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THE SOUTHERN STAE SATURDAY, JANUARY 8, 1842.
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THE LEEDS MAYOH AND THE LEEDS t- ' ~:- :' - - - . ' : ' ¦¦ ;¦ . " ¦ ¦ : iCHABTisTs. : ;/; ' ;.-V.,; : :.v:^-^
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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NORTH LANCASHIRE DELEGATE MEETING . TO THE CHABTISTS OF NORTH XATSCASHIRE . Gkxtlekek , —According to a rule made at the Erst delegate meefing , held at the Temperance Hotel , Blackburn , it is particularly stated that dalegate meetings shall take pkce every bix weeks , for the purpose of transacting the business of the district ; a delegate meeting -will therefore be held at Acerington , on Sunday , 16 th Jan ., 1842 . Bosiness io commence precisely at one o'clock . Now , my friends , let every place send a delegate to this meeting , bo that every place may be properly xenresenied ; and have their opinions laid before the
gee ting . I find that there has been some dissatis faction existing in the towns connected with the district that proper notice was not given of the last delegate meeting through the columns of the Northern S 6 w ; and , thereforej they had no means of either knowing when the meeting would take place , or of sending a delegate . I beg leave to assure such places that I Bent due notice to the Stai ; int . on account of leaving home in a hurry , to attend a discussion on the Corn Laws , at Barnoldswick , on the Monday evening , I forgot to pat tho letter in the Yost Office before I left . I wrote the letter on Monday at noon , and just at that time a parson cams tip from B&rnoldswick for me , to go that afternoon to the meeting . There was no time to be lost , for it was then after one o ' clock , and . the
distance we had to go was upwards of seventeen miles , and a rough road ; iae meeting was to commence at seven o ' clock . I , therefore , in the hurry of the moment , forgot to post the letter on the Monday , but on the Tuesday I wrote another , and seat it , along with a report of the meeting , taken by Mr . 3 Iooney "; bat neither the report of the meeting , nor the notice of the delegate meeting , appeared . This caused a great deal of dissatisfaction . The people of Barnoldswick were hurt that such a triumph over the Plague , in an open discussion , and the cowardice of fee Plague advocates , in running off the platform , and oat of the Chapel , and leaving the meeting in the hands of the Chartists , who had defeated them not by blows , but by argument , should have been left unexposed .
The different towns expressed their resentment at me , for not sending notice to the Star , . so that they Might have been able to send delegates to the meeting . I am as sorry 33 them that they did not appear in the Star ; but I have since received » very kind letter from Mr . Hill , the Editor , expressing his regret that the letter had been mislaid , and , consequently , non-inserted . I expect that we shall this time have a . full meeting of delegates , for there is a good deal of business to transact ; and there will be the business of the Convention to
settle . I am sorry that a misunderstanding should ; exist between this district and the Executive with regard to the election of members of the Convention , it ieing the opinion of North Lancashire that it should Bend its own member ; but the Executive have decided that it cannot—it must be in connection with South Lancashire . I am sorry that I should have been elected by the different towns in North Lancashire to represent them in the Convention , but when I consented to become a candidate for the Convention , I knew not but that North Lancashire would send its own delegate ; but it having been decided differently by the Executivo , I beg leave fo have my name withdrawn from the nomination list , for 'this reason—I cannot conscientiously allow myself to be elected for South Lancashire . I know nothing of them ; I am not persoaally acquainted with them ; 1 do not know their feelings , wishes ,
desires , and determination with respect to the Charter becoming the law of the land , only from newspaper reports ; I have never been amongst them at any time ; I have never attended any of their private or public meetings , with the exception of three or four ; and therefore , being totally ignorant of their circumstances , I should not be justified were I to allow myself to become the representative of those whose condition I am unacquainted with . I have not that ambition to want to become a member of the Convention for the sake of its name ; we have had too many of that description already . I would rather be at heme in my own district , increasing the number of our Associations , and spreading our principles into every village snd h&mlet , so that by any means I might be doing good , and assisting in the bringing abost the political redemption of our common country . I am , Your humble servant , In the cause of Chartism , "William Beeslet , - District Secretary .
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TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND . Fellott-Goustrtmes , —In my recent letters to the Lord Mayor of Dublin , I pointed out the necessity of a union betwixt you and the Chartists of Great Britain , and answered objections which were raised against that body , both merallyand physically . I have also shewn that the prejudices of country and sect are passing away and staled that Englishmen were worthy of your confidence and desirou 3 to become your friends ; and whilst I thus stated my opinions , 1 most anxiously wished you would be led to t > pT > fc and inquire for yourselves , and shake off that confiding credulity which has ever been your greatest political fault , and with your own senses
examine calmly , reasonably , and dispassionately your present position in the field of political strife . I will , now , with your permission , clearly prove the fallacy of these objections and prejudices , wMdh cause you to stand aloof from the streggle in which the people of England , Scotland , and Wales , are now engaged , and which they are so nobly su ^ tiining , tips only f ? r their ovm sake but for youra . I am vrell a ^ fare that it is not in the nature of Irishmen to bs either pusillanimous , or ungrateful , and that it is for want of a proper knowledge of the principles of the Charter , and an acquaintance with the character of the people of England , that you hesitate to join in the contest .
Know , ' . hen , my fellow countrymen , that the People ' s Charter contains nothing that is illegal of unjust . It seeks for nothing pave that natural and political liberty , which every subject of these kingdoms ought to possess , aiid to which he is consti tutionally entitled- It aims to redress those grievances and remove those burthens ¦ which overwhelm the manufacturing and commercial interests of the country , and to give the people a voice in the making of the laws which govern them . It seek 3 for Ireland ' s rights as well as England ' s rights , and it is Ireland ' js cause as much as it is Eugland ' a ; for do not be deceived , a repeal of the Legislative Union would net be worth accepting , unless yoa were ia possession of TJEiversal Suft
frage . I have every reason to believe that by far the greater number of tho people of Ireland look forward to a ** Repeal of the Union , " the end of their political sufferings . In this they will assuredly find themslves disappointed ; they should rather look to it as a means to aa end , for , unless ih = Charter become the law of the land , they will © sly have benefttted themselves by bringing -tlielr iyrants nearer home , to witness the abuses which existed heretofore amongst them . But suppose a ** Repeal of the "Onion" would confer all the benefits and blessings which you so fondly anticipate . Task , why are you so inactive ? Why do you not bestir yourselves to obtain it ! You answer , *• so we do " — " we have a Repeal Association "—we have
meetings—we have our cards—and we have at our head the Lord Mayor of Dublin , who promised to obtain it . for us . "—When ! " When the young Prince" of "Wales becomes Vice Roy of Ireland I" But suppose his little Highness should never conde = cend to visit -. yo " , when , then , are you to £ et it ! Has not the ; fe . Liberator * told you ? Oh , no ! the canning fox ;; he is too wise to do so ; but he has not forgo ; to tell ; you that Chartism is synonymous ¦ with violence acdj infidelity , and that the people of England are Yi > ur natural and hereditary enemies . Now , I am as ! much an Irishman as his Lordship , and as much of j a patriot as to feel the necessity of yonr adopting a j more speedy and certain method to obtain your ¦
politicalregeneration , tnan the " tortoise" -like course you are now pursuing ; and yet , I unhesitatingly ^ say , such assertions are false and unfounded . I j have already , in my letters to H 3 Lordship , refuted i the charges of infidelity and violence , and will now snow that Englishmen are not your enemies , and ] that tho prejudices which have long ezis ; ed axe not i to be traced to the people of England , but to an interesfced-portion , of them . I know you have many reasons for believing that the English are opposed to your interests ; but , were yon to reflect , that in so opposing you they would only increase their own burthens , jouwould at 6 nceadmit , they woaldnot , for
Laeir own interest sake , continue it . The fact is , the anstocracyjind class . interests are that portion d the English , -who not only oppose yoa but their * countrymen . Those are they who first insinuated ] themselves into the green fields of Ireland , and who afterwards deluged them with the blood of her children ; those are ihey who hold all offices of trust said power , and monopolise the resources of the country , and who , like locu ? tg , devour the frnits of your industry , and compel you to dragouta wretched existence in want and misery ; those are the leeches who sues tne life s blood from the hearts of the wretciied vridow and the famishing orphans—who drink felicity from the f ouatain of a nation's misery , ' and who build up their fortunes on the ruins of-social happiness .
They hare always known that you possessed an unbounded love of liberty , and therefore they used stratagem £ 3 well as force to suppress and curb your independent spirit ; they taught their der-enri ants ' to believe that Irishmen were liUie better ( ban S ' j . rages ,- and thus the people of England vrere imposed on by those vile and contemptible wretches whe trafficked in jexor blood , and made a merchandise of your country ' s liberty . > " " Yes , my countrymen , it was the aristocracy trho first towed the seeds of skTtry a ^ d oppression
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amongst you ; they established laws and systems which were intended to grind and coerce you : it was they who forced a " State Church" upon yon , and oompelled jou to pay for prayers which were offered contrary to your notions of worship ; it was they who introduced those hypocritical monsters who cam © amongst you armed with a Bible in one hand and a sword in the ether—who spoiled and devastated the homes of your fathers—uprooted the foundations of peace and literature , and who , with the words of charity on their Iip 3 , but the daggers of political assassination concealed beneath their hypocritical disguise , awaited the opportunity or plunging them into their unwary victims ; and it is the same aristocracy which still lords it over you , and ate
even now crying out for " coercion for Ireland . ' It is not , my friends , the working Ken of England who are opposed to you ; they have no prejudices against you , and if ever they had any , it was the effect of misrepresentation , and not otherwise . It is not because a man is an Englishman , that he is your enemy—he suffers as much as you do , and even more . Nor is it because he has the moral courage to assert his political independence that he is to be looked upon with an eye of suspicion—he sees that all classes of the aristocracy are leagued against the poor man ' s interest , and , with a laudable zskl v he advocates the liberties of his class against the tyranny and misrale of his oppressors , and holds out the hand of fellowship to you , as it is your cauBe
a 3 well as his . Can you then as Irishmen refuse the proffered friendship ? Will the blighting influenoe of prejudice or party keep you aloof from a contest in which your interests are so deeply concerned ? Remember the enemies you have to encounter are the same , who once trampled oh the graves of your fathers ; they are the Bame who persecuted yon for your religious opinions ; who hunted your unhappy clergy into mountains and caves , to perish with want and misery , and who offered a premium { or the head of a Catholic priest equal to that offered for the head of a wolf . " The same parties who plundered yon of your birth-right , and insulted you by calling you " aliens in blood and country , " are still forging chains to fetter and bind you to their will . Is it not time , then , that you ask yourselves—shall we be free ? Is it not time to ask yourselves—are we pursuing the right road to liberty 1 or are you in possession of
that spirit which animated your fathers when '" liberty" was the watch-word ? Yes , it is time you asked those questions ; jour political position , and the duty you owe to your country , demand that you not ouly ask , but act . Weigh well the principles of the " Charter , " aud if you find that they are such as I have stated , come boldly forward , and show the men of England that you can accept and receive them as brothers ; join your moral strength to theirs , and convince your tyrants that the working men of Ireland and England are determined to obtain that " liberty which is their birth-right , and that " justice" to which you are entitled . Let unity be your motto , moral agitation your only weapon , and you may rest assured victory will crown your efforts . i have the honour to be , Fellow-Conn trymen , Your most obedient humble Servant , W . H . Cliftoit .
The Southern Stae Saturday, January 8, 1842.
THE SOUTHERN STAE SATURDAY , JANUARY 8 , 1842 .
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THE WORKING PEOPLE AND THE PRIME MINISTER . This day we publish a portion of one of the most important documents ever presented to the British public , —a document which will be read with avidity and absorbing interest by every working man in the kingdom . ' Laboch has been to bead quarters , to tell its wrongs , and to ask fer a remedy ! Its statements have been attentively listened to , its representatives
courteously received , and a friendly discussion had upon the measures of relief it had to propose . ' Working men have been in conference with the Prime Minister , telling him the trutb , and demanding from him , in respectful but firm language , measures which will tend to place them in their proper position : and their statements have been heard , and a more than ordinary interest manifested by -those unto whom the tale of woe was old This is a new era in the history of English Legislation and Government .
The Deputation that waited upon Sir Kobebt Pekl were not coolly and politely " bowed out ;" they were net received in a mere formal manner , and got rid of a 3 soon as assumed politeness would admit ; but they were met with cordiality of manner , ( and we hope we may add of feeling ); and the startling truths they told , as to the operation of our present eomiaercial system upon the happiness and well-being of the operative community , both infant
and adnlt , made such an impression upon the mind of Jhe Prime Minister , that he , himself , gave the . Deputation introductions to others of bis colleagues , that they , too , might hear frcm the lips of the working men in person , the statements which had so forcibly arrested his own attention . No greater proof than this con Id be offered of the interest excited in the head of the Government by this mission of Trorking men .
And not less has been the interest excited amongst all classes of society by the publication of the RSport of this important interview . It has appeared in tha columns of a great portion of the newspaper pre = Ts . Nearly ail have noticed it , either in one shape or other . The Times has had three " Leadees : j devoted to its consideration , in the course of which it has brought forward into more particular notice , the more important points of the very important conversation . The Standard and Morning Post , too , we hear have also commented on the document , and so has the Morning Advertiser . Their articles
we have tot seen ; bui understand they are like those of the Times , exceediD «] y favourable to the purposes and object of the Deputation . The Chronicle ha 3 not jci appeared openly against the document ; that is , it has not yet either attacked ( in its " leading" columns , ) tho members of the deputation personally , or even defended those principles of political economy which the deputation have impugned and assailed , and which principles are the Chronicle ' s stock-in-trade . Sir John Easthopk has not yet openly " come out of his shell ; " bni he has written a letter to the
members of the deputation , and inserted it in his Chronicle , where it appears without , date or address , other than the assumed signature , " A Working Mas . " Sir John attempts to make it appear that the interview with the Premier vr&s " a farce , " and rcspresents thai the whole thing was got up for " dramatic effect" ! This will not do , Sir Johh ! Thiswillnot ^ answer your purpose ! You must meet and upset tho positions taken by the Deputation , ere yea take awiv from the " effect" produced by the interview
^ and statements . Meet tnem , man ! ' Youcaaeasily prove the Deputation to be ignoramuses . " Do so ; bu : do it openly , Sir Joh . n I Do not assume to be ihii which yoa never was— " a working man . " You have 20 conception of the character , . Sir John : you cannot play it . The " dramatic effect" is wanting . You betray ycur ignorance , Sir John . Give it up , or do your bubiness openly , and in yonr own char acter ' , that of a defender and apologist of tho most horrible and cruel system of huma'a slavery that ever existed .
The " effect , however , of that Report upon tho 3 e who plead so earnestly for another " extension" of our commerce , for the purpose of filling the money bags of the " great" masters yet more fully , is prodigiously disheartening . Whether it be dramatic " or not , we leave Sir John Easthops to determine : bat , that it has not put them in very good humour , is evidenced by the following . strange production , addressed : —
TO THE EDITOB OP THE StTS . - Sib , —After the amusing description which has been given of the interview of the Ten Hours' Deputation vrith the Minister , it remains only to apticiratethe time when the manufacturing capitalists shall present themselves to the Grand Vizier of the honr , with a corresponding request to have the evils or" the agricultural management looked into , and repressed by the stroDg fingers of the Lrrc \ ' 1 . ¦
Wien thi 3 uae coiues , how pathetic will the rgpionstrants be ' , on the evils physical and moral , r . hich always arise from agriculture where the Eiasufaciuriiig interest has not a controller on the spot . To say nothing of the toils of harvestvroinen , and the total absence of care for the fiiigers of -iemate and ini ' ant weeders when the thermometer" is below 4 ' . ' , the moral view alone ¦ mil- be terrible and s&d . Our popular poetry is full of little but the moral dangera inse-
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parable from the encouragement of an agricultural population . The bush , the brako , the *• rigs o'barley , " and ihe " rashes green , " have each their several temptations , leading all one way , and calling for pensive reflection on the legislator and the parish officer . Shall there be no balm for this , while an active superintendence on the part of a moral and religious manufacturing public might do so much to prevent the apprehended evils 1 Why not appoint an inspector of hay-fields 1 , Do the landlords properly box off all dangerous ^ places ? Are these matters to be left to adjust themselves ; or ought the law to interfere to ensure the doing r igjt 1 The requirementsof humanity imperatively demand it . , < '¦'' .
The landlords may find out some time , that it is just aB easy for one set of men to plague and vilify another , as was the converse . Of course it will be understood , that if the question has been treated here with levity , it was in the full persuasion that what is called the Ten Hours' question , after making the needful reservations for well-meaning blunder , iB a fraud directed to the preservation of the evils it pretends to remedy , and by the active operation and encouragement of those who made and maintain the evils for the sake of their ovm personal and dishonest gain . : ¦' Yours very sincerely , . T . PkRBONEI THOMPSON . Blackheath , Jan . 3 , 1842 . ; The " effect" must have been very galling npon the party with whom Colonel Thompson
fraternizes to have drawn from Aim , —a generally goodtempered and quaintly humourous man , —euch a piece of petty malignant spite and gratuitous insult as the above ! Yes , petty malignant spite and gratuitous insult ! The letter contains these , and nothing else ! The fling at the landed interest which nothing but spiteful malignity could have prompted , is petty and paltry enough , God knows bat the insult heaped upon the manufacturing operatives by the Colonel is not so easily got rid of . The operatives engaged in factory labour have felt the woeful blasting effects of the factory system the woeful blasting effects of the factory system
upon their household comforts and domestic happiness . They have had to submit to the power of iron and steel , which has dragged their infant children from their poor resting place , and demanded their close and constant attendance for eighteen hours together , with only thirty minutes intermission for rest , meals , education , and recreation ! They have seen their little ones murdered before their very faces : and , because they have complained of this ; because they have demanded protection for the infant ; because they have asked for a curb to be placed upon the power which
works such murderous effects ; Colonel Thompson , of all men in the world , insults them by representing that they have no more to com ^ plain of than the agricultural labourer , the " harvest women , " and "female and infant weeders" J He represents their efforts as a " wellmeaning blunder , " and & fraud directed to the preservation of the evils they pretend to remedy" !!! The operatives know that their tender offspring have to attend upon the machinery of the factorymaster for twelve or fourteen hours , in an atmosphere artificially heated to seventy , eighty , ninety , and even ninety-four degrees , when the thermometer in the open air stands at twenty-five ; they
know that this is destructive to the health of the strongest-formed men brought within its influence ; they know that their children have , by its means , become " weakly , emaciated , stunted in their growth , dull , sluggish , and diseased ; " and yet Colonel Thompson represents that they have no more cause of complaint than " female and infant weeders" who follow their occupation in the open air , " when the thermometer is below forty "! He represents their efforts to obtain * a modicum of protection for their children , as the efforts of one se % of men determined "to plague and villify another" Bet of men , the millowners ! The insult is grossly outrageous !
*• The Ten-Hours question is a fraud directed to the preservation of the evils it pretends to remedy . " So say 3 Colonel Thompson I He only says so , however . He does not condescend to Bhow how the enacting of a law prohibiting the working of any child between the ages of thirteen and twenty-one more than ten hours per day , with two houre for meals , will " preserve the evil" of working him eighteen hours with only thirty minutes intermission , which was the evil complained of . He does not show how the bringing out of the mills , the daughters and wives of the working people , and sending their
brothers , and sons , and husbands to supply their places , instead of their walking tbo streets worklesa and penniless aB they do now ; he does not show how the doing of this would " preserve the evil " complained of . He does not show how the keeping of the wires of the working men at home , to attend to their domestic care 3 and duties ; to keep the poor man ' s home cleanly , and prepare his foe d , and mend his clothing , and nurse his children ; he does not show how the accomplishment of this " would preserve the evil" complained of , which evil is that the man has to do the duties at home , -while the wife works in the factory for his
support . He does not show how the keeping of the daughters of the poor at home with their mothers , to learn how to make a pudding and broil a steak ; to learn how to make a shirt , and knit a stocking ; to learn how to bake and boil , and menu , and darn ; tho Colonel does not condescend to show how the accomplishment of all these things would " preserve the evils " com plained of ; and ail these things , and many more , are involved in that " Ten-Hours' Question 1 ' which the Colonel designates as " a well-meaning blunder" and" a fraud direcied to the preservation of the evils it yretenus to remedy" ' . . ' .
The fact is , the " Free Trade Party , " as they call themselves , are stung to the quick , at the exposure of the hollow sophistries and baseless " principles" upon which they have built their superstructure of fraud and deceit , in the hope of " gulling the natives" into another " extension" of that system which has given '' millions" to a few , and taken comfort and plenty from the many ! They aro mad with rage at the fact , that the workiDg people have detached themselves from the car of Ma lthusiamsm to which they were chained by the Whigs , and have set vp business on their own account ; sending , of themselves , to the Prime Minister in person to detail
their wrongs and grievances , and to set forth their requiremoats , as a distinct party in the state . LABOUR never before could get to head-quarters , only vfhen capital chese to let it . Now it has been there personally and by itself . Is there nothing in this ? Do not the " great" masters see , in this proceeding , the prostration of all hope of their being able to deceive the Minister , or humbug the people ? Their power to do these things is gone ! Well may they rage and rave ! and well may the cautious and prudently-calculating Colonel Thompson forget himself , and heap insult upon the heads of those who have disappointed a faction ' s hopes !
In keeping with the Colonel ' s pitiful spleen are the malignant lies of the Weekty Dispatch . That " friend of the poor , " v > hose knowledge is so extensive that he stands in need of no information ; gravely informs the public that " the Deputation included the President of the Executive Secret Council of the Chartist National Association , and another noted Chartist orator . " No matter that the Editor knew there never was any such body in existence , as the " Executive Secret Council of the Chartist Association ; '' no matter that the Editor knew that Mr . John Leech , of Huddersfield , was cot Mr . James Leach , of Manchester , the latter of whom is
the President of the "Executive Committee of the National Charter Association , " ( with no secrecy ); no matter that the Editor of the Dispatch knew these things ; he knew also that the " effect" of the Report of the Deputation would not be to serve the interests of the class whose prejudices he panders to ; he knew that the statements and arguments used by tha D . putaticn were irrefutable ; he knew that nothing but enormous lying , which would stir up the class and party prejudices of the upper and trading classes against the Depntat ! on personally , could avail him ; he knew the worth of the bugbear , Chart ' um , amoDgst these
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glasses ; he kaayr that lies were wanted to conjure up hia man of straw ; so he told lies , and created & President of a body that never had existence , for the purpose of representing him as composing one of the Deputation ^ &V ^^^\^ g ^ X ^;^ iM despicable shifts art thoa reduced ! The veracious Dispatch , who is so very knowing as to knoweoery < A »" n # , informs the world-- . :. "That the TenBpars' Committee was" set upon its legs by one of SirJRobert Peel ' a owii colleagues , who went tqi Leeds with lots of gold , after the General Election was over , to g et up a counter
agitation to the Manchester Corn Xaw movement , and to cause the manufacturing system to be vilified and misrepresented by bribed hackney spoutera . " ¦ - - . .,-. ' - ' / : ¦; -: . ;• . ¦• ¦ : ; :-v '' : v , " . ¦ . ; ¦ ¦•/ - \ y « The Ten Hours' Comiaittee 1 " the "knowing onV ' does not know that there is a Short Time Committee in every town , in the manufacturing district , both in Yorkshire and Lancashire ! ' ? : The ' "Goiniriii-: tee ^ was set ; on its legs by one of ^ Sir Robebt Peel's own boileagues v who went to Leeds with lot * of gold . ? ' Which of Sir Robkbt ' s colleagues was it , Mr . Wisdom ! ' Lord Ashley is the man pointed at , who did visit Leeds 4 after the election , io inform the Committee that he should still persevere in his efforts to obtain from Parliament a measure of
justice for the infantile labourer in the factories , notwithstanding the altered ; po 8 ition of parties , which altered position the patrons <> f the Weekly Dispatch had predioted would alter him ; and yet Mr . Wisdom does not ; even know that Lord Ashley is- not a colleague of Sir RbBEHTiPfiEL !—nay , he doe 3 not khovfj what all the world knows besidea , that Lord Ashley refw ^ o % e nrider Sir Robert ^ Peel , beoanse that Minister had not made up his mind on the question of the "Ten Hours ' Bill" I Verily , Mr . Wisdom , your "knowings ¦ ' are very extensive ! But the "Ten Hours' Committee was then set upon its legs . " The Leeds Ten Hours' Committee has been in existence ten years I Really , Mr .: Wiseman , the " world 19 ignorant !"
As for the " lots of gold / ' all we have to say is , we hope the " Ten Hours' Committee" got them . They will need them ! The opponent is rich and powerful—his length of purse is such , that it can manage to get the Weekly Dispatch on its ^ side . Monopoly is a bad thing , says the Dispatch . Don't let it want to have all the "lots of gold" to itself , ; The Short Time . Committees have as much right tobe 6 ri 6 ed"asnehas . '
Leaving the press for the present , let us once mow revert to the interview with Sir Robert Pkel . The Deputation spoke with a truthful boldness which makes the whole Report of their conversation interesting in the highest degree . No doubt every one of our readers will peruse the entire dooument , as far as we give it this week ; but we cannot forbear from quoting the solemn appeal made by these working men to the Prime Minister of England :-
—" You , Sir Robert / ' said they , *• are now placed in the most important and commanding position of asy individual in Europe , perhaps in the world . At the head of a strong Government , with a powerful majority in the Commons , and an influential portion of the prpulation thinking with you ; unfettered as you declare yourself to be , Bave by your own convictions of what is right and useful ; the resources of an empire on which the sun is said never to set—an
empire unparalleled in its natural and : artificial appliances—at your command , and a population whose enterprise , industry , and genius is proverbial , looking up to you ; a grave , an awful responsibility rests upon you , Sir Robert ! The means for producing national well being are superabundant ; the population is but limited . Broad and comprehensive views , vigorous and decided action , are all called for by the exigencies of the times , and we earnestly hope that such will mark your course . ''
This is not the langiiage of sycophancy or of prostitution : It is the honest but eloquent appeal of labour to power ! May it be responded to as it deserves ! ¦ - '"; : "' . ¦ ; . ¦ . ' ; \ - '; . ¦ . '¦ :.. ' - . v . '; -- / ---o ' :-- ' ; ' ' .--In the second portion of the Report , which details the interview the Deputation had with Sir James Gbaham , the reader will perceive that the " question of the land "is fairly set before the Government , as a remedial measure for the manifold evils we endure and are still further threatened with . The end of the presentsystem , whether ; we " extend" it or restrict it , without giving a new
direction to the energies of our population , is there truthfully depicted ; and an awful and Borry end it is ! Government , however , have now the truth before them . If they dare to act on it , and fairly grapple with the difficulties , the nation is saved ! If the Prime Minister has ; not moral courage to do this ; if he adopt a faltering temporising policy ; he submits his own judgment to the cautious and tardy movements And , desires of others ; if he be not fully prepared to take the bull by the horn $ , and fling Aim , his Cabinet will speedily go to smash ! and he himself sink below the level of the
would-be-statesman . - ¦ _ . - ¦ j .. ... . . ¦ ¦ ; ¦ -. ¦ : . ¦ . ¦ . Time will speedily decide ! The battle will shortly commence . On prudent energy and firm determination the Minister ' s existence depends : buti "whatever may be his fate , the cause of the people is sure ! They stand aloof from the " rich oppressor , " aiid perseveringly and successfully prosecute their suit , as the " poor oppreBBed i" in the court of public opinion . Neither bribes , nor threats , nor
vilification , nor calumny , nor intimidation can turn them from their course j Their motto is , "Onwardj and we conquer ; backward , and we fall" The cause of the people is safe !/ whatever becomes of theMini ^ ter Cabinets may smash ' ; Parliaments may be broken up ; Governmental difficulties may increase and abound : they do so because they abe not prepabed to do justice ! The Minister who dares to do this will be the Minister of the people , and will stand : all others must fall 1
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WAGES OF LABOUR AND " EXTENSIONS " OF COMMERCE . The great demand upon our space this week by tha Report of tlio Short Time . Committee ' s Deputation , and tho proceedings at several meetings , and of She Scottish 1 'Delegates , will prevent us . from giving , in the present paper , the observations we promised on the last mooted infernal " scheme" of the " great'' Cotton Masters of Lancashire , to get rid of the poor unfortunates they have inveigled arid : trepanned from the agricultural distriots ,
now that they have , no further use for them . Those observations will keep , however ; and though wo are prevented ' just now from giving them , the world shall know the nature and sincerity of that " sympathy" with the operatives which the " great " masters now pretend so feelingly to entertain . Their scheming , both to get the agricultural labourers here into the manufacturing districts , and to get then ) bask again now that they are worked to death , shall be laid bare ! 0 ! yes ' . we will know the value of their " sympathy " . ! . .
Meanwhile , wa canHot but congratulate the country upon " thefix" in which the " great" masters are placed . Tho gauntlet has : been fairly thrown down to them ; ( they have been challenged to-, show that former " extensions" of commerce have had the effect of adding to tho wagea of labour and the profits of the master ; they have been fairly told that if they will but do this , the working people will join them in demanding another " extension ; " and they have also been told that if they fail to do this , the working people wilt still continue to stand aloof from " ' the extension of foreign trade agitation , " and go on in their own way , on
their own account , and for their own object the " great" masters have been invited to a fair encounter ; and they shrink froth the contest ! Not pno of their organs or advocates have dared to answer or notice the questions we have recently put to them . 1 Neither the Chronicle , nor the Sun , nor tho Globe , nor the Manchester Guardian , nor the Leeds Mercury , have dared to accept the challenge wo have given them . Nor has Mr . Cobden or Mr ; Flint dared to attempt to shew that our " extended " commerce and improved niachinory have added to tho comforts of the coitage and the till of ^ ^^ the shopkeeper . Nor have they even venlitredjlo attempt to shew thai they have not taken from both , Ihey dare not
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thu 3 attempt ! They will shirk the questions we have raised , and affect to treat them with contempt * This , however , will not do I Those questions must be met , and satisfactorily answered ; or the working people will never : join the w great" masters for "Corn Law Repeal , " as a means of further "extending" commerce : and the " great" masters are powerless for this purpose until the working people do join them i-. ^ ' :- /;/¦ ¦ ¦ ' y ' -i ^ '¦¦ ¦' : };¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦; . ^ " ¦' ,: / . ; ¦ ¦ ¦¦ . ' ¦ : . . ?¦ ¦ ' '
We have before dared the "great" masters to open their ledgers , and tell us the exact amounts they have paid as wages for the same description of work , every jear from 181 Q to 1842 . tVs again dare them to do this , ' and we tell them they will bare to do it ! The nation must fathom this thing . We must know all about it . No measures pan be safely taken until we have this information . We must know accurately what the past effects of our *? commerce" have been , with all its ** extensions , " before we can judge what ia likely to accrue from future Bnd further M extensions . " The information must be had ! - ¦ ' ' - ¦' - ¦' ' ^/' ^'/ - :: S :- ' - - ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ' ¦ ;' :- . - ;''
Tho the " great masters dare not , voluntarily , give this information , the working people dare ! The reason for this conduct on the part of both master and workman , is obviOnB ! It is the interest of the one that the truth should be concealed j it is theintereat of , the other that it be blazoned forth ! Accordingly the operatives are at work in all parts of the kingdom , preparing the tables of wages we have asked for . To those who have written , apprising as that they are so engaged , we beg to tender our best thanks , accompanied again by the request that they Will take care to be very exact . Be sujre ofevery thing you set down ; and then we will defy the devil , with all the '' great 0 masters to boot , to upset our positions . :
Perhaps we cannot do better than close this short article with two speciniens of the H honcur" and "honesty' ^ of the " great' * jmastera in the : woollen and worsted distriots . These personages make great" pretensions to these two qualities : let us test them . ¦ ¦¦ ¦¦¦ , / y ' : ¦;;/¦ - ' \ , : . ; ' : > : '¦ ; - . - ¦ ¦ ¦"" '¦ ¦ ; ' -: ' . / . ' The woollen merchants , then , we boldly aver , are so " honourable" arid so M honest ^ that they do not pay a single penny for the "finishing" of their cloths ! They Cheat out of the clothier the finisher and the puchaserwiw ^ than pays for the entire cost of dressing ! Here is the operation / :
It is well known , now , that none but " great' ^ masters have any chance in the market . \ Those of small capital are done up ! There are none left now but ia few of the " great" ones , who are known to be " great : " that is , they are known to possesB "immense capital . " These go , then ^ say into the Leeds or Huddersfield Cloth Halls , amongBt the clothiers who have their "baulks" there for sale : that is , cloths in an unfinished state , —just as they have left the weaver and scourer , add fuller ^ The clothiers who attend these Halls are men of email means ; men who reside in the country villages so thickly studded throughout the West Riding of able make
Yorkshire , and who ^ are just ^^ to one or two pieces , and bring them to market for sale . But they must sell . The small capital they have , and the other pressings of the system ^ render it necessary that their money shoul < i be turned over . The man with the purse knows this . He shakes tho purse in the poor clothier's face , wheu he bida him a price for his cloth . The clothier is at his mercy . He must sell ; he is forced to do so in many instances , at less than prime cost : and , in almost all instances , at a sacrifice of the greater portion of the profits hia class used to get . The consequence is , that the race of elothiers is rapidly declining—the little master sinking into tha rank of journeyman
weaver . . -. - ¦" . ¦¦ •¦ .., . .. . -,, . . •• - . , . ¦ - .. - . -. .. v :,, > .. ; - Next follows another "process . ' * Th « clothier , when the price is agreed on ; takes his pieoes to the < l measurer-in" for the " great" iaasier . This is gederally an important , fussy , stand-out-of-way person ^ age . He knows what he has to do . He has to cheat in the measurement ! He will do this , to the extent of two yards in each piece , spite of all the clothier
can do . In vain the clothier measurea itfairly before his face . The measurer " can make it into ho more . " The clothier is forced to submit to the robbery , or take his piece back again . But he must have money ! He cannot cat : his clothi He is compelled to accede tothe measurement of the "measurer-in , "though he well knows that if ^ e had to go , the ; next hour , to purchase the piece back again , the . " measuring put" would be Ouite different !
Those two yards , thus cheated , robbed , from the poor clothier , will in most instances , pay for the after dressing ! But the cheating does not end here . In the course of the dressing the cloths have to be " tentered , " after they are " wetted" and "raised . " These " tenters' ^ are formed of long horizontal bars fixed upon upright posts , and made of wood or iron . The bars are filled with hooks , on which the cloth is hung by the "lists ; " The upperraoat bar 13 generally a fixture to the top of the upright posts ; and the lower bar , in short lengths , with joints something like those of a turnup bedstead , is formed so as to slide a certain distance in " slots" made in the upright post . This is done to accommodate the " tenter" to the different
widths of the cloths , and to stretch them to their proper width when affixed to the hooks . When " master croppers" Were more rife than even factories now are , these " tenters" might be seen occupying the fields around their houses in almost every direction : for then the '' drying" was nearly all done in the open air . Now , however , these have nearly disappeared , along with the " master cropper " himself ; and the "drying" is mainly done in the " stoves , " or " dry-houses , " attached to caoh factory . This prevents the process we are now desscribingfrom being seen , as it would be , were the " tenters" in the open air ^ as formerly .
When the " piece , " then , goes to be " tentered , " it is first afiixedby the " yead-hend" : ( head-end ) to the topmost , or endmost post , but not to the bar 3 , other than loosely , on some slight pieces of wood that turn down from the posts to keep the cloth from the ground . When thus hanging loosely in front of the tenter , the msa all get to the "hinderend" of the " pie « e , " and pull it to the length required Now , this is a hard task ; and a rope and pair of blocks ( sometimes with three sheaves ) are provided , to enable the men to stretch the cloth to the " extent "
required . Formerly the manufacturer or merchant waaprohibited by Act of ParliameHt from stretching his piece of cloth more than a yard , beyond the length stamped upon , it in the "baulk" by the supervisor ; for the stretching it beyond this point injures the texture of the fabric . No \ y , however , that law has become hitched off ; and the pieces are stretched two , three , four , and five yards longer than t-h ' oy measured when in the " baulk" t The
length thus obtained will more than again pay for the whole process of "finishing , " including the new schemes of " boiling '' and " steaming ' resorted to to mika coarse wool into fine . All this is to the manifest injury of the consumer . Tho texture is injured by the " tenteriug " and what is left short by that process is finished by the "boiling" and " steamingY' for after the cloth has u ' &de ' r- ' gone these several processes , it is more rotten than . it uied to be after many years' wear ! ^
And the men who thus systematically rob and cheat , are " honest" and " honourable" men ! Quite ^ respectable ! " And they want to repeal the Corn Laws solely to ensure the operatives ' " cheap food , hio k . wages , and plenty to pt > i , " No doubt they do I Had they not better give up cheating tho clothier , and thus allow him to have a modicum of wages , before they make euoh " great" preteuBions about the interests of tbo operatives ? ; Now , then , for tho Stuff Trade . '' ; Honest" and " honourablo" and " respectable ' men are engaK « d in this department too . lUiofollowiug is a Bamplocf their practices .
The standard length of a Stuff Piece is twentytight yards . It ia £ 0 poafod up in many places in Bradford Stuff Piece Hall . No manufacturer has
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any right to make a piece one yard longer . If he does , he infringes upon an established rule of the trade . The Stuff manufacturers , almost universally , set this principle at nought ! ! Iliey are too •' honest' * to be bound b ^ rule ! They makef their pieces from 36 to 39 yards long I And they del riot pay one Bingle penny more to ; the weaver for weaving the 39 yards than they paid for the 28 !!! They do not pay one single penny more to the printer , or dyer , or finisher ! And when they send them into " our foreign markets , ' they send them , arid pay duty for ';¦ them , aa though they were
of the standard length , 28 yards i i li Their M hbHDtir '' and " honesty" first teaches them to rob the weaver and dyer ainonw ; and then to defraud the foreigner abroad , to keep and extend" whose custom we are to rain the Britiah farmer and agricultural labourer ! fHoriest "> men 1 ¦[ , give oye * robbing and cheating before yoa ask the working people to " extend ^ your commercial system" ! ** Honourable and respectable" men ! a Repeal of the Corn Laws to enable you still further to cAtfa / arid- rob would be of infinite service ; would it not ! "Don'tyou wish you may get it" ! 1 i
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; Again have the public been most grossly insulted by the new Whig official , who werna deternained to eclipse even the old woman who sat iri the eiyio chair last . year . A requisition , signed by six members of the- Town Council—the body who elected Aim to be the . wearer of the u gold chain "—and signed , toof by not less than fifty borough voters , and by more thari a hundred municipal voters , . was presented to him last week , asking him to call a public meeting to consider the propriety of memorialising her Majesty for a free parfpn for Frost , Williams ^ arid Jones , The parties who presented the requisition , so signed , to his worship , were also instructed
to ask him , if he felt the least hesitation about calling the meeting , to grant the reqaiaiters the use of the Court-Honse , and they would convene the meeting themselves . But no 1 Both these requests were " refused ! His worship " could not . recognise any other party in the town than Whigs and Tories . " * Tis true ^ . That Was his reason ! Fit man to be a Mayor ! ¦ Well : the parties whom ne had thus grossly Insulted learned that apublic meeting was to beholden in the Music Hall on Tuesday evening last , at which it was announaed the Mayor was to take the chair . Many people were curious to see what sort of a thing it ( the Mayor ) was ; arid so determined to go ! But no time ' wasfixed for the meeting . The Bills calling it duly set forth , that it was under the auspices of
the "Society for the Extinction of the Slave Trade ; " and they also pompously announced that ' * Prince Albert" was " Patrori and 1 President ;" but ihey announced no time for the meeting to commence ! No matter ; the time was learned ; and , though the doors were opened so early as five o ' clock , and though all means had been used to get together a meeting of the Mawworm , Cantwell , and Praise-Giod-bare-bones sort , yet when the business was proceeded with at half-past five , it was found that more than three-fourths of the meeting were of that party which the Mayor had refused to recognise ! : - ' y ¦¦ ' . ¦; . : - ' - - : : ¦¦ - . ' ¦ '¦ ¦ ¦ ¦¦' . '¦ ¦ : ' :- - : ¦ : ¦;¦' ¦ ' ' ¦ . Alderman Tottie moved that the Mayor should t 8 ke the chair , which was seconded by a broad-cloth gentleman near him ; and the Mayor was proceeding to seat himself without a vote . He stopped short , however , when he heard a deep sonorous voice in the body of the Hall moving , " aa an amendment , that Mr . William Brook should preside . '' This was duly
and promptly seconded and put to the meeting , when it was carried unanimouslyt not a single hand being held up agatuet it- : The Mayor and his fewfriends , —after Alderman Tottie had sillily enough bawled out "this meeting is dissolved ! " precipitately rushed from the platform at the very moment Mr . Brook took his seat in the chair ! A number of policemen were in attendance at the meeting V and aldebman" Captain" Tqttib was so frightened , that he took anumber of them away to guard him home ! When the Mayor and his friends had departed , Mr ,- Bbook opened the business of the meeting , arid introduced Mr . Jones , and several other gentlemen to address it , and move the resolutions . A real good Chartist meetirig was thus had . The room waa more than ordinarily lighted . The glass chandeliers were filled-with wax candles ; and these , in addition to thegas-lightSjgavotho splendid room a very elegant appearance ; : : lr' !/ ''¦ : ' '' - . ¦ . .- ' ¦ ' .- --- : ' •' • - ¦ ¦ . ' - ' . /¦¦/ .:
A memorial to the Queen for the free pardoa of Frost , Williams , and Jones , was unanimously passed ; and several resolutions were also passed , as will be seen from an advertisement inserted in another part of © ur paper . V *
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Brief Rules for the Government of all wh » WBlTE .. F , pn Newspapers — Write legibly . Make as few erasures and interlineations as possible In writing names of persons and places be more particular than usual to make ( every letter distinct and clear—also in using- words rwt English , Write only oni one side : of the paper . Employ no abbreviations whatever , but write put every word ¦ in full . Addresst communications not to any . particular porson ,. but to '' The Editor . " Finally , when , you sit down to write , don't be in a hurry . Consider that hurried writing makes slow printing . "¦ ¦¦ . ; . ' - ¦ . ' . :: . -: ;¦' , . ' . -. : . The Poets—Our poeticalfriends hnvebeenas usual exceedingly bounteous : we have so large a stock
of poetry and apologies for poetry on hand , and our friends supply us constantly so liberally , that we shall not henceforth-particularly notice this department in our "Notices to Correspondents . " We shall select from the mass sent us as much as we have room for , with as much impartiality as possible . Accepted pieces will , therefore , be known by their appearance in the paper ; and authors whose communications do hot appear ivitt hot , therefore , conclude that they are rejected because of demerit , as it would be impossible for us to find room for half of even the rea-dable poetry that comes to vs . . Z . A . —The landlord can distrain for twelvemonths , if so much be due , but riot for more thanis due . More Chartist Blackikg — If the patriotic effort of Mr . Pindertoraise a fund for the Executive
without taking anything from any one , have done nothing else jit has drous-ed a spirit of competi-: tion among blacking manufacturers ^ which may be turned to good account if the people require it . Mr . Wax . Brelsford , of Burnley , now offers a like means for raising a fund for the Convention He offers to give : ihreehalfpence out of every shilling of his receipts to the Convention fuhdt and to pay carriage to any part of Lancashire on orders oj " lO * : value , accompanied by cashi William W . Tipping , Bingley . — We cannot insert his communication : ihe lawyers would call it a ¦ libel . y ¦ '¦ - ; .. . '¦ : ¦ : ' . w . . ¦ -- - - ^ ¦ - . '¦ ' - ¦'¦ ¦¦ - Henry Bates—We believe the ^ Huddersfield Poor Laic . Guardians meet at their' Bp ! ird-room , Bux ' ton-road , every Friday . : ''"¦ : ' . < Thaddeus Caffeiiky , ofBallaghaderhine , Ireland , sends us the followinq note , which we publish : —
' .-, " Billaghadernme , Jan . 2 , 1842 . My Pear Sir , —Owing : to a matter whteh I am sorry : I cinaot publish , I am obliged to tell my friendsmy generous frienila of Britain , that I snust . decline . their-correspondents , aa also all communication with them in future . ... :
: •¦ I am , yotiTs , , ;' ¦ -.. ; - " Tuaddeus Cafperkv . " A Poor Man , Bristol . —George Julian Harney has received the twelve postage stamps—will the donor be pleased to say whether they are for Holberry only , or for Holberry and others ? Geougs Julian Hahney has received Ss . 6 d . from the Nottingham Chartists assembling at the King George on Horieback , for Mrs . Elizabeth Taylor . The money has been handed to Mrs . T . who returns thanks . y v John ; Crqwther . —We have no room . Henry Johnson' is a fooliand something more ; He is rightly served . " ¦ '•; '¦ / - ¦;
Mr . S . kkvington . — We have not room for the letter intended for the Commonwealthsman . The ; Newton Class , Bishop Westxhovtu . —The uc knowledgemenl by Mr . Campbell of the receipt of the - '•! OsV is light enough . > J . -M -r-Thc nominations of many localities for the Gtucral Council have already appeared ; others wilt lie published ' , as fast as we receive them . In reference to the : other point of hisenquiryitve believe the \ isa& 6 to be for their functions to cease iyittanier ; but we fear the general organtsatioii ia ' iiotgeneraltif well carried'out . ' . j , G . TSl . \^\\ niijn . —His letter has been received ad shall be forwardtd the first opportunity . ]
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The Leeds Mayoh And The Leeds T- ' ~:- :' - - - . ' : ' ¦¦ ;¦ . " ¦ ¦ : Ichabtists. : ;/; ' ;.-V.,; : :.V:^-^
THE LEEDS MAYOH AND THE LEEDS t- ~ :- : ' - - - . ' : ' ¦¦ ;¦ . " ¦ ¦ : iCHABTisTs . ;/; ; .-V ., ; :. v : ^ - ^
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The Natipnal Petition . —Our publisher , Mr , Hobson , has printed the National Petition for 1842 , '¦ ' . on a neat sheet , for the purpose of being exlen ? sively distributed amongst those from whomsignai tures are a ^ ked , that they may know for what they aresignihg . He is ready to supply them to the Associations arid to individuals at the following charges : —100 . copies for 2 s ; 1 , 000 / or 15 s . Petition sheets , of good strong paper , ruled in four * columns , and holding two hundred names when filled , may also be had , price 2 d , / each . The Petition and sheets may also be had / from Mr . Cleave , London ; Messrs . Paton and Love , Glasgow ; and Mr . Heywood , Manchester But in ail cases the money must be sent in advance— -the price [ being so low as to preclude ' . credit . : ¦¦ ¦ - ¦ ' - ' : ; ' . ¦ ' ¦ ¦' . ' ¦ : ' -r .-. ' ¦ : ¦'¦ . . "
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4 . . - . "' . _ ¦ ¦ . ¦ . : the NORTHEiKpiR . ¦ ¦ . ¦ ¦; . v ; ¦ : . ; . ' ; . - _ . ;" . : ;' - ;' : ; ;¦ - ¦¦ : . ; : ¦ : / :: ¦ : [ ¦ ¦ : , : ' :. '! ^ : . ^ : -- . . ;¦ ^^?^; - ' % :: ^}^ W ^ i
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 8, 1842, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1143/page/4/
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