CIiarttst ! , —the Chartists and something more . No Co-operative or oiler Society ever subscribed a single farthing of It . In fact , there was no such thing as a Co-operative society in Halifax at the time , nor for
several months after his release from prison . Mr , Leach is also wrong as to the amount subscribed , it being nearly twice as much as he states . IVo likewise remitted money regularly to exempt him from oakum picking . Wo had no desire that this affair should have been brought before the public , i ' or wo repudiate tho charity which wants all tho world to know of its deeds ; but as Mr . Leach has stepped so far out ot his way to drag this subject before tho public , i deem it my duty , as one of the committee that raised the fumls for the above purpose , to give this flat contradiction to his statement . In subscribing that money we are confident that we fell far short of our duty , and only regret that we wero not able to do more . I hope that for the sake of truth , and m ] ustice to the Chartists of Halifax , you will insert this in your next week ' s paper . G . Siucukoh .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 15, 1851, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_15021851/page/4/
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