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THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY, MARCH 23, 1845.
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KOflTBEHN CIRCUIT . flam 'SS t-lUU fi « t , the general xssue « to the Stole dwUration , ana a separate plea . f justification * sto each -count— Mr . Bainw . Mr- Overend , and -Mr : Pickering for the plaintiff ; and Mr . Watson , Mr . Hoanins ana Mr . Wilkins for the defendant—Mr . Barnes -it « tedthat the p laintiff in this acdon was Mr . William James ,-fl » sBperintendeat of the Leeds police , and the -defeadanVMr . wniiam Brook , was now a town councillor In the same torough . The learned gentleman assured the jury that lie' bad nerer before , in his-professional capacity experienced a greatar degree of anxiety than tlutwMcbbefeltat this moment in laying before them the caw of his client , to whom their decison must be
. almost a matter of life or death , as their verdict might at < mce deprive him of his reputation and of his means of liTelihood . The plaintiff ; before the year 1836 , had been in the police ; hut in that year , in consequence of meritorious conduct , he toacame promoted to his present -Office , that of superintendent . The defendant was a tobacconist by trade , and was one of the town council . The Jury would hare laid before them evidence to show that the defendant had thought proper to ca 3 t aspersions against Mr . James , which , if true , must go utterly to destroy the character of the latter as an officer , and to -flhow him altogether unworthy of his trust . The defen--dant , by his pleas , justified those' aspersions . He ( Mr . Baines ) now challenged the defendant to make those pleas good , to sift all the matters in question , and by that investigation the plaintiff , Mr . James , was
content to itand or fall . It appeared that it was a part of Mr . James ' s duties to superintend the police Of tha night ; and the chargedptet&et&iin the convocations of the defendant now complained of related to alleged impropriety of conduct on . the part of the plaintiff with respect to this portion of his duties in pirticuUr . It was in the last autumn that Mr . Brook uttered the words that would be proved . The jury would judge of the motives by whictt he was probably actuated in so do doing , and if anything in the way of Justification should be offered in evidence , he ( Mr . Baines ) should be able to prore that the charges made were of as groundless and base a kind as any that ever were . Mr . Brook was one of the "Chartist" party in Leeds ; and Mr . James was an officer who had rendered signal services in the year 1842 , and fortunately very effectual services
against the machinations of the Chartist party . Last autumn there were meetings in Leeds held for the pnrpose of electing tewn councillors . At one of these meetings Mr . Brook produced a letter , or piper , purporting to be signed by a woman named Sheldon , and another paper , with tht name of another female attached to it ; and then it was that he ( the defendant ) thought proper to make statements referring to those papers , at the same time touching the conduct of the plaintiff . The learned tounsel said he would not then read the whole of these papers . The language in them was of an exceedingly gross kind ; bnt its import was to the effeet that the plaintiff had so indecently conducted himself towards those females that if the charge were true he certainly could not be a fit person to hold the office he now filled . When Mr . James heard of these statements he gave notice
to those making them that he would require a retractation , or that they must expect to be made answerable iu the present way . A person named White had apologised for thepari he had taken in the slander . And a copy of an apology , couched ia such terms as the plaintiff chose to accept , was laid before the defendant for his adoption . But it seemed that Brook , willingly admitting that his representations had been both £ Jse and void of foundation , still objected to sign the apology , because it contained the term " slanderous . " How the evidence would prove those representations to hare been both false aad slanderous ; and if the defendant failed to sustain the pleas of justification which he had pleaded t » this action , he ( Mr . Baines ) would leaveit with the jury to determine whether the plaintiff had not made out a case requiring damages at their hands , and to what amount such
damages should be given . —Michael Spence , examined fey Mr . Baines : This witness stated that he was at x meeting held on the 16 th October last in the Zion School , in Leeds . It was respecting the eleetion of town councillors . The defendant was there , He was among the speakers . From 300 to 400 persons were present . The defendant mentioned the plaintiff , and said that he ( the defendant ) bad received a letter two or three liars before respecting conduct that was unfit for publication . Said he did not allude to Bead , the officer of Leeds . On the 21 st of October there was another meeting at the Horse and Jockey . That was a Chartist meeting of delegates , and it had reference to the approaching municipal Election . There also the defendant was a speaker . A conversation took place between the defendant and Mr . Jackson , one of the councillors . Jaekson charged the
defendant with having given one-sided evidence at the meeting of the lGth , to which the defendant replied thathe could substantiate it to the letter . Jackson then said that the parties who signed the letter were not to be believed . The defendant upon that said , "I would believe a convicted thief upon his oath sooner than I would believe Child or James . " Child is one of the Leeds police . The defendant said that the letter alluded to at the Zion School Was true , and that lie could prore it to be so . —Cross-examined by Mr . Watson : Witness has been bankrupt , but it arose through the fault of his partner iu business . Has never got a certificate , but never applied for it . He h&A 33 s . in the pound for his creditors , and believes that 6 s . 8 d . has been paid . Is now a cloth-dresser , and employed by those who had employed him for years . Had sever been in the employ of the police . Mr . Bead is an
officer in the employ of the police , and is above Mr . James . . —James Johnson , examined by Mr . Baines : Is an engi . ncer engaged by the Manchester and Leeds Railway Company , and is one of the municipal voters in Leeds . Witness attended the meeting at the Horse and Jockey . The defendant at that meeting said he could prove all that had been said at the Zion School meeting respecting the officer there alluded to , and that that officer was James ; and , also , that the conduct of James was unfit for publication . •—John Robert Shaw , examined toj Mr . Over end : Witness is a cloth-dresser . Was at the meeting of Zion School . Heard the defendant say there that the plaintiff was quite unfit for bis office . —Cross-examined by Mr . " Watson : Did not go to the nueting to nominate any candidate . The learned council asked the witness if he did not propose a par ticular personi' —Witness : No , he is notof mypolitics .-
"WelVpray , sir , may I ask what are your politics!—Why , lam not 3 Cbariist . I ' m for anyone that will vote for "free trade . " ( Loud laughter ) . —Joseph Homer , examined by Mr . Baines : Witness is a corn-dealer and one Of the town council of Leeds . Met some persons at the Red lion at Leeds , and they invited him to stand as a candidate . It was a fortnight or three weeks before the election that this occurred . The defendant was present , and spoke to the witness about the plaintiff , and showed Mm two papers . Witness did not read the whole of their contents , but read a portion . Mr . Baines then asked for the papers to be produced . They were in the possession of the other side , and were shown to the witness . He identified the one as being one of those he had spoken of . The other he could not speak to . The former paper was then read to the jury . It was signed "Ann Sheldon , "
and there were thefour names of Brook , Barret , Romason , aad YJhite also , and these appeared to have been ¦ written by way of attesting the signature of the woman Sheldon . The paper represented that she ( Sheldon ) , together with other females , had been attending a ball in Briggate , Leeds , and , after leaving it , that she and net companions were going along the street to another place , intending to get something to eat . In their way they fell iu irith a policeman , who , after talking with them , took them off to the police-office , where , as stated , they saw the plaintiff , Mr . James . They were by hhn detained , and , according to the words of the paper , he , Mr * James , then took those improper liberties with two of them which had been described by the defendant as unfit for publication . Mr . Baines next called the attorney of the plaintiff to give evidence of an admission bv the defendant to him
( the attorney ) touching this cause of action . But the evidence being objected to by Mr . Watson , as having been obtained in the course of a treaty for terms between the parties , it was not received . The case of the plaintiff having been closed here , Mr . Watson contended that the facts proved constituted no legal cause of action . What fne defendant was stated to have said might impute great immorality to Mr . James , but there was nothing in the evidence to show distinctly that the slander was an imputation upon the officer in that character , or to affect him in his office . Tfis lordship said it was for the jury to judge of that , but it might be better , perhaps , to bear more from the witnesses upon that point . The -witness , Michael Spence , being recalled by Mr . Baines , then stated further , that at the meeting of which he had before spoken the defendant read a paper , in which it
was 6 tated that the police force was corrupted , and which reflected upon the officer Child ; stating that Child and the police concocted robberies , and put implements iuto the bands of those who committed the robberies . The defendant mentioned a crow bar or "jimmy , " and skel » ton keys ; and also that Child had given these parties moB * j , and got them together to commit robbery , and obtained Queen ' s evidence against them . The chairman at that meeting also said that lie had no doubt the police ¦ were guilty of Tery atrocious conduct—Cross-examined by Mr . Watson : What the defendant so stated was read ty Sim from minutes of the watch committee . Witness could not say whether there were any such minutes , or any minute-book of the watch committee at all . —Mr . Baines said he would now put in the book of the committee to negative the existence of any such minutes . —
Counsel for the defendant objected to this , and the book " «? as not given in evidence . —In addressing the jury for the defence , Mr . Watson began by submitting that by far the greatest difficulty with the defendant was that of dealing with the matters of prejudice which had in this case been introduced by bis learned friend , who , although he knew there could be evidencegiven to prove such statements , had yet told them that political feelings had been of such influence with the defendant , and that the defendant was a " Chartist . " Tor all that appeared he might not be so aadiiis going to a Chartist meeting , at the time of an election , was only what every candidate would do in order SSS ^ iT *^ - evely **** ' There ^ ° « Place , fwi « w T ° whlch P *** never entered in this country , andthatpiace was the box in which they ( the jurjHS ? hey OBSl , t cQusifca . i , weighing the acts ofthe del
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fendant , that the police of this couatry hare now a power , at which our ancestors - would - have shuddered , -and especially with respect to people-regarded as-vagrants ; and in . charges of crime against poor persons . -When the police acted properl y , they were as respectably as other people . But we had all heard so m < ny accounts of the misconduct of policemen in theiii office , that it did become those who had power in , the tOWnS to exercise vigilance orer them . It was not shown that the defendant had any bad animus towards the plaintiff , because there was Mr . Read , of whom the defendant had said nothing ill , at the head of the force , and he ( the defendant ) had not made any gene : ral attack on the police . But it was a duty for him to investigate such a matter as the present charge , and to
guard against the tyranny which policemen sometimes exert over unhappy persons exposed to their control . Why did not the plaintiff go to the watch committee ? He had never applied to that committee , the proper office of which was to inquire into such a matter . His learned friend had challenged investigation . As to the calling of witnesses for the defendant , it was a matter in his ( Mr . ' Watson ' s ) discretion ; and he certainly should think it his duty not , except in the last extremity , to call a number of females before them'beldnging to a class whose evidence there , in court , could only serve to gratify an idle curiosity , and could be of no good to public morals . As men of Tight feeling they ( the jury ) must agree with him in that . As to investigation , the truth was that this mode of proceeding in the case , by an action at law , was not the way to have it . It would have been much aiore effectual and more fittine in such a case for Mr . James to have sought
redress by bringing the parties accusing him before the tribunal of the watch committee , where not only they hut himself would have been examined . As for the defendant having once been willing to give an apology , it was the ' ordinary and reasonable disposition of a man who is : afraid of a threatened law- ^ oit . It was strange that the ofiicer who had taken the woman into custody was not called by the plaintiff . He ( Mr . Watson ) contended , however , that the words spoken to on this occasion were , after all no legal ground of action , because to charge an officer with an act of immorality was not slander in a legal sense . There must be something more than that , and something strictly referring to his conduct in the ' : course of his office , and for which he might be punishable : as for a breach of his duty . —His lordship having summed up , the jury withdrew , and remained out for about two hours , when they delivered a verdict for the plaintiff . — Damages £ 45 .
WESTERN CIRCUIT . Exeter , Satubday , March 2 i . —Chabge ofMubdeb , ar Poisoning with Hartshorn . —Samuel Haydon was ; indicted for the murder of his infant daughter , Mary Haydou , by giving her a quantity of hartshorn . It appeared that the prisoner had lived at Bradwineh , and in February last he lost his wife in giving birth to the child whom , by the indictment on which he was arraigned , ho was charged with having murdered . The wife died about eleven days after the birth of the child . He had made arrangements with bis wife ' s sister to take and keep the
chilu , for which he was to pay her 2 s . 3 d . per week . In consequence of this , she took the child to her house , and commenced the duties of a foster-mother to it , and up to the day of its death the poor little thing appeared in good health . On 17 th February the prisoner ' s wife was buriod . He had been ill for some little tune , and had kept his bed . He expressed a hope that his sister-in-law , who was coming to the funeral , would bring his child with her , as he said he very much wished to have her with him whilst they were burying his wife . The child was brought , and carried to the prisoner , who was in bad . There it was left whilst its foster-mother went down stairs and saw the
funeral depart . On her again taking the child she per . ceived that its little mouth was very much swollen , and found that it refused the breast . She mentioned this to the prisoner , who did not Bay that he had given it anything , but remarked that it had appeared to suck with difficulty before . The child continued to moan , and appeared to grow worse and worse . The woman took it to the house of a medical man , whom she did not find at home , and consequently she carried the child back to her own house , without any medical advice . At four o ' clock that morning the child was a corpse . Suspicions were awakened . An examination of the child took place , when the cause of its death was discovered to be some irritant poison , which had most dreadfully burnt and excoriated its mouth and throat ,
from the effects of which it had died . Evidence was given that the father had , a few days before , purchased a pennyworth of hartshorn , and a constable , on searching his room , found concealed in a hole in the floor of the room in which he slept a bottle , which it was proved was the one in which the hartshorn had been ¦ fetched . The prisoner had been taken up and carried before the coroner . When in custody he had stated to the constable and the foreman of the coroner ' s jury that the child was crying and appeared ill , that he' had been taking some hartshorn himself immediately before , which had done him a great deal of good , and that thinking it ' would benefit the child he had given it about half a teaspoon , ful ; that he had had no idea it would injure it , or he should not have given it , and that he should not have
given it at all had he not been in such distress of mind as not to know what he was about . Medical men stated that they had no doubt the child had died from taking the hartshorn , which was a poison if administered by itself and undiluted with water . But they had never known a person killed by hartshorn before ; and it was constantly taken mixed in water by the peasants in that neighbourhood as a very wholesome medicine . It was proved by another witness that the prisoner had , as he stated , taken some in water a few days before . Mr . Cox addressed the jury for the prisoner . Mr . Justice Erie summed up , pointing out the many circumstances intha caso calculated to throw a doubt on - the guilt of the prisoner . After a short consultation the jury returned a verdict of Not Guilty .
The Northern Star Saturday, March 23, 1845.
THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY , MARCH 23 , 1845 .
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LABOUR'S PARLIAMENT . Fok the first time in England ' s history have we an assemblage of mind and potter worthy of being con * sidered a REPRESENTATION of the toiling masses of our land . We have had , it is true , Conferences and Conventions before-time ; but all these have been more or less sectional—more or less jxirty-hued —more or less the representation of a peculiar " set " of opinions , rather than of the general opinions of the general working people . The present is the first gathering that can fairly lay claim to such a title ; and even to it such title can only be accorded in degree .
Considering the present state of apathy prevalent throughout the country on all questions that are wont to agitate the public mind ; considering , too , that the calling of the Conference has been somewhat hasty , and necessarily imperfect ; considering that the object for which the delegates were to meet was not , and could not , be clearly defined and made clear ; considering that no settled plan of election had
been decided on , Cr pointed Out ; COnsldeMlig that no scale of representation was adopted , but that the idea of holding such Conference was a sort of general idea , thrown generally out , to be generally acted on , or not , as might seem meet to the parties addressed : considering all these things , it is no common sight , nor no uninstructive lesson , to see one hundred mid ten delegates sent by bodies of workers in all parts of the country , to
devise some means or other by which Labour can secure its due reward and maintain its few remaining privileges . The bare naked fact , of so numerous a body being sent up on such an errand , in response to such an invitation , speaks trunipet-tongued as to the condition of the labourer . Had Labour been easyhad it been at all satisfied—vrc should not have seen such a delegation : and the fact , that Labour is thus seeking to relieve itself from rank oppression , ought to enter deeply into the consideration of those who fancy themselves " interested" in maintaining " things as they are . "
Still the represxtatiox of the workers is far from being perfect . It is far from general . It is more so than we had any reason to hope it would be , from the causes we have named : it is sufficient to initiate measures , and take steps , which will lead to such perfect repkesextation : but it is not such of itself . We should only be deceiving ourselves and the country were we to persuade ourselves that it were more than it is . Wales is absent ; Scotland is absent ; Ireland is absent : many parts of England are absent : stillitist&c flwst j > cr / ertrcpresentation of the working
classes that has yet been seen . It is the first body to whom can be applied ihe term Labour's Parliament . It is sufficient to " leaven the whole lump " : and from this day forward Labour must hold , in all questions of political and social polity , a far different position , from what it hitherto has done . Statesmen and senators must consider it an element worthy of calculation : and they will speedily find it of that weight and importance , as to give a tone and colouring to all their legislation .
To the deliberations of the delegates we invite special attention . The masterly opening of the President , Mr . Duxcombe , will afford " materials for thought" for the labouring poor , for many a long day after the Conference has dissolved . The hints andsuggestions that that gentleman has thrown out will sink deep into the minds of , ' the thoughtful , and
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were plunged iHto the stocks by guardians , chancellors &c , without their knowledge and consent—to these and the like , Cobbett would , on the score of humanity ' ( for humanity enters largely into all his views ) yield ^ * mode _ rate compensation ; proportional to their several claim and to the proceeds of public property already specific ! ' Of tfte tuio plans , WE INFINITELY PREFER cor BET T'S ! Without denying that Attwo ' od ' s scheme would yield temporary relief , or pretending to say that Mat of I , ' opponent would be productive of all the
advantages h anticipatesfromit , weuiustjpronouneeCobI « te ' 4 pla ) ito& > no YOND all COMPARISON , ^ best / or the working classis If the best , for the very reason Attwbod considers ^ the wn !! namely , because " it leads to the destruction of the pres / commercial system . " You have only one chance of | ration ( independently of your own exertions ) and a I is the pecuniary embarrassments of the middle clj , Aslong as they enjoy "prosperity , " whether by an aktu . 7 paper cbedit , or any other means , so long there is no e *» for you . from slavery , . ' * **
Why were labourers in England better Off Six hundra ! years ago than they , are now , and this notwithstanflW that their faculties of increasing wealth arc cnormonafc multiplied ? Simply because society was then les ? » ,., ¦ fieial than it is now . The aristocracy « ero fe , numt and there was hardly a middle class at all . But tn , „ ' times , ESPECIALLY SINCE THE INTRODUCTION' op PA . PEBMONEYa > icfnMwMnery >« enon . pro ( J « cti » eciis , ' , t , etiormoiMty multiplied ; and THE CONSEQUENCE u ^ we Itave now five idlers at least to maintain , wfteremiraiice ^ had one , and our industry is forcibly employed in woduT *
all manner 01 luxuries tor tuese , instead of necessarie 7 ourselves . This is the real cause of our m isery ; and cvt * it is kemoved , there can never again be prosperity foul workmen of England . Now , the effM of mnofi ^ yJl scheme would be TO AGGRAVATE THIS ARTlHClTr STATE , so ruinous to industry ; rr would opiate as act or insolvency for half the traders in the coimtrv and just put them into a condition to commence a new career of " commercial prosperity" and fortune m ' " unless , indeed ( what is almost certain ) some tremendoui explosion ,, like the panic of 1825 , should blow the wlmi FRAUDULENT SYSTEM to atoms , in ecm ^ uence * - the banking and other speculations to which it would eir _ urn yt i irw 1 Ti-nifnTtnrn * ntfnnn-n ... a * "S
rise . WE HAVE A PERFECT ABHORRENCE OF m WOOD'S SCHEME ! It would be a flagitious robberv on all servants , clerks , annuitants , and other persons \ m , ployed at fixed salaries for specific periods of time . Oca MAIM OBJECTION IS , thai it tOOllM , even if iUKes ! fvl Ojj 514 KB SOCIETY MOKE ARTIFICIAL THAN EVER . Till ; utjj that can be said of it is , that it would be a ( tod-send to knit . nipt merchants and insolvent tradesmen ! To these it uouij just yield a bubble of prosperity , which would soon dij . appear from the surface , and leave the surges of society more troubled than ever . —[ James Bronterre O'JBricn , iu ( h Poor Man ' s Guardian , Sept . 15 th , 1832 , before fie had ^ hired by "asetofthegreedieitandmottrnxoroiae o / tyrams » to write exactly tin opposite . ]
Now , in reading the above , let the primi plis in volved in the writer ' s " INFINITE preference" hi borne in mind . Let it bo romeinbcrcd tkt Mr , Cobbettalways pleaded for a " metallic" currency and that he scouted " paper" of all sorts ; that in this debate he had done the same ; that his first proyosi . tioh states the principle ; that gold ( how very like " nietal / " ) was then , as now , the only " standard ;" that to these notions—these principles of Currency , advocated by Mr . Cobbett , the Poor Man ' s Guardian , declared Ms "INFINITE PREFERENCE ! " and " pronounced Cobbett'splan to be , foyond all com > parison , the best for the working classes ! " We aUo desirethe reader to notice "THE CONSEQUENCE "
of the introduction of paper-money ; " as well as the effect described as sure to follow an expansion of the circulating medium . Let him read the above extract three times over , or even oftener , until he lias got all the reasoning and all the representations in it firmly fixed in the mind : and then let him inform himself that the very same writer that penned the above in * dignant denunciation of " FLAGITIOUS ROB . BERY , " how advocates an expansion of the currency precisely similar in principle to that of which he had formerly " a perfect ABHORRENCE ! " an ex . pdnsioh more than double in amount to that pro . posod by Aitwood—and consequently carryibg with it more than double the amount of evil described as appertaining to the " godsend for bankrupt merchants and insolvent tradesmen !"
Aye , but we have not yet done with our " school * master . " It was not one lesson only of the above character that he taught . There were many of them . Onthe 27 th of October , 1 S 32 , he held forth as follows . The occasion was the announced deter * mination of the Birmingham working people to bo no longer "led" by the nose by the "Binuingham Council ; " but that they would start a . National IVi tieal Union of themselves , for working men seeking Universal Suffrage . Commenting on that avowed determination , and on a projected meeting on -vck . hall-hill to carry such determination into effect , our Anti-Paper-Money teacher said : —
We want men who will give , unto others as well as tiki to themselves . We want patriots who can see the "pra { . ticabUity " of a bill of Reform for us , as well as of one for themselves . We want patriots who can look forward to Reform for otft « r benefit * lesWes that of a depreciatm cuBBENcr which would rob honest creditors o / , half thtit debts—enable Mnkm to accomnodata diemi-uwotau wwa FICTITIOUS CAPITAL—overrun the country with fresh iwarai of middle-men ' usurers ^—and operate as an all-absorbing engine to suck the wealth of society out of the hands o ( those who produce it , and silently transfer it , as invert by magic , into the Hands of commercial speculators , who , at the same time that they produce nothing , arc the greediest and most inexorable of tyrants . Iu short , we
want Reformers who , when they may require our services , will use us as fellow-citizens , not servanis , and co-oj > craU with us as equals , not dictate to us as masters . This beiag the description of men we want , wo must have nothing to do with those " expediency" politiciaiig , who owe all their patriotism to Peel ' s Hill . Wo must , keep aloof froin those wily con-formers Informers they are not ) m / io 7 < a «« been forced into < w > - rank * only by the return to cash payments , and lviio would porinade Earl Grey that the " Reform Bill has opened hell under our feet unless he mil put out the one-i > oumi noxa again ! " With orators like these we must have nothing to do , unless they , will descend from the stilts of leader .
slup , and consent to . euter our rants as common privates . If the Attwoods , the Muntzes , the Joneses , the Iladleys , &c . &c , will condescend to do this , then , fellow-country . mOU , l'GCeivc them with open arms , anil raise Ikem to Ule highest post of honour which a people's confidence can bestow ' ; but if they make it a condition of their services that you must first renounce Universal Suffrage , an i consent to get "POSSESSED" OF THE SEVEN DEVII . 3 OF PAPER MONEY—spurn at once their coutainina . ting patronage , and trust only to yourselves and to your Radical leaders . —[ James Bronterre Q'ffrim , in the I ' oot Man ' s Guardian , Oct . 27 fft , 1832 , before he 10 M himself W those "POSSESSED OF THE SEVEN DEVILS OF PAPER . MONEY . " ~ i
There ! what does the reader think of that ? Tho effects of a DEPRECIATED CURRENCY arc pretty well described : and honest folk would liavc imagined that the bare recollection of having < W mitten as above , would have prevented any man , the most shameless and most unprincipled that ever lived , from publicly advocating a DEPRECIATION move than double in extent and action of the one lie there so indignantly reprobates . But our proofs are not yet exhausted . We sliali give one ov two more . 'Whenever we undertake a task , we like to go through with it . A job half clone is not done at all . Ours , this time , shall be complete .
The meeting of the Birmingham working "ie » ' above spoken of , was held in Beanlsall ' s Hc [«? sito r . < - Independence of tho Attwood " Couneir ' -control ® proclaimed . This threw the " Council" into alarm . They had hoped to retain their hold of the " masses " in Birmingham , as a means of forcing from Earl Grey ' s Government the measure which would "> " *> honest creditors of half their debts . " With the people went all chance of success for the " execrable scheme . " Loud and lugubrious , therefore , were tliO lamentations of " the Council : " and on those Ian" ? 11 ' tations our Anti-Paper Money " friend" thus disf coursed : —
Munt 2 says the Whig Reform Bill will be a " wj f * ' blessing oiu ? advantage , " but that Universal SuH ' raS * " would not benefit any class . " Aye , to be sure , Munw the Whig Bill will be a great Wesslng to you and the ! iM you . It will , in all probability , give you a House of C < . " mons , that will give you the one-pound notes again . I ' llin / enable your insolvent Council to get bid of uiif ^ ! dtUi Bt A CENT . PER CENT . DEPBECIATION , and /"' ' ** ' '' tbMng establishments once more on the spring-tide of » * TIHOU 3 capitai ,. It might indeed prove a great bus '" : ; to you and thorn , by restoring the cionrocs davs or I ' * ASD paper-money , when the middle-men made ^"' j ! as fast as they made children , but at the same . i » ' « &" ;! ,,,. uaiusms uiey uiuuu cnuaren , out at me same ;""¦""•„ , „«; llf
FOUNDATION OF TEARS AND SLATES * ' FOK * NATION AT LARGE . look at this mo ment to the environs of Birmingham : see all the beai" ^" 1 villas ° " L roads leading from the Five Ways Turnpike . Ask »» are the lords of these mansions , an * you will find tni - are all retired middle-men , wif MADE fojitdN £ 3 « _ » , ''* palmy days of Pitt and papcr-wney . They ave now li w in luxurj and idleness , on « e sweat of the peop le ;/*' ¦ incomesbeing but so many mortgages on the hones and w ^ K of the wealth-producers . Rj'land is said to be tvoriU kast thvec Jnroilrcd AOttSft ^ ti , pounds . SdiolftfteW j ' banker , is worth half as much . The Tauners , " Busbys , and even the Attwoods are all of the same S ' " ^ Though Attwood ' s grandfather was a common uailtf •'
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i ¦"¦' . ¦ , ¦ ¦• .: ' , give rise to modes of action in relation to Labour questions that few would hare deemed possible , only a little while ago . He has scattered good seed , which will take root , and fructify , and grow . He has set inquiry at work—instigated the Trades to an examination of principles of action , and the result ia sure to be an elimination of mind , leading directly and inevitably to improved modes of applying the power that knowledge gives .
At present our remarks a . v& purposely of a general nature . The sittings of the Conference are not ended . It will ill become us either to praise or condemn what has been done , or to anticipate what may be done . The delegates are here themselves to do their , own work : as far as we are concerned they shall" fulfil their mission . " As w 6 before observed , they will prepare the machinery for convening a FUM . AND PEBFBCT ¦ BJSPBE 8 BNXATI 0 N OP THE '• ORDER of ubouk : and if this alone was to be the result of their gathering , it would be worth ten times the cost and ten times the labour that it has taken to bring them together .
Again calling attention to the reports of the deliberations in this day's Star , and promising to return to the subject when those deliberations are ended , we for the present take leave of it , with the expression of a fervent hope that a successful end may wait on what has been so happily begun .
+ ** + **¦ ***¦ * ¦ * r **^ 4 ^^~ +-s ***?**¦*>***¦** THE "INFERNAL PAPER-MONEY" SCHEME , AND ITS HIRED ADVOCATE . Or all the duties that society imposes on the public journalist ; the most thankless is that of having to expose the tergiversations , the inconsistencies , or the downright apostasy of a living writer : the more especially if that writer happens to be one who has inade himself notorious as anadvocate of the principles and political policy espoused and enforced by tliejouvnaM making the expose : and the more especially still , if the two should happen to be conductors of different
portions of the public press which respectively seek for the support of the labouring portion of the community , on the ground that each knows the causes that have operated to render their position in society one of almost unendurable misery—and that each also indicates and advocates the measures which are alone calculated to secure to the labourer the just return for honest toil , and place all sections of the community in a just and equitable relative position . The motives that actuate such journalist in unmasking hypocritical pretension , may be easily questioned ; his honest attempt to guard the sacred
cause of human liberty from the polluted touch of the hired mercenary , who seeks the people ' s confidence that he may betray it into the hands of the most " greedy and most inexorable of tyrants for filthy lucre , may be , by inconsiderate and . unreasoning "disciples , " interpreted into an attempt "to drive a rival from the field ; " his attempt to discharge a sacred public duty , may be met by torrents of vituperation and by coarse and unmeasured abuse ; his statement of facts , and hisfair and legitimate inferences may be met with brazen anil impudent denial , and all the powers of ridicule and sophistry possessed
by an unscrupulous antagonist brought into full play , to avert attention from the real point at issue , and to set the public mi a wrong scent , while the real fox gets safely earthed ; his incorruptible integrity , which impels him to sound the note of alarm when he sees the interests of the producing mass made matter of " bargain and sale , " becomea the mark at which MAUGNANT and disappointed envy shoots her envenomed darts , and himself the object of the rancorous and deadly hatk of the degraded being whose machi
nations he may have timely thwarted : and alto gether the difficulties and personal harassings attendant on such course are so great , so appalling , as to have detered many , even strong-minded men , from engaging in such contests : and thus have the "most greedy and most inexorable of the people's tyrants" been enabled to make the people instrumental to their own degradation and slavery , through the confidence which they have been led to repose in the teachings and . suggestions of pretended but perfidious and false-hearted " friends I "
Such fears , however , ' have not hitherto operated with us . The difficulties and the harassments to which the honest and truthful journalist is ever exposed , have not either been to us unknown , or imfdt ;
BUT THEY DAVE NEVER YET DETEHBED FBOM THE PERFORMANCE of duty . We should despise ourselves , and deem ourselves totally unfitted for the post we occupy , should we alWaueha cause to operate such an effect . Please whom it may—grieve whom it may—we have , on all occasions , freely examined the "bubbles of the hour , " and canvassed the pretensions of their promoters : and whenever we have seen the " wolf " of "inexorable tyranny" presenting itself in the
fold of Labour , clothed in the " sheep-skin " of pretended sympathy and assumed championship , we have " doffed the hide from off the recreant limbs , " and exhibited the mass of rottenness and hypocrisy as it ought to be seen . ¦ This course we have invariably pursued in the past , whenever dutt called on ua , regardless of the consequences to ourselves from the causes we hare above enumerated ; this course we shall as invariably pursue in the future , as long as the pen can write or the tongue can wag .
The paramount call of vvix has led us , during the few-weeks last past , to call attention to THE FACT that one of the soi-disant " advocates of the people ' 8 rights ; " one who has designated " Volney , Paike , Cartwright , and Cobbett , as men without real knowledge , and hdiself as the only wise man ; " one who lays claim to the distinctive appellation of " the schoolmaster , " because of his having taught the working people who is their "friend " and who are their enemies ; we have had to call attention to THE FACT that this man—this man of men—this most distinguished of all politicians ; this stern , this
unyielding , tlus unflinching , this inflexible , this fearless , this incorruptible , this unjnirchaseableDEFmmR of the people against their " most greedy and most inexorable tyrants : " we have had to call attention , we say , to THE FACT that this man , of all men in this world ; this pure and undevlating patriot , has lately become the public advocate of a scheme which he has HIMSELF characterised as one which would " ROB honest creditors of half their debts—enable hankers to accommodate demi-insolvents with fictitious capital —overrun the country tvitJi fresh swarms of middle ^ men usurers—and operate as an all-absorbing engine to suck the wealth of society out of the hands of thoae who produce it , and silently transfer it , as it were by
magic , into the hands of commercial speculators , who , at the same time that they produce nothing , arc the greediest and most inexorable of tyrants ;" that ho has become such advocate in the teeth of the professions and teachings of a somewhat long political life ; and that he has done so because he is hired by a set of " the greediest and most inexorable tyrants , " who have placed at his command a newspaper , which , it is notorious does not pay its own expe > ucs—to set up which he had himself no meansand whose existence from week to week is only maintained by the " supplies" of those who require the apostate's aid to popularize a scheme which would enable them to " sucfc the wealth of society out of the hands of those who produce it . "
Now , we admit , unreserredlr , that ( his is a serious charge to make . We admit that such a charge , if made on light or frivolous grounds—if made without proof , or semblance of proof , ought to cover the preferrer of it with infamy as black , with disgrace as overwhelming , as that which all good men will attach to the object of such charge , should it be true . And theugh the causes above enumerated have , no doubt ,
operated much mischief in preventing needful exposures , yet there can be no doubt that they also have a beneficial effect in preventing needless and wicked accusations from beingpreferred . If a public journalist hesitates to tell the truth respecting a "brother ol the press , " for fear that his motive may be misunderstood , and himself made the object of unceasing abate , how much more will he hesitate before he ventures distinct and palpable charges of venality with-
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out foundation to rest on ? With all this before our eyes ; with no disposition to underrate the powers of the party we are now pitted against ; with a vivid knowledge of his disposition towards this journal and all connected with it ; knowing , as we do , that the mere mention of the name of the proprietor of the Northern Star inthepresenceofthepartyweare thus tackling , is sufficient to send him stark , staring ranting mad — to make him rave , and curse , and swear , and blaspheme , for hours together ; knowing that such mere mention of that name is sufficient to give our " friend" the " bowelcomplaint , " as it did at Leeds , where he lay for weeks together , a charge on the hands of old Mr . ' and Mrs . Hutchinson , the latter of
Whom was absolutely horrified iit the dreadful im , precations belched forth by the " classical teacher " on the head of one whose only fault was that he had administered to the necessities of " our Grateful , " and actually maintained Mm during a long and tedious imprisonment : aware of all this ; having a perfect knowledge of the sort of man we have to deal with—still duty calls on us to prefer the charge we have : above put forth , because we havei > ra >/ that it is true ; and because , if we did not thus expose and frustrate' the deep-laid and sinister designs of the " greediest and most inexorable of tyrants , " we should be fairly chargeable with connivance in the schemes of the Bank-note schemers , who " wheedle the farmer out of his produce , " and " suefc together and concentrate the means of subsistence for
wonlabourers . " As before intimated , we have made our charge . This was done plainly , distinctly , unequivocally , a few weeks ago . That charge has been replied to . It is danied . The denial we give in the language of the apostate . With that denial we then join issue , and proceed to adduce proofs in support of our charge . Here is the denial : — Mr . O'Brien never adrocated a metallic in preference to a paper currency since he was born . Sir . O'Brien has been , all his life , an advocate for a purely symbolic money , and never an' advocate for money of intrinsic value , unless as an international currency for the
liquidation of balances due from one state to another . And not even then ; but tkat gold and silver , being in universal requeat , an * less liable to excess and scarcity , as commodities , than any other production of human labour , or than labour itself , and are , therefore , less exceptionable , as measures of value , than any other commodities that could ' be named , less exceptionable even than labour itself , which is hardly of the same marketable value in any two countries . But , if human labour were everywhere paid and protected as it ought to be , so that equal quantities of it might be equally productive and
remunerative everywhere , Mr . O'Brien would then be for a paper or symbolic currency only , for foreign as well as home trade . For Vabouv would tbenbe , what it ought alwajs to have Wen , ihe true standard of value ; and the cui ' - rency would consist simply of stamped bits of paper representing so many hours ' , days ' , weeks ' , months' , or , years' labour . This is the currency Mr . Robert Owen has advocated ; and on this point Mr , O'Brien has always professed andadvocated the same doctrine as Robert Owen , At present , labour is not protected in England ; so , labour cannot be made the standard to which all measures of
value should be referred , But we look forward with hope to the day of Labour ' s emancipation , when labour shall be the- true standard , and the labour note the only currency . ' To this consummation we have contributed one man s share , at least . With God ' s blessing we shall continue to dp so . But , while in pursuit of thsoe reforms which can aloho render the true standard and a perfect currency realizable , we shall miss no opportunity to promote thebest currency reform the circumstances of the times may admit . For this purpose we advocata Mr , Taylor ' s views as the best adapted we have yet seen to existing circumstances . They offer an effectual cure for Peel ' s destructive Act ' of 1819 . They are fraught with
relief to the struggling debtor interests of the country . They demand no more than strict justice for those who have Buffered , and are still suffering , by the ' arbitrary ap . preciation of our one-pound , or unit of account . Above all , they afford the only relief that is possible f » r the productive classes , under the existing system of landed monopoly and ¦ commercial competition . They do not comprise'all we look for , far from it ; tutthey are good ' as far as they go , better than anything proposed by the factions that rule us ; andi ' as we make it a rule never to oppoie anything that is good in itself , however short it may fall of our desires , but , on the contrary ) always give it our feeble support , - on this ground , and this only , we have advocated , and shall continue to advocate Mr . Taylor ' s Currency Reforms till we can get the country up to the
mark to help us to those more extensive and enduring reforms which shall make tho land national property , restore to '' every man his right of occupation , extend those advantages of credit , now monopolised by the upper and middle classes , to' every producer of wealth , and revblu . ionise the whole system of commerce and' ex . change , ' in the ways we have so often described , so that no workman will need to ask » profit-monger's leare to be a slave , to save himself from starvation , and that every producer of an' article will be able to obtain at once the full value of his produce at a public mart or exchange bazaar , in goods ' of equal value or in a labour note that shall give him a claim to such goods whenever he chooses topvescat itfov payment . This is t ? ie doctrine we 7 uwe always held . The rnah iuho pretends the contrary to the working daisies , Wan impostor .
The writer denies that he ever advocated a metallic currency—and asserts that he was " always" for a paper eurrencj of some sort or other . We rejoin , such statement -is not true . It is in the teeth of fact . The writer of the above denial has been long known , both as an adherent to the principle that" money " should , of itself , have an " intrinsic value , " and also as an opponent of paper money . This we shall prove . It shall not rest either on our assertion or his denial .
To his works we shall go . They shall speak both for him and for us . Hi 3 own words—his own avowal of currency principles , in his oivn language , shall be given ; and then It will be seen who is the , [ We were going to quote a word here , composed of four letters , which our angry " friend" has in constant use . As , however , we have not had the advantage of a " classical education ; " and as such a word might subject us to a charge of vulgarity , we abstain . ]
It was in the beginning of the year 1831 that the man who " never advocated a metallic , in preference to a paper currency , " was first heard of in the Radical world as a writer . He published a few articles in " Carpenter ' s Political Pamphlets , " under the signature , BR < wfr £ KRE . At that time his means of living were but slender . He had come up "to town" to obtain employment as a "classical teacher . " By some means or other he got thrown in among ; the Democrats , and got his feet thrust under Mr . Hunt ' s mahogany . Mr . Hunt , it is well known , was no writer . Whenever anything particular in that way
was needed , lie had to depend much on the aid of others . Therefore he had to form acquaintanceship and keep up connection with parties who found such connection operate to their advantage . At the time we speak of , the "Poor Man's Guardian" was also in existence . Tho main writer in it was a Mr . Mayhkw , a gentleman who had been concerned , we believe , in originating the publication . The articles of Brokteuue in the Political Pamphlets having attracted attention , arrangements were made for his conducting the Poor Man ' s Guardian ; and it was placed unreservedly in his hands .
It is Irbm that publication that we are about to quote . We shall not give extracts from " communications , " or from "articles of news , " but from the Guardian's own "leaders . " The question of the Currency was then no new question . It was one that had been brought prominently before the public . ' : The currency measures themselves had forced it on public attention . There had been " Bank Restriction" during the war ' there had been the efforts to resume cash payments at the end of the war ; there had been tho wonderful ebbingsandilowingsof "temporary prosperity" am \ devastating misery ; there had been the "settin " of the currency question at rest for mv » by the passing Of Peel's Bill of 1810 ; there had l , c ' +
insolvencies , the bankruptcies , and the general alarm produced by the attempt to put that Pm ' a Bill j n force ; there had been the putting out of the one pound notes again in i 822 ; and there had been the unseemly boasts oi P Rosmm . & , in im . there had been " THE PANIC of 1825-6 when more than one hundred banks blew up from slicov « PROSPERITY" alono ! whentllciS oft country were u such a state , that one of the Ministers himself averred that " we wew witftin fon ,. ciaM hours of barter ; " there had been the suppression of the oneyound notes again ; and there had been the woe , and want , and ruination , caused bv the second attempt to cany into force tho provisions of the IC «™ Blu . of p m : there Imdj ) JC . side all this , ban the teachings of William Coiibbtt ,
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who , from the year 1810 , had made the Currency question his own ; and who , in his Weekly Register , had reasoned on it so acutely—had stripped it of all mystery—had rendered it so plain , and so easily to be understood , that it had become " as familiar as an hoiisehold word" to the tens of thousands who weekly read that great man ' s writings . His opinions on the matter were well known . It was impossible to mistake him . He was " always , " from the publication of the first portion of his "Paper against Gold , " when confined in Newgate for libel , in 1810 , to the last hour of his life , the advocate of a gold cuHRENcy—and totally , wholly , unreservedly , opposed to all systems of paper-money .
But while Cobbett was thus teaching , there was a party in the country who taught the opposite . At the head of this party was Mr . Tuojias Attwood , the banker , of Birmingham . He and his friends were continually calling for the re-issue of the one-pound aotes , and for the re-enactment of Bank-Restriction . In other words , they were continually calling for immense issues of " / Yomtses-to-pay ; " with a statutary provision that the parties so promising should not be called on to pay : and that if they were , the law should protect them in their refusal ! Such was the Attwood plan . It is hardly necessary to sa that such apian met with no mercy from " Old Cobbett . " He
exposed Us inherent dishonesty—its flagrant injustice—its utter foolishness- ^ in his own inimitable manner . Still the Attwood men kept the field . Still they kept reiterating their demand for the abolition of the Gold Currency and the substitution of Inconvertible Paper . At length , on the 19 th of August , 1832 , Mr . Cobbeti wa $ induced to give Mr . Attwoop and his " Birmingham Council" an invitation to a public debate of their respective opinions and plans , on the subject of the Currency , " before the people of Birmingham . Such invitation was accepted : and the " debate" took place on the 28 th day of the said month of August , 1832 .
We are not about to give areport of the " debate ' on that occasion ; but we must give Was propositions iliat each party laid down , as those they would defend and maintain . This is necessary to enable us to fully understand the " INFINITE PREFERENCE" of our present Paper-Money " friend , " to which we shall , just now , have to call attention . Those propositions , therefore , we give—calling special attention to THE PRINCIPLES involved in each
tet . Mr . Attwood appeared to advocate what h « called "_ an action on the currency , " which said " action ' was described in an address to Lord Grey , presented some little time before to that Minister , by the "Birmingham Council ; " and Mr . Cobbett was allowed to take address as denning the sort of "action " that Mr . Attwood meant to defend . From that address we give the following proposals : — ' 1 . The making of silver a standard of value and a legal tender , as it is in every other country in the world , and as it was in England , from the commencement of English history , until the . disastrous monetary measures of 1818 and 1819 were adopted .
2 . The allowing of the Bank of England to issue £ 1 notes , and the making of Bank of England notes legal tenders from all persons whatever , except the Bank of England itself . . 3 . The . inducing the Bank of England forthwith to issue the bank notes , which have been recently withdrawn from ' circulation , and to . increase its circulation permanently , from the present reduced amount of seventeen millions at . the termination of . the quarter , to at least twenty five millions at tho termination of tho quarter , which in the opinion of your memorialists is the lowest amount under which the-necessary profits of industry and the beneficial employment of labour throughout the country , can bo restored and preserved .
That your memorialists apprehend that your Lordship must clearly foresee tnat a period is rapidly approaching in which this great subject must be grappled with , and in which it will be found absolutely necessary for Parliament either to adjust the monetary system of the country to the existing state of society , or otherwise to cut down the public and private burdens of society into conformity with the present monetary system ; and your memorialists respectfully represent to your Lordship that in" their opinion the latter process will be found to be utterly impracticable , and that if attempted it will result in universal anarchy ; and your memorialists further respectfully suggest that it would be most unwise to defer the decision of this great question until compelled by circumstances , the pressure of > vliich irill allow bo time for reflection . Mr . Cobbett ' s propositions were : —
1 . Jfot by any means to depabt in any degree whatsoever FE 8 M THE PRESENT MONEI STANDARD OP THE COBNTJtr . 2 . To take all the public property ; namely , the crownlands , the crown-estates , the woods and forests , the Duchies of Cornwall and of Lancaster , the real property now pogscssed by the bishops , deans , and chapters ; and to enforce the rigid payment and collection of all arrears due to the public from defaulters ; and , in case of their being dead , pursue their heirs and assigns rigidly , according to the letter of the weU-Unown ami most admirable " Statute of jPtiWfc Accountants , " passed in the reign of Queen Elizabeth , and still unrepealed ; and to make the receivers of all unmerited pensions , sinecures , and grants , " public accountants , " and pursue them and their heirs and assigns accordingly . 3 . To take the whole of what is called the national
debt ; and , in the first place , reduce it one-half in amount , we having , for many years been paying twice as much interest as is due to the landholders , even supposing it to be a debt that we are bound to pay at all . 4 . Then cease to pay interest upon a quarter part of this half at the end of six mouths , and so on , in order that interest might cense to be paid upon any part of it at the end of two years . 8 . Then appoint a board , of five commissioners to receive and examine the claims of suffering fundholders , and leave it to that board to make such compensation as might be found consistent with justice to the nation and humanity to the parties , out of the proceeds of the property mentioned before .
6 . To disband th 8 standing army , abolish all internal taxes whatsoever , raise a revenue of from six to seven millions a year in custom-house duties , making this Government as cheap as that of America , and never sufferiug an Englishman again to see the odious face of a taxgatherer with an iuk-bottle at his button-hole , leaving for the people to keep for their own use tho fifty-four millions a year , now pocketed by the tax-collectors in part , while the rest is sent up to London . . . 7 . To make an equitable adjustment of all contract ! and debts .
Oh the 15 th of September , 1 S 32 , the man who now says that " he never advocated a metallic in preference to a paper currency since he was born , " and who " has boon all his lift an advocate for a purelv symbolic money , and never for money of intrinsic value , " thus wrote of the great Birmingham Debateidentifying himself with the proposals and the Currency-principles of CoBBETT . and declaring against those of Mr . Attwood , which latter arc precisely those that he now holds I We beg careful attention to the following extract . It is valuable , not only for the proof it affords that our charge of apostactIs true , but also for the vivid and truthful description of THE EFFECTS that must Mow the adoption of the paper-money scheme which the writer so ably exposed and denounced at that time , and which he NOW
so mendaciously advocates . His own . words form the best answer that can be given to his present pleading fora measure which would "just yield a bubble of ' prosperity , which would soon disappear from the surface , and leave the surges of society more troubled than ever . " Do hear them : and ' to the writer of them upset his own 2 ) ositions if he can : — Friends , Brethren , and Fellow-Countrymen .-You have all heard of the great fight at Birmingham between citizens Attwood and Cobbett , on the Currency question . We should have noticed it sooner , but , having other fish tofry , wei-oobbged topOstpOue our remarks till this week ; Inspecting the monetary system , these gentlemen are U l « le of two oppositeWorr 11 thc
^ >^ ^ rSff ClieVlnS c ^ ' 3 (« t t he ca j sm " » ov « T . U" \ curren (* i" «>« t ^ to say , such an kpamion oi tke cu-wlatmg medium as voraa operate TO A VISUAL A CTION OF . OW-HAXPOP OU . POBLIOEsS BLMiaran , and a induction of aU ovr debts , puulic JAB W 1 VAIE , to OXE UA . LF THEIR PRESEKT AMOUNT flus is a ffferious wftemo for insolvents . ' and indeed for every man ( and they area great majority ) whose debts exceed their credits , and who would therefore ( to use an expression of the Times ) rather pay in surface than in weight . Jlr . Cobbett , on the other hand , would do directly and "above board , " what his antagonist would do Mi rectly , "like a thief in the night ; that is to say , ftewonM attach the establishments instead of the currency and cast thm down also
, as their monied obligations , to the PRESENT METALLIC STANDARD , &y RETRENC HMENT AND ' equitable adjustment . " He would disband the army -make sale of the tithes and church-lands-confiscate tlw revenues of corporations-and with these , and the proceeds of other public property , pay off an adiustort portion of the " National " . J ^ t . Vtt . * f Sjff who hadfcwraniirfy united his property in Hie funds he would very proper y , give nothing . Theloan-jobbers ' and gambling scoundrels who live by " watchinjr Z h . rn nf the market , " ho would ^ I i £$ Z $ LT& scrrsS ^ i ^ sr ? holders , ^ -ped ^ tU ^ rffit a ! iTuSH
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A ¦¦¦¦ ¦ - ¦ THJ : N # RTHJ&JRN S . ¦ ::: ¦ ,.- ¦ :, ¦ , ¦ ,: ¦ ^¦• ¦ : ^ - ^ - ^ ..--.- - ^ -- ¦ ¦ Mxr g r 29 , ^ 845
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 29, 1845, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1308/page/4/
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