On this page
-
Text (4)
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Untitled Article
. ARTHUR O'CONNOR . ------ ( COJTTIXUED FBOJl OTIR LAST . ) •^ jeiEence . The Executive looked back to " the melan--= * lw % history of Ireland they saw how dreadfally ithad " ^ Kentoraaadwa « tedbyreligionsdi 5 seiit 5 ens . Thefirst -object Tof the Executive was te destroy religious dis-•« erd , andyromote brotherly lore raid affection among ^ he people of Ireland , be their religious belief what at may . The next object of the Union was toproaaote a Reform of the Government , and to regain ¦ ihase jights which were the people ' s birth-right by Ske ConBdtotion ; yet the oath which , bound the people to these first duties of Christianity , Morality , and the Constitution , was punished with death by the ¦ 'JjurnireciioH Act , which by some other of its clauses iwke ' down every barrier of Liberty ; toat not onl y L X ^ riATTTTT * / -v ^ r ~** * -v »""~»— s ~\ i- > ' - -
¦* rery effort was made to oppose us in these our exerboas to destroy religious discord , but ihatnb means "ffircleft untried to organize a sect , founded upon ^ e diabolical oath of extermination , whose instituaioa ^ ras ayowedlyfor the purpose of perpetuating religious discord and rancour * This was not alltke expulsion ^ ef 400 Q Irish citizens , with every aggravation of craelty arid horror , which ivas followed * y ihe Indemnity Act , left no doubt on the mind of isa Executive , that all the excesses and outrages - * ereeither openly or secretly the acts of the Govern-^ aeat and Legislature of Ireland . Struck with the - * Bonnitv of these acts and outrages , the Executive lasted pack to the history of James II ; and after - ^ csmparing hi s conduct with . the conduct of the Irish
"¦ Government , they -were decidedly of opinion , that ^ site conduct of tne Irish . Government hid been behead cemparison , more tyrannical and cruel . They ¦»« e of opinion , that if the people were justified in -xalSng in foreign aid , to rescue their liberties and vcsastimtioa from James ' s government , it was . in--feiielvmore justifiable in us to call in foreign aid . Tke Executive were of opinion , that the Irish Government had not only forfeited nil tide to obedience : Sram the people , but that we were called on to reaaxtitrmost unparalleled usurpation and tyranny . That as the people of Ireland ~ had been disarmed , ^ caatrary to the right of every free people ; and as Ae tyranny under which the Government was upcheii , was supported bv the men and the money of
oae foreign nation , we stood peculiarly necessitated ' ^ o * eek the aid of some other foreign power . Actu-- -stediy this reasoning , the Executive sent to seek ^ sb alliance with France , in May , 1796 , which was ^ actanSy formed in ihe August fulloiring , the first : * uica wasfonned between the Irish Union and France . Coil . —Did you not go to Hamburgh , and after-- ^ rsn ls to Switzerland , ~ in the summer of 1796 , in ¦ sazcpaay with anotherperson ? = O'Coxxor . —This question points at Lord Edward < F 5 i 2 gerald ; and as it is notorious he did accompany - me to Switzerland in 1796 , and althouelTmy friend ^ is ho more , I will not answer any thinrl which could
* a the most distant manner lead tothe disclosure of - ^ asy act of his ; besides , I am not bound by the stiwnationlhave entered into , for earing the lives of 3 &ese you have in roar power , to disclose aay act of i » y life prior to my becoming a Member of the l 3 aioH : ; but so little am I inclined to . withhold the "^ account of an y part of our conduct , audio felly am I -x « Kinced of the rectitude of what we have" < lone , ihat if you TsiB . ba satisfied with the substance of ihe transactions of the Union , without leading to -sasnes or person ? , I will give it . Com- —Well , we will be content . with the sub-^ sace , without any allusion ^ o names or persons . OtCoxxor
. —In May , 17 HS , after the important saeedng of the Executive I have just mentioned was 2 se 3 d , they tent to France , to adjust the tennsof the -alliance , to plan the manner the snecours should be ^ Ecoeded , so as to insure succe .- * . The . inostisi-¦ 5 « -tant part of the terms was , that France was to -asdst Ireland in freeing herself from the tyranny of 5 iose who exercised the Government of Ireland , iind "ifcst Ireland should be free to frame whatever cori--siitation she might think fit to adopt . The same ¦^ agjedition which was afterwards equipped , . and sent ^ islreland under Hoehe , was agreed on , and every -ifliag was settled , which could stcare success on its iEuhng- At the same time it was proposed to the ^ sserson who formed this first alliance bet ween France
¦ sad the Union , that a body should be sent aeainst JEsgland to can ^ e a diveraon , to retaliate for the ^ n £ beron _ expedition . To dissuade the French from ¦ z&a inraaon ol Engimd , this Irish ne ^ ociator us . ^ d -ecsST argument in his power . He said , fn * m his SaieTrledge of England , the best men , of that coun-^ Sxj Vould be most hostile to anyiDtdrference of the . ^ TdEci in the ^ oyern meHt of { heir country , on the -sxsse just principles that they condemned the inter-^ etsic « England in the government of France . — -iliat-tlie situation of Ireland and England were very : ciSsrent , that in Ireland the people were most solf-Tsfcras for the aid of France , to rescue them from Szeign and domestic tyranny ; but that the majority the of land would be to t
jaSL people Eng "averse heir jzterference— -that many of the poopls of England ~~ & £ ? e beEinnini-to see and feel the ruin the" Minis-3 « rs had brought on the nation , by engsrinc in the test ; but that if they invaded their couiilry , it would isny all consideraiicn of the injustice of the war , sreder the immediaie consideraiion of self-dence ; ^ it it would prove the greatest-support to an . ungiopalar ZVIimsrry , by giving them an unliinited - ¦ psjrer over the reraaining trealth of Eagland , ja any = 3 myihisy might "wish to take it , -while a gtdnea could % e extorted . These , together with other arguments , ¦ scere thought conclusive by those to whom they aseie addressed , and the invasion of England in 1796 -3 T 3 S abandoned .
-Eeji . —VTrs not Mr . Barthelemy pr ivy to these -Jrsnsactioiis ? " OX ? o ^^ 'OB . —I will not answer aHy question where .-i 2 i £ name of any person is mendonei . ¦ Con . —But he is a foreigner . . . ¦ OXToxxoR . —I care not ; the name of a foreigner - sr a coantxyman ^ hall > e equally iuviolaLle with ine . -Con . —V \ as it not at Paris this first alliance was ilbnaed ? - -O'Coxxoe , —It was not ; if it was , you would have ¦ "as ¦ need to a * k metlie question . ion . —Was it at Lisle : -O'Coxxor- —TtTva « not .
Com . —Were you of the Executive ? <) CoxxoB . — * I -was of the Executive from the time - .-i Ijecame a Member of the Uniitn is 1796 ,- " unril I " ^ aFis ob liged to fly my country abruptly in January , 5 JBS , to avoid btrin ? r taken ol £ by a foul plot -which ¦ rcss laid by some of the und ^ r agents of the IrLsli •^ ieremment , bnt -which my respect for the safety of ^ bos * -who gave me the innmadun of it , obliges me : lo keep secret . : Com . —Inform us of the progress and extent of the 'STSBiiizarion . " * VyCaxxoa . —When I was imprisoned in February , ! 5 $ 7 ~ the organization had made considerable pro--.-sress in Ulster , and things -were in train to extend it ie > lie oilier taree provinces . On my liberation in ^ i ±£ Aogust following , 1 found the means we em-. OJfeyed before my imprisonn > ent ia < 2 beeu successful
3 c extending the organization , particularly in Lein-^ s arj but that it had been thrown into cunfusion by " € ie burnings , haaginrs , and torturings , which had ^ x £ o . extended from Ulster to the other parrs of the ^ siKscry . —But to such a degree liR-d the minds of the -people ' been exasperated Tjv the cruelties of the GostsaK ^ -nt , the disposidon towards the Union -was so strong in the three provinces , that in four montlis -afea- my liberation I was enabled as one of- the Xtathern Executive ( there" being no Executive' iidnster daring this period ) to organize 70 , 000 men 5 a ] Le ~ ; nster only , whiie the number of those who . took - "laciest « f the Lnion was nearly equal to thepopuiaiion of tlie tlie three prorinras ; to such a degree * & £ the Irish Govermnent raise the resentment of the ^ lenple against it , by tiie crnelties it practised to support its powers , and to keep down tlie national spiritferliLertv .
_ 't . t > 3 i . — AV as not your object in forming the organ-. ¦ ffisfcn to effect a revolution ? -O'Coxxon . —If our mere object had been to e'ffect -x . revolution , the Bridsh Ministry , and the Irish -tSererament were effecting one more violently and ¦ rsLgidly tliau we wished for ; we cli'ariT perceived , ~? 3 z 3 X ihe measures , they adopte-1 to- prevent revolut » u , were the most effectual that cmld be derived -i * easure it . When we viewed the state of . the Bri-: ^ is >> empire , we were conyinced we need not take 3 cuch pains merely to make revolution . If that was - set sole object , we knew that the Irish-Government , -c £ itself , could not exist one mouth ; we saw that it 'was tos men and die mon « y of Eugtiud , wliich , uphcli tae Irish Government ; we tlierefoEe looked to
zhs state of Great Britain , and con > alered the state « f its actual Government , and we were of opinion , auu the measures which the present Ministry had - ^ mrsaed , were the most rapidly ruinous which could Ate adopted . We examined her state before the war , see * aw , that as before the enormous - expenditure , ^ aciitk the wa r occasioned , the Minister -could not -snort more than sixteen milTon ^ annual revenue , it -acoald be , impossible , after hundreds millions of the ; : a , tiaEal capital had been squandered , that thirty . ¦ a ; 21 ion 3 annual revenue , could by any physical pos-. sbility , be " extorted , which wr . s the" feast" her peace -aisteiiishmeut could amount to . But that even sup-73 C ' . ang thirty millions annual revenue could be raised 421-Great Britain , experience convinced us , that li--3 » erg- must be destroyed by such additional means of ¦ corraption being thrown into the hahiis of the * E
xe-- > c&Bve ; and we were convinced , that a nation which ^~ t ? lust Her liberty could not long support such mon--S 2 XOO 3 burthens , on the ! principle * tnat capital , like - -Szid , -would find its level j we were of -opinion , that ras ihe profits , of capital would be higher in Jh ^ -ncp tWn in England , the vast esiiaustion - t £ <^ rlt 3 d which , had taken plaee in France , ¦ ffisdd be replenished on a peace , by the flow-^? ng in -of a considerable portion of British capi--iai , -and that this disposition on the part of the Bri- mn&t be yeryshortlj destroyed . ['" . jTbie ' . contuiuedmeur ' tiartf ) -
Untitled Article
DINNER AT STALEYBRIDGE TO ¦?? . SHAE . MAN CRAWFORD , ESQ . ( From the Second Edition of the Manchester Jdcerliter . On Saturday a public dinner was giveri- at Staleybndge to William Sharman Crawford , Esq ., the late member for Dundalk , in testimony of the approbation with which his ^ public conduct is regarded bythe reformers , of that extensive and populous distsict . About four o ' clock , a procession escorted the honourable gentleman and his son from the King ' s Arms Inn to the Foresters' Hall , where about five hundred members of the operative class partook of a plentiful and substantial -dinner . Mr . John Deegax officiated as president . In-addition to the parties who had dined in the body of the room , the gallery was crowded by a ereat numbtr of respectable -r-v-w •«•¦» »» - « - ^^ . _~ - " _ . " _ ^ .
females and operatives . The Chairman opened the proceedings after dinner . by observing , that this meeting had excited more -than ordinary attention , and therefore it behoved them , as real Radical reformers , to shew to the world that they did not advocate mere party measures , but thote only by which happiness and contentment might be secured to the nation . He then readletters from several public men , acknowledge the invitations of the committee , among whom were Mr . John Fielden , M . P ., Mr . Wakley , M . P ., Mr . Brotherton , M . P ., General Johnson , M " . P ., Dt . Taylor , of Glasgow , 2 > Ir . Augustus Beaumont , d'C tfce .
The Chairman gave the two first toasts without comment . They were "the People , " and " the Queen , " and were loudly applauded . The next toast , he said , was the health of their distinguished guest , Williain Sharman Crawford , Esq . —( cheers )—a man who had laboured long and zealously in the cause of universal freedom . They had amongst them one who had come from his home , in the green isle , in order to assist the reformers of Euglaud in obtaining those mersures which were necessary to make the people happy—a man who Lad sacrificed the honour of a seat in the Eritish senate because lie preferred principle to expediency . ( Cheers ) . Who dared say , after this meeting , that there wa » no sympathy amongst the Radicals of Eu / rland towards the people
of Ireiand : ( Cheers . ) This meeting supplied a decided contradiction to "that assertion . He would not occupy further time ; but conclude by observing that Mr . Shannnn Crawford had , during tLe last session , proved himself one of the most honest and upright men that ever entered the wails of St . Stephens . Mr . Shahjux Crawford was yery loudly applauded oa rising to reply to the toast . He said , I staad for the first time before an assembly of British people . I own , sir and gentlemen , that I fet-1 myself under some embarrassment how to acknowledge the kindnes * with which yon have received me ; but 1 am not so Tain-as to ascribe that reception to asy personal merits of my own . [ Hear , hear . ] 1 ascribe it to your congeniality of feeling with me m the
principles 1 have advocated —[ hear , hear , ]—not only as respects my ora country but as respects the British uatiou—as re > -pects the ri g ht * and privileges of all my fellow-countrymen , whether of ihe British or of the Irish nation . [ Hear , hear . ] Sir , I am proud to hive my name connected with the ^ sentiment of "justice to Ireland . " [ Cheers . ] I am proud to have heard that sea ' iment responded to in thv » ma-auer it has been by tliis assembly * What is justice to Ireland ? I say that justice to Ireland is justice to England , and that just ice to England is justice to Ireland . [ Ltrad cheers . ] . In my upiniou , there can be no real separat ion of iutereits , and there ought to be no separation of policy . [ Cheers . ] We ought to go liand in hand together , in order to establish that sure
foundation of the rights of the people , which is the only security for the public liappiness , and the only gunfrantee for the public prosperity—justice . [ Loud cheers . ] Radical Associations consider that certiun principles are necessary to be advocated if we wouM maintain securely tlie rights audliberties ofthepeople . ( Hear . ) There ure several of tliese principles . There is the universality of tlie Suflragf . ( Ciwers . ) There is the V ote by Ballot —( cheers ) and the shortening of tlie duration of Parliaments . —( Continued cheers . ) These are all essential principle * . There are others which I need not enumerate ; but above all , I consider tlie universality of the Suffrage the grand foundationthe true security of the people . —( Loud cheers . )—What , sir , is tne cause—ihe grand cause—of the
distress and suffering that pervade the great" mass" of the peojle ? It is tliis—the country having hitherto been governed by the power , and lor the use , of one favoured sertion ' of the community . —( Hear , hear . ) —The country , I ear , ha * hitherto been governed bythe power , and for the purposes , of tin ; landed Aristocracy . —fLoui cheers . ) Although I am connected with tunt body—although I » m wholly and entirely dependent for " my station in life and for subsistence on rents . }~ et I \ rili not , for the sake of my own benefit , consent that tLe other classes of the community should be injured . —( Immense applause . ) I hold , sir . that the rights of the Landed Aristocracy ean be sufficiently secured , and that they can hiuv tlieir ample slinre ' of the good of this world , without tresp _ a * 5 Hig nndnly npon other classes of the community —( hear , hear , hear)—and therefore it is that
I uesire every other class should "have feat protection —the only protection they can have—which would be aiven by every man who contributes to the revenues of the state , baring a voice ia the making of the laws by which" that society is governed , and in the disposal of the revenues raised from it . —( Loud checri . ) If any one claxs is to have the power of ruling over thcr other classes of society , it is not according to human nature to believe , it is contrary to die frailties of hnrnan nature to suppose , that that dais which has the power will not look solely to its own . interests . ( Hear , hear : ) For this reason 1 : cntend that each and every class of society ought to have their share in ihe government nnd in the fonna * t ion of the Lnvs . in order that such a wholesome
collision of different interests may be established as will promote , necessarily , the benefit of the whole community . ( Cheers . ) " l take it , therefore , diat the Universality of the Suffrage is the question tiiathas the greatest iicuortapce , and that every other is , comparat ively , insignificant- ( Cheers . ) If we look at what have been the consequences , at the principal evils , arising from a want of die universal power of the people in controlling the government and in regulat ing tue laws by which they are rule-J , we find tilem at once meetiugiis to onrface . [ Hear , hear . ] The first evil ^ to which I shall allude is that system by which tue food of man is raised- to an enormous price , br what are called the " corn dudes . " [ Cheers . ] ideuy that the bread of the poor man oujrht-toby
raised in price artificially , for the benefit of any class of society . [ Great cheers . ] Which is tbe class that is benefited by our corn duties ? It is die landed , the agricnlnirdl class . ~ [ H ear , hear . ] But let us see of what the agr icultural class consists . It consists of three divisions , die landlords , t ' -. e farmers , and the agr icultural labourers . Do die com laws serve the interests of the agricultural- labourer : No . Cheers . ] Do they serve tlie interests of the fanner ? I maintain they do not . [ Lond . cheers . ] I insist thatdiese corn " dudes are kept up only for the purpose of serving one class , namely , the receivers of rents—die landed Aristocracy . [ Loud cheers . ] The rents are raised proportionably to the increase of pr ice produced bv the corn laws , . « o that the farmer
derives no real benefit from die system , for whatever maybe the increase in price , it ntl goes intodie pockets of the landlords in ' the shape of increased rente . There is another point upon which the nation , at this moment , is feeling the effects of legislation being confined to the suffrages of a section "" of the people . If legislation had not been confined to-the sufirages of a section of the people , the nation would not have been feel ng the effects of the poor law amendment bill . ( Long and loud cheer * . ) 1 will not , at all , maintain that the original poor law system of England did not require amendment and improvement ; hut I will not admit that the poor man ' s r ights ought to have been sacrificed in the way they have been by the Poor Law . Amendment
BilL ( Continued cheers . ) That law furnishes the mode of defeating the poor man ' s riehtby strataeera , when die legislature had not tae courage to do it by express provision . [ Great cheers . ] I mnintain mat the poor man has a claim upen the laud previous to the constitution of any odier right ' whatsoever—[ cheers]—and that if the state has thought fit f > r die benefit of society to permit a monopoly of the laud , that that monopoly , by individuals , " can only hold good , subject to that great right which man has derived from his Creator , of subsistence from die soil by hit labour . [ Loud cheers . ] This great law no man can narrow . [ Cheers . ] No law can give a monopoly in the soil except subject to that great right—the right of man to be subsisted from
that soil . [ Loud cheers . ] On tlie . sa principles , sir , I condemn the New Poor Law Am ' endment Act . [ Cheers . ] On these principles I condemn the princi p le which is attempted to be carried into operation by that law of defeat ing the poor man ' s right , by making die relief of such a nature that they would rather die dian accept it . [ Cheers . ] 1 speak more feelingly npon this subject because it is proposed to extend to Ireland a Poor Law of die same description . [ Hear , hear . ] Ireland has not yet had the benefit ot any le ^ al relief being provided for the poor . [ Hear , hear . j That has hidierto been dtnTed her . The want of it has been perceived by die Government . The Government have , at last .
yielded to remonstrances upon the subject ; tut diey _ propoee to give us a bill , which I am sorry to say , is ot that nature that th « people would raihsr lie down and starve to death thau accept its proy kions . —( Hear , henr . ) The bill is a delusion . It is a non-entity . It will , if enacted , be a source of multiplied patronage to the Crown , widiout doing auy sort of good to dia people whom it is proposed it shall serve . —( Hear . ) But if there are evils arising in Inis your countryyfrom the too great power of the landed Aristocracy , what is the case in Ireland ( Cheers . ) Why , compsrativcly , any evil suffered here is not to ba compared wita those inflicted on Ireland by th » power of the lwided Aristocracy .-i-( Hear . ) The great causa of the poverty of " the
Untitled Article
people there k the nature of the relation betweea landlord and tenant—^ the erroneous system bj ' which the landlord in enabled to hold in his own possession the labour of the people , without any power being introduced to prevent it in the shape of a Poor La * . ( Hear , hear . ) TTiua th « people are oppressedthus are they reduced to die utmost degree of poverty by the extortion of the-landlords , not duly by the rents demanded , but by the mode of levying those rents and by the uulimited power of ejection which die landlord possesses , —( Hear , hear ;) 'I mnintain that the best and most serviceable Poor Law for Ireland would be an amendment of the law of landlord and tenant—a law which would not permit the landlord to have that power of ejection _ .
whereb y the tenant m ^ y be turned helpless upon the world without any compensation forhisimprbvements without any compensation for that vested interest wluchhe does possess in the land he has cultivated , of which the landlords in Ireland frequently deprive him without leaving him the means of supporting t-xistence . ( Hear , lienr . ) In England the oppression of the poor in this way falls back upon the landlord by the tax he is compelled to pay towards the support of die poor ; but in Ireland the landlord exercises tlie irresponsible right of ejection and distress without any controlh ' ng power over him either direct or indirect . ( He : ir , hear . ) Therefore if ever a country required a poor law , that country is Ireland —( hear , hear)—but it must be such a poor law
as will re-act against the landlord . ( Hear , hear ) . It must not be such a law as will give him the means of providing for those miserable beings by putting diem into a bastile-house , and there confining them —( loud cheers)—rfor that is what the government measure of poor laws ^ proposes . ( Cheers ) . These , sir , are some of the evils which the people experience from the want of a proper controlling power over the legislature of their country . ( Cheers . ) I say , further , that there were other means than these by which anyevils-that existed in ' the old English poor laws might have been remedied . ( Henr . ) " The proper way to have remedied those evils would have been to have given the people sufficient power in dip administration . ( Hear . ) I would have had . local
bodies appointed by the people in their ' respective parishes to have administered the laws , and then there would have been no danger of a iniil-admiuistration of Uiem . ( Cheers ) . That would have Deen the best mode of correcting all the evils of the former system , and it would not have destroyed the poor man ' s natural right by making relief of a nature he could not nccept . ( Cheers . ) 1 hope the greater evils of the new synteiri will be redressed . ( Hoar , he ; tr . ) I hope the people will from this , moment " , tike into taeir own hands the means of redressing them , which araf—a strong and an united declaration of opiuion . ( Loud cheers . ) Sir , public opinion , when fully and strongly expressed , in this country must coutrol any any government and any power ( cheers ) and itis the
, lest way the people have of obtaining ail they want . I can mention another instance of evil arising to the people from the want of u proper control on their pan : over the legislature . ( Hear , hoar . ) At the time our enormous debt was incurred for the sake of the war the income tax was repealed . ( Hear . ) Why should the income tax have been repealed ? ( Hear , hear . ) It relieved the great proprietors at the expense of the mass of the community . ( Hear . ) ' The taxes were allowed to continue upou commodities so as to bear most heavily upon the poor "' people , but tlie great proprietors were relieved from the charge by its repeal . Another point in which may be observed tlie bad . effects of partial , legislation is tlie probate duty , which was so ably exposed bv-the lute
Mr . Cobbett . The large propr ietors are released front this , while the poor , who have nothing to depend upon but their labour , are cblujed to pay this iuty . ( Hear , hear . ) All these are instances of the bad e-Tects arising lrora the legislation of the . ' country being placed in the hands of a portion of the community . ( Cheers . ) It may be thought strange that 1 should advocate these doctrines so strongly , as I am so intimately connected with the landed , interest , but , ; gentlemen , " l will not refrain from saying that which I think to be just and right between man niid man . ( Cheers . ) Reformers are attempted to be checked in their career by dilYerent excuses . They are told that if they press forward in / demanding these rights thev will emuamus tlio existiuir '''
adunmirtniaon . ( Hear , hear . ) And they are told that , if that existing administration are turned out , there ara no persons to replace them but the Tories . ( Hear , hear . ) That is : in alternative of which I am not at all aware , ( hear , hear ) , because I think England is not so scantily supplied . - "withhonest or ' able " men as that men cannot be found to replace tae Whigs , and men who would as honestly and as faithfully , advocate the people ' s rights . ( Cheers . ) You'kre told yoaiuust keep' from pressing all that you want for fear lest you should alarm the timid . ( Hear , hear . ) What is the use , gentlemen , of having meetings at all if you are afraid
or unwilling to express your honest opinions and your just demands t ( Cheers . ) Are we to expect , are we to suppose , that if we do not ask for what we want we ihall ever get any thing ? ( Hear !) There is a homely proverb , that ' honesty is the best policy , " and " I have never yet found cause to think that was a wrong , sentiment . ( Hear . ) I do think—that in all cases ' where . , the public are concerned—in all situations in life—that "honesty is the best policy ; " and therefore I am of opinion , ' that the ppople s ' hould constitntionally , steadily , and fully , exprecs their- wants and wish ' es . wituout reference to consequences : without regard to -tho }> arty or the individuals who mav be at - tlie head of ihe
state .. ( Hear , hear . ) .-Let those individuals , if they ' will , go on with the people ; if thoy will go on with the people , then tlie people ought to support them ; but if they will not ,, why should the people keep with , them , and overlook those -who will support them ? ( Cheers . ) I consider it is measures the people should look to , and not inen . ( Cheers . ) There should be no partiality to men who williiot support all those measures which are necessary for the interest of the people . ( Cntvr . < . ) Auo ' ther excuse . u made—another objection is found against the English people pressing on with tiieir demands which i » , that Ireland woul-I lwlos-t if we were depr ived of die present administration . ( Hear . ) I have no idea of wanting . a separate policy fcr Ireland and for
England . What are the " benefits that Ireland-has derived from this administration ? The . sole benefit she has derived is , that of having Lord Mu ! grave lor her Lord Lieutenant . I do not inean to undervalue the services , of that . nobleman ; it is . 'impossible any Inshman could mention his n ; nuc , but with praise and res- pect . ( Hear , hear . ) But I . will not admit as a principle , th ' at the temporary benefit derived from the excellent administration of the executive should be considered a reason why a--whole country should not press _ for those permanent . securities for her liberty , which can oiily be derived from " pood laws , and good institutions . ( Cheers . ) But still more , so , because that , nOtwithsttiudiiig the adininis tration has conferred Bpqn Ireland die benefit of
sucxi . a good governor ' as the Earl of Mulgrave to manage the executive , yet every measure of the f Government lias had' a tendi . » ncy to-eslablish a despotism in that country— ( lier ^ r )—and I w ill instance one measure , their ineasnre with regard to the ' cd . i stabulary . "What would England -think ., if she had our armed constabulary throughout all her -villages and towns , parading about the-same as a standing army ? ( Hear , ; hear . Ji ' . 'What sort of condition is that for the libert ies of a country to be placed in ? ( Hear . ) In Ireland there is a standing army of this kind continually dispersed over the country . It is paid by the Crown" without reference to Parliiinient for the means . —( Hear . ) It is pail halt ' by warrant from the Lord Lieutenant , from the Consolidated Fund in the first instance : rind afterwards
nnodier half is leried . npon the Irish Counties by the same warrant , so that the people are taxed , not bv their representatives , but by the Lord Lieutenant ^ warrant . —( Cheers . ) Is this , then , a . Constitutional force to be maintained in any country ? Although this force was instituted by the Tory Government , it it has been increased and rendered permanent by die Whig Government .- —( Hear . ) Is this , therefore , a system to entide the present Adrninistration to the love and praise of the people ?—( No , no . ) There is also a . system of stipend jury magistrates in that connlry , holding office at the p leasure , of the Crown , and liable to be- ' -. dismissed by the Cn > wn only . These persons command tins standing . army , and they must obey the will of the Crown , " on tlie ' pain of
losing tlieir places . These , gentlenion ^ are the muasurus wliich the Whig Government have " liken to keep the peacn of Ireland . —( Hear . ) I admit . that whilst Lord Mulgrave presides in the executive , there is no danger of the powers of Government being abused , but I assert that ' these'things '' creating a despotic power which may hereafter be applied to the destruction of the liberties of the country , either under a V » 'hig or a Tory Administrat ion . —( Hear , hear . ) In a late speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer , he says that England and Ireland shall be governed on like principles . — ( Hear , hear . ) Then let England take care that the same system be not "hereafter extended to herself . —( Hear , hear . ) The principle and-the example is laid in Ireland ; and the present Government will be -willing enough to apply the same system to tiiis country if they shall see the people becoming a little too troublesome , so let England take care of herself
( Cheers . ) -Upon ' - . this ground , I say , Ireland and England ought to be legislated for on a common pohcy . _ ( Hear , hoar . ) 1 say that no supposed or petty disadvantages- should induce Ireland to separate herself from die policy which is necessary for the establishment of the rights of the British people . ( Cheers . ) I trust , on this principle , that the itrftish people are wilUng to respond to our call —( hear , hear )—that they are willing to join in advocating the rights of Ireland , if Ireland is willing to join in advocating the rights of the British people . * This is all I ask . I ask an equalitj- of nghts , of privileges ; and I want to see in both a community of eflbrt . Let ns , then , join hand in hand in the same united effort , without regard to the minor disadvantages of Ireland . Let Ireland join heartily in the common cause , and secure her own rights by obtaining the respect , the good feehng , and the interest of Britain .
Untitled Article
( Hear . ) -What ^ , need will Ireland have to dread a Tor )' ^ government or Tor / judges ^ she has t ^ Bntish people united with ' - -Her in the defence of her'rights ? What could a ; -Tpry judge and a Toryeovernment do ag ^ nsta'Parliaiiiehith ; at ''^ i ^ sse . d ^ e 8 eh ' se : « fth 0 ' . ' people ? ^ ( Cheers . ) This ^ then ^ is thei onl y true and just security which Ireland can have for obtaining justice . * ( Cheers . ) It has been said , that as at some former period ireland has been ill treated by Br itain , uothing ubw is to be expected frbitt her . I do not wish to reap « p old grteyances . I believe Britain does now see that thu- interests of Ireland are not inimical to her own , and I believe she is now determined to do justice to Ireland in the propdsal of
equal laws , equal rights , and equal liberties , ( Cheers . ) On this ground I am sorry to remark that ; the EngBsh Radicals have been condemned for going tbb 'faTT 6 rward , ^( HeaT . )^ : ; itnas ' "been ' al ) eged- "tUat they have no' sympathy with ¦ Ireland ' , because they go too fast forwaf d . I have defended them oh this question ; _ and I trust that thirf mfeetin * will show that that is their feeling : likewise ,- ^( ch « ers)— that they have \ a syjinpathy for Ireland—diat they are ready to do their utmost to serve her , and carry her to the same goal to \ yluch they want to carry themselves , and to those objects which will secure the rights and interests of both . —( Cheers . ) However highly-1 ' value the com pliment which , hha been paid to me here , any compliment that should come to me
from raiy portion of the people , could hot be acceptable ; -to , my feejihgs except it was identified wit . h the nalnc and iuterestsofmycountry .-r- ( Hear . ) In niy country my affections areeinbodied . —( Cheers . ) It is the darling object of mj life to : see diat country improving , to see her condition bettered , and her rights established on a ' -. sure and firm foundation . ' ( Clieere . ) And I am perfectly confident that I shall not be thought the : worse of by the British peoule for this warm expression of feeling towards my own countfj ' , for the man who has no regard for his own cotintrj' cannot have much love 4 or auy other- — ( hear)—therefore , I frankly - ' - 'inform , youy the denre . ' -t interests of my- own country are my first object , but my second object is to serve Britain whilst 1 sim
semng niy own ' - —( Cheers . ) Another great cause , which I have been eudeiwouriiiie , though hiinibjy , to a 4 vocate , is religious liberty . —( Hear . ) I luiuiitsiiu that thera can be no civil liberty without religious liberty .-- —( Cheers . ) . In Ireluiid the great mass of thtf population have be « n degraded by tlie tyrannical . ' : usurpation of one portion of the community over the rest , with regard to their religious liberty , [ Hear . ] Though I belong ti ) that sect which did usurp the pbyv'er , I iie-ver could permit myself' to do other than assist iny CntUolic iello w countryineii in the great struggle for tlieir liberty , ( Cheers . ] 1 trust veligiousliberty will be established . I trust the ' - ' . right ' s of .- . conscience , that the right of
a . free expression ot religious opinion , subject to no . control of any kind , will be established , not only in my own country , but through the , whole of the JJritish dominiou * . " { Cheers , ] There isanodu'r e \ il that arises from the people iibt having a due shuyb in tlie control of goveriimeut , ami in the making oflaws . It id ; th « , evil diat arise from iliiTereut combinations . [ lii : jir ^ hear . ] The people are accused of . " combining " . ; - \ V hy do they-: combine ?— - ( Ifear , hear . ) Because , they have not the -security neces . sarv for the ostablishinent" of their rJghU , —( l"ie ; tr i hear " ) If •' 'tile , popple , could have dependence upon the lk \ i > , and upon die . makers fit" tlien ^ then tliey would have ¦
, no occasion tp "; combine .- ' .- ; If Universaluy of the SulTrage were efllictedi every man would iivl lie ha-. l thatvprotection himself jn ' themaliing of the laws l-y which he was governol ; theii he would refer his grievances to the LetrixluUire with coiifideiioe of redress , and there would be no iieed of uniawful combiuatious , — : ( tlear , hear . ) And what is the causo of unlawful combiuatious in 'Ireland ? . The cause tlitit creates them elsewhere , niimoly , the people having no proper sw-urity fortho Jaws being . so framed as to do tuem justic » j .- ^( Ilear and clieers . ) : After thankiug the meetingfor the kind expression of tlieir opuiions , the Hon . Gendeman retired aiiiidst enthusiastic cheering .
Ihe Chairman proposed <¦< Feargus O'Connor , Esq ., and the liberty of the press . " Sir . O'Connor replied to the toast in a long and eloquent address . The Chairman saidthe next toast was" Richard Oastler , ' Esq ., and the repeal , of the ' New Poor Law-Act . " ( Cheers . ) Mr . Oastler replied at great length , and with much animation , but we . are obliged to omit his speech . , ; " . ' ¦¦ . : ¦' - ¦ •; .. - ' . ¦¦ - .. The CHAiitMAisi proposed the health of Charles Crawford , Esq .,. and a real union between England and Ireland : " ( Cheers . ) ' Mr . Crawford , junr ., returned thanks . Mr . O'Connor , in a brief address ) proposed as the lieSxt toast < The Rev . J . R . Stephens and tlie Ten Hours' Bill . ' : . /
3 ir . STEPHE >; s responded in a lengthy speech , rife with sterling eloquence and feelitig . Mr . S . Crawford , in propbsing the concluding toast , permit me to express the extreme gratification which 1 lv-ive experienced from the proceeclirig . s of tins niuetuig . It is not " only from the feeling towards myself manifested by the meeting -that I derive gratification . However high and sincere that gratification may be , it is more so , \ yhen contrasted with the gratification I have experienced in other quarters . I trust I may see in-this meeting of : the Reformers of Staleybriajre ^ an . endeavour to lay the foundation for a complete union between Ireland and England . Hitherto ^ we have had only a parchment union , which if it continues only , ; such may at any time be torn asunder a * , easily as the parchment on which it
is inscribed ; but : if we had an union of arlection , of an equality of rights and privileges , an union for the commoa good of both , it would be impossible to dissever them . ( Cheers . ) I receive further gratification from pcrcdvinp that there Is a . spirit lii the peopleespecially , iu . the working people—to take -up their own cause constitutionally , and to assert legally their owii riy ; hb 3 . ( Cheers . ) Tlie rights of the people , let it be recollected , will never btv asserted if the effort doe » not emanate from " themselves . ( Cheers . ) The Hon . Gentleman concluded by proposing '' The h ' ealth . ojjthe- Rudical Reformers of Staleybridge , both ladies and gentleinvn . " The toast wan received with vast applause , and immediately afterwards themeeting separated .
Untitled Article
GREAT ML ) ICAl MEETING ' . AT LEEDS . i ; - ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ - . : ¦ . On Monday evening last , a meeting was held at the -Coiuinefcial : Buildings , , for the purpose oi petitioning Parliament for UniTersal Suffrage , Annual Pafiiaanents ,. Vote }) y Ballot , the Abolition ot'the ' -l . ] KTty Qualification ^ and for congratnladng the Canadians on their noble Sti-lr ^ le for . r . ree- 'loin . Long before the tima at which the meeting was advertised to lw held , tke . room w ; u xrowded with people who ^ yai-tud with intense anxiety the arrival of the speakers .: At ajitt' . e after seven" o ' clock ^ business of the . meeting was commenced , and Mt .- ' Robekt Martin wa * called to the chair . He stated ' thi object ; of-tho meeting , and congratulated them ou the occasion that had brought them together . He was a working man , who felt himself
bonnd _ to come forward on all fitting occasions to . issist in the dause of freedom , and the honour that had been coiiferred-on-luin'iivcallu ) g . M ' m ^ prls ' siue ( jver sucu a nurnerous and respectable assembly , would not by him soon be forgotten * ; If there ever was admewhun it behoved the Avorking classes to exhibit an incrc ; wing energy and determination in their demands for ireeilom , that was the period . — ( Hear , hear . ) The two great factions of Whigand Tory had e \ idently- agreed in one common object ^ that of pluiiderihg and ¦ -. oppressing ' ' tke people ;—( Loud cheers . ) The recent declaratioii of Lord John . Russell in the House of Common ;! , that the Reform Bill was to be considered a filial iaeasure , precluded all hopes of any amelioration of the
political conditipn of die working classes either from him or his colleagues in power . —( Hear , hear . ) ¦ It : therefore remains for . us , with ' .: a , voice and a determination csloudas the thunder and as irresistible as the liglitiiing , to prochiim that the progress of Reform shall sujl rnovij piivvkrj , —( Cheers . ) This meeting was convened for the purpose of petitioning Parliament to grant them those rights ^ -Without Ayhich they must ever remain the mere slaves and servants of those vvhp exercised an unjust and unholy dominion over the labouring classes . That a change was necessary no one would attempt to ¦ deny , ' , for if . " . we ; looked around upon Society we should behold the extreuie '¦ of- ' , grandeur and extravagance bu the one hand , and the extreme of
, misery and destitution on the ofcuer .- ^( Hear , hear , hear . ) If tin ' s change was necessary ,: it was obvious that some' means should be adopted whereby to effect that change , and it ? midt al » 6 be admitted that die main evils which at prv'sent afflict society were the consequence of bad ( iovernment . It fplldveed therefore , as a matter of course , that the only remed y lor this state of tilings \ vas to be found in C uiversal Suffrage . —( Hear , hear . ) This , then , - was the grand object for which this meeting was convened , and he hoped they wpuld this night show their detenniuaUon to yre-ir die chains of slavery no longer , and would evince-dieir ; : determination to
make one effort to emancipate themselves . —( Clieers . ) He would not trespass longer upon ; their patience than in requesting their undinded attention to the sentiments about to belaid before them , and hoped that tUose sentiineuts , so far as they were in accordance with trathand justice , "would meet with a cheeri ' dl response from every honest heart within these walls . —( Loud cheers . ) The L Chairman then stated that some of die geutiamen who had been invited to attend the mating ; could not possibly attend , in consequence of other pressing engagements ; but that he had received letters from d ^ em which bore the good -wishes of thos » genfleinen
Untitled Article
and their hearty concurrence in the pbjecto of the meeting . i \ ' : .. letter : was read from Sir William Moleswprth , expressing his , regret that , lrt was obliged to be absent ; he hoped that while thsty thought of their own grievances , they would not forget the state of Canada . —( Loud cheering . )^ - Another letter of similar import was read from Mr , Leader . The Chairman then called upon . Mr . ( J ? oroe White to move the first resolation . He said—iThis meeting had been called by the Members of the Leeds \ Vorking ^ Men ' s ; Associationj who could hot possibly have any party interests to serveinroisleading the working population of this town . This was no cljip-trap meeting , called either for Whig or Tory purposes , it was called bv the
roeu of Let ; d « who felt their grievances to be almost intolerable , and who were anxious to call tne working classef together , aiid all others who were disirosed to join them , in struggling for the good : of the whole . ; As for the Whigs and Tories , ho thought the name ought to be henceforth ' dropped , for in nis opinion , the one party was merely a transcript of the other ; that although distinct in tlieir name , they were united in their c : iuse ;—( cheers )—and that if there was any differunce between th « in , it was merely in the met that the Tories were like highway robbers * who would knock them down and rifle their pockets , and tell them that they would dp soy ns long as they had the power , while the Whips .
who professed to be Radicals out of office , were just as fond pf plunder as the Tories , —( Loud cheers . ) Tlieyhad no motive for coming forward on this occasion bu t diegeneral good of all , by endeavburiny , * if pcssibU ' , to obtain justice for theinselves and " their fellow-mei ) , vvho were suffering from poverty while there was ' . sufficient to inake all coiufortalile and happy ;—( cheers)— -and he , as a vtorkih ^ f man , should always con \« forward wlienoYer occasion required , to lend his stouteit opposition to the tyruiuiy of t-liosa- by who « e inis-gi > verinn ' uui' they had been involved in such a calamitous tfituation . ' ^ ( Cheerii . ) Ho concluded by moving the tbllo ' wiug resolution :- — ; :
" That in the opinion of this meeting . the present system of representation is a shameless niockery of tho pfodi \ cers of all '' wealth . That a Property Qunlification can have no semblance df justice , unless all men shall be endowed by nature with the sain . e mental and bodily acquirements , and by the arriuigement of society v / ith the saiiie means of acquiring property . Thtit ' knowing by experience the nipnopolv of . ' iawniakiiig iisurped by the monied orders to be the thief cause of all the social . misery , and political degradation of too working classL's , we demand , as a . ' remedy ' -for this state of things , . that the right of voting for Meihber «» of tlie Commons House of Parliament be extutided to all who Are called upon to pay'taxes" either directly or otherwise . " . ¦
Mr . ( JEfJitcf : KbiiKHTou ' . v secondud the ' resolution ' . He said the niei'ting inight think it strange that be should come forward to secoad a resolution when there vvure preseiit so many able speakers ; Uut ho hiul do . ie so to show that working men were iletcrii : ined no longer ti ) be the tlu ^ i'S uud slaves of ot-liers , but t . » ' take ' ' tlieir . affairs into their o ' wii htm . tsf . —( Cheer . ; . ) lie said tlint : lor wt ) rking inoh to be di'prive . l of the . ¦' elective- franchise , " must be cither riyht or wrong ; if it whs rivht , then the UelV > rm Bill had gone a irrejit ileal too far ; if it > wns vyronp , where thmiM they draw the liiie ' of . ( iistinction between tlmse who w « re to have it an ; l those Who .-. were -riot ' '—( Hear , hear . ) lor his own pitrt he considered Universal Suffrage the iiiithVnuble riglit-- < if every ina ' . n , and hoped tlit-y vvouldbo united ' , mid determined in their efforts to oljtaiii . if . ( Loud ; cht- ( . Ts . ) lie seconded the resolution . ' -
M r . Sh a ivm a n C navv fo ' u d then . ' stepped-. ibrwiird , and was liailed with loud cheers . He said—^ Alr . Chninnnn itnd gentlemen , lam proud to have thw honpur pf « tandi . iig' before the assembly which I now see around me . The originators of this ineetiu ? did me the honour to invite me to attend ic . I am aware of what was the motive " : pf the invitation ; I conceive it to have been ii desire to express the disposition of the Radicals of Leeds to concede real justice , equal rights and liberties to tlieir Irish brethren . ( Hear , hear , and cheers . ) I conceive that that invitation proceeded also'from an approval of the principles 1 have put forward in pubhe ; ; mid these were , that there should be no dissensions in die respective appeal for right , from ¦ . England arid Ireland , froiii
any petty considerations . He conceived 7 that Ireland and England were engaged in a common cause —• refjuiring a common course of policy . Believing " the invitation lo have originated ia . these principles ,-he had felt bound to honour himself by accepting it . Whenever the hand Of friendship was : held ; by Englishmen to Ireland , he held every Irishman bound to accept it with cordiality . The resolution embraced great and important objects , of which the chief was the universality of the francljite . Thw , and ail the other measures cbntemplnted by . the meeting , he considered as so many ends fur the attai-iiiranit of one great : object—the Obtainin « of equal- 'justice for all classeis of the people . ( Cheers . ) " You ieel , " said he , " and justly , that you have HOt
eqiiiil justice either in the formation or achnininist ' ratioiL of the laws at present . " llie laws are con- ' stituted for the benefit of a section of die people only —in proof of this , he would refer with confidence to the dutie * by whose operation the prices of bread were raised upon society for the support of one particular interest . Although himself entirely dependent on an income arising from land , he Would never support the continuance of an impost by which the interests of that class to which , he' happened to . belong were kept up at the expense of every other class in society . ( Great cheering . ) The operation of those . duties to enhance the price of tke ppor man's bread , and to diminish the amouutof proh " tablo labour wliich might have been created by the
exchange of foreign produce for our manufacture . — This pressed hardly upon the industrious classes of the country , whether agricultural or mercantile ; ; and why vvas this ? What was the reason that the interests of tlie people generally were not cared for by the Legislature ., and that the interest ) of the , great mass of population were sacrificed to thoie of a numerically iiisi ' g ' nifi . caut . ¦ class ? Because the people had not their jnst and right share in the making Of the laws . : What , then , he would ask , was the remedy ? Why , that every man who contributed , either directly or indirectly , to the resources of tile country , ' should have a voice iu the election of those who made the laws ; . and iinposad the taxes . lie would admit that there must be exceptions to the
uuiversahty of the suffrage : persons of unsound ; mind , vvlio knew not , and were incapable of estimatirig the order and interests of society ; that is to say , persons insane , and persons also , whether ot high , .-or low' rank , whose cliaracter * Were defamed by crime , should b « excluded from the sutrtuge ; -i-( Hear , hear . ) lie did not , however , consider them exceptions as entitled to any weight iu the corisider atiou of -tlie priueiple of universality winch was not affected by them . No suffrage was calculated to promote aud secure the just rights of the peOple winch was not universal ; extension of the siiftra ^ e was a vague . term , which , though much used by some , conveyed no certaiii presage of the restitution of right . Mr . C , than went , on to speak of thelleform Act
,, observing that the operation of that act was to confine the suffrage , to a very great extent , to the landed interest . He protested against this principle as unfair and unjust ; it was said that the vote should be connued to those who had what was called a stake" in the countrj ' . Now he maintained that the mechanic and die artizan had as great a stake in the country as anybody . ( Hear , hear . ) Who was more interested in the prosperity of the country , than him whose whole dependence-was in his labour which Was soon , to fail if the country were liot prosperous , and if it did fail , lie had no prospect but starvatioii and death , while it yeas possible that the wealthy men might lose mucli in the confusion of an unsettled state Of things , and not yet come into
that condition . ( Hear , hear , and cheers . ) It Was necessary , moreoverthat the extension ; of the suffrage : should not be limited for the election of members of Parliament , but that it should also be extended to all corporate offices . Oneof the evils Of the want of the suffrage was the enactment of the IS ew Poor-law Act , which would never have been enacted if the attisans of England had been put in possession of die suffrage . This' / ey-stein of legislation ought to be carried but to every department of government , whethtr local or national—^ whether municipal or parliamentary ; and it was the only urinciple which could be productive of the real and Iastiiig interests of th « working clashes . ( Hear , and cheers . ); He thought that the fashion of appointink commissioners
as under th « new Poor-law was only constituting a despotism under a different name ; ft was giving a despotic power , not under thenake ^ of kingly power , but it wis transferring a kingly power to commissioners ^ and giving to them despotic authority ; , ( H « ar , tear ;) He maintained thattlie mechanic who subsisted himself by his toil , had as great au interest in the prosperity of the country as any other ihhabitant , and dieretore had as good a right to possess the elective franchise . Even the man who Was blessed with landed wealth , had his thousands of pounds in the year , might loose some of those thousands and be broaght to beggaiy- ^ ( hear and cheers )—but if the poor man should lose the profits of his industry , he in inarkod as a . httrrtarL
and is Obliged to throw himself upon th « charity of the public ; He did not wish it to be supposed at this meeting that there would not always and necessarily pe _ an inequality in the cirbumstances Of the people . " This was the case in every conntry ; there must be high and lowy rich and ; poor ; butno mean 3 should be used to make the poor man poorer than he really was . ( Hear , hear . ) He wished that the poor inan should be sustained at the cost of thbse who were more fortunate ; He was of opinion that ^ the ^ poor had the first claim oil the land , and tliat it never waa intended ^^ by ^^ the God of Natu re that the land shoul d be so monopolised by those who call themselves its owners ai- ' - : to " exclude the poor from their share in iti produce . —Mr . Crawford proceeded to show dig necessity of die Ballot in connexien widi
Untitled Article
UniveT 8 alSnffrage , fBJd theenl of pantirig to the £ 10 constituency anjr protection before tte labourin « classes were put in possession of the same privile ^ ti He swd thelleform BiU wuparted TOme jearelgn from which great expectatioito had been formed ; but it had broved altogether inefficacious in promotine ' I tUerealinteTeBts ofthenatipn . Itbad already been det clared by ahigh authority inParliament that the prin . cipleuponwMchtheRefonnBiUWMfoanaeiiwairthat tiielandeauiitirest should be maintainedpredominant . That principle was not understood at the time ; but if reference ; was made to the provisions of the bill and some circumstances that had occurred while tho bill was passing ; through its several stages , it would be seenthatthatwasthetealinteutionofthebill . Tha effect of it was to increasd the '' -: co . untjr constituency , whoembodied the landed interest . That was th »
operatioh of the bill , and it had been proved since by what had occurred ; Since that time the ^ parties who were the framers of the bill had had more power . That bUl was carried by a large majority , many of whom were on the side of people ; but from that day te this their majorities were reduced to nineteen or twenty ; for h « did not consider what were called Whig majorities to be majorities in favour of the rights of the people . ( Hear , hear . ) He had had the eti rioiity to refer to the speech of Lord JTohn Russell , at the timepf the passing of the Ileforpi Bill j and he found thatin that very speech , oh the second reading of the bill , he had maintained / that priueiple . He had answered the objections made to the Reform Bill by showing that the limitations of the franchise in
the m auufacturiiig towns cohld have ; no political weight under that bill . He had said it was a enrious fact , that out of 130 mechanics who were householdpm in Leeds , only two were £ 10 householder * , ( hear , hear , ) and that these two only would therefore have the franchise . ( Groans . ) He had taken from the town of Leeds the instance to prove that the ronnufactunng iiiterests could not ri » e tinder bill ( Hear , hear . ) Me had then gone on to say , that thV propprtiou in Manchester was as 3 Qto '' laiJ-. ( Heah hear . ) He mentioned these fecta tb kIiow whai were the priucipleaof that bill vBamdy , to increase the landed j interest , to injure the manufacturing interests ; ( Hear , hear ; and loud applause . ) And it whs thus exemplified by Lord John Russell ' s h
sp ¦ . lhus , ;; th ( rti , the very merit winch ^ Lori Join llussell ascribed to that bill was the very evil which they were then assembled to endeavour to have redressed . The evil was that the whole weight of intluence wai thrown into the hauds of the landed interest , while the people had no power to preserve thpir . own ^ right * ( hear , hear ); and then'fore it \ i \ a doubly the duty of that meeting to claim from thd Lfgismtnre that '' ' -extension . ' of the friujcluse which would giv ? to every '•' inan an \ e " n ' ual rightin niakinir the laws by which he was to be govt-rned . ( Loud cheers . ) Another principlo '' whirh ; hnd . been siiir . ceiteJ : as a reason why they wew hot ' -to pro > s tw l . ard for their rights , was , that it was desirable for them to get their rights by instalinent 3 . ( L .-nightvr . ) They had seen what u ' n ' . l- beeji the ' '«> 'fli > ct of . the iu , stalment of the llclbnii Bill . Notwidiitanding all
Uw cliaiiges made by diiit- '"bill ,, they li : vd dehveilfrom ' . t no advantajre , and now they were obliged to have ; e oursi > niiaiii to fir . < t principles ; and were coinptMled to rou «« tho public spirit again , to () i ) t ;' . ia what wbu ) d have been Obtained . nt that time , if jj had been pressed for by tJio public feeling . - ( Loud rueer . * . ) He had nevrer mt'iitioned instnlmeiits to f . » rm u comparison between political and "coih ' ini . 'rcial interests . '/ . Suppose , a inerchant gave toluj debtor , whpin l » e bud intrusted with his property the privilege of '¦ "paying his debts by iiistalinentj , would not that niHrchant require a provision \ vliea the tutiire instalments ^ were to be paid ? ( 1 lear , ) - ^ Would not tlie . ' merchant ho consicU'red a very soft man who took ou « instalment , without any seenrity for the others ? Cheers should have
( . ) He no objectio : i to take any instalment , pnvvided security were liiven- when" they should have tlie remaining instalni » -nt « , and when the whole debt should be paiil . -- ^ ( Loud cheers . ) But that merchant would be a still softer maw , iflie to ^ kthe payment of oue instalmein when the debtor told him be nover Intended to pay any niore . ( Cheers . ) If tliiu case was applied to poli . tical . interests , it would be found tliat . the peoplg : . would be eqiiallyfoolish , if they consented to taU j any instahivent without knowing when the whole debt was to lie paid ; ( Hear , hear . ) On this " p . riai' ¦ - ¦] ciple , there were many eminent individuals wha : would say that the people ought not to ask for Universai Suffrage—but that they ought to be satisfied with the vague term , the extension of the Suffrage . He , however , was of opinion thai there was nothing like plainly saving what they wanted
- , and what they had in view . ( Hear , hear . ) "' . It would not , iii liis opinion , teiid to promote their great object to ask for any extension of the Suf frage short of that which they had already denned , \ ( hear , hear , ) that every mail . who paid taxes should have a voice in the election Of members of par- liiiinent . If they got One instalment of the % aih chiiej a greater number ' of those thatwere how . with : them would become political monopolists , and . ; they would have a less powerful body to call for . Universal Suffrage . It was not , therefore , expedient for the puople to accept of any extension of the Suffrage . smaller than ,. that which was ^ necessaryfor tiie great ^ ntereists "of the whole comntunity . ( Loud cheers . ) Another point was thisoi—It w . aa said that the people should not annoy the . "Whig . - " . " leaders , for if they did . they might , introduce die Tories . ( Laughter ;) He did not see that there was
any occasion for fearson that subject ; for there were men enough / in England to fill the situations of th »> present ministers , if theyhad occasion to go put of office , without having recourse to then- sworn enemies ,, die Tories . ( Loud cheers . ) His opinion was that the : present ministers should be pnee fairly tried by instructing them what were the wishes of tae people , and fftiley . : refused to support their rights , they should then address the sovereign aud require that sovereign to dismiss : those minister ! which'had not the confidence of the people . ( Clieers . ) Another objection : was , that if they put out the present ministers they would ruin Ireland . ( Hear , near . ) That L was an objection , which had been madb from high quarters connected with Irish in- r
terests ; but ^^ he had contended ^ against ^ ' -it , the whofe time he had a seat in Parliament . ( Hear . ) They ' should look to measures ! and not to the men , vvho proposed them . He considered that : though they had a chief governor who \ yas much esteemed , and who had acted with impartiality and kindness , that was no reason why Ireland should ; abstain from : pressing for those great principles which could only be . the safeguard of their : liberties . ( Loud cheers . ) He should neyer call upon the people of Eng- ¦ land to abstain from demanding their ridits in cpnsequehce ; of any policy with reference to IriJiland , auditwas not expedient that Ireland should call upon the people of ; England to do that for her which she could not do for herself . If he wentback
to the measures which had been proposed by tha jMelbourne jMinistrj' for Ireland , he did not see * single measure which could tend to secure the people s rights , except it might-be the Corporatiori Bill , ¦ livery , other measure was intended to establish a . system of despotism , and to place the entire ¦ govern- '"' ment of the country in . the hands of the executive . CHear . ) He said that the name of Tory-Radicals had been given to the British peoplein consequenqe of their seeking to remedy their grieVahces , regardles * of whether the Whigs were supported or hot . ( Hear . ) F ^ r his own ; part lie despised that name ( loud cheers ); and lie could venture to say , that from the beginning of Ms poUtical life to that hour he had never advocjixted a Tory principle . ( Cheers . ) If the men before him were to be c illeid TorY-Radicals be-~— : — uv . v . v m ^^ u . .. * y w / uc ^ lilCU .. 1 UrY-l \ aQlCal 3 Ut "
canse they maintained their rights , lie was ready to be called - . one too , ( Hear , ; hear , hear . ) Theyhad been charged with outraees in Ireland , but what was the cause of them " ? why , it was that the people had no voice inthe laws by which they were gdverned ; Theyhadnp contidencein the laws , and they were therefore c ompelled to ; resort to illegal ^ means to redress their own grievances because thej had not that protection which the laws ^ shpuld affoTd . One of themost promineiit causes of thbs ^ outrages was that there was no Poor L aw" in Ireland : die poor man had nothing but his bit of land ; and a man Jiaying no other source of ^ existence would ratixer loose his life than his land should be taken from hmv [ Cheers . ] " Had there been aPoot Law ^ upon . which :- ' - thepoor man could have fallen back in case of
starvationii there would never have been those outraged . [ Cheers . ] But when the people considered their grievances they should also consider the means of redress , and those means were by hola ^ g such meetings as the present * by appeanng to die popular voice , iind he did not doubt that even in the present corrupt state of the House of Commons ^ those ineani would be effectual . ^^ Let not ^ therefore , the people despair of carrying "their object / if they did but perseveje in a determined manner . He was no friend to viole&ce because he thought it unnecessary , aud beeausft it most constantly depressed the cause which tho desired to support . ; He wished theni to adopt . constitutional , aetermined , energetic proceeding * , arid he didnot dotlbt , as past experience had proved , that they would ^ e eminently successful . Such were lii $ opinions . Of all things lie dreaded most the effasionOf blood . [ Hear . ] 'ITiereJwas a deep reBponsibility resting upon those who produced the effusion of
blood in any case , unless aremedy coulofbefound bt no other means . He wished to express his sennments on this occasion particularly bnMhat point , because he thought nbthing -wus necessary but determinedly ^© express the public desire . He rejoiced to the retrospection of sucn meetings as these . He had attended ^^ anothermeeting ^^ lately , at which the foundation was kid for a kindly and brotherly feeling between Englishmen andlrishmen ; and , if his attendance here could be in any Way instrumental in promoting that object he should think his time was better spent , than in any thuig he had attempted through the whole of his life . [ Cheers . ] He rejoiced for tha sake of Ireland that tbatTinity should take place , becaus 8 he was linnl y persuaded "that Irishmen cotui never be in a posibon to serve themselves , unlessd 1 *? were"Dnited with ; their British brethren , [ hear i » arJ aud he rejoiced atit for the sake of England fhew hearjbebat ^ e he was equally aefirmlyper * uade 4 tfl »*
Untitled Article
^ ' -. '¦ ' - ¦ -:. ' ¦ ' . . " ' ¦ ' - .,- ..- - . . ,. ¦ ' .. . : ; , ' - ; ,:: THE -N ; G"Rt-H- E ' ; RN ;;^ : ' ¦" ., : ^¦ > ' . - ^ : ., ^^^ ^ . ^ i ^^ — __^ ^_ , - - ¦ - ¦ ¦ - - . ¦ - ¦ - ¦ - . . .-, ¦ . ¦ - ¦ ¦ --...-.-. . ¦ . ¦ ¦ ¦ -. ' . ¦ .. \ .-.. " " . ¦ - ' . -.. •¦ : ' ¦ ¦ . ¦ - * . ¦¦ ... .--. ¦• ¦ ¦ .- ¦ -. ¦ . . . ¦ ' ¦ - . ¦¦• . ----- - . . ^^ . » . *^ _**« % . ^ k A % J ^> X \ j % 3 LJ # ¦ ¦¦¦ - i , -n- —— ,., ^^ r - t * t » mii n ! ¦ '•¦•—^ ' **^ -- ~^»^>~^^^ -- — *^**^^ i , /\* . \ uw \ KTVJ"U \ . ^ lLi \ J ^ iM II ilLMSMIIM ! WW ' ^ l 1 BHP 7 yS 7 TT ¥ ! 1 gW ^ '"¦ • •"' - - '• '¦ ' ''¦ ¦ : ¦ - ' -. '' -:. ¦ ' - ¦ ¦ . .-.. " 1 I ¦ '"¦¦¦ . - ¦ - - : . ¦ ' ' - . ¦ - ' *"' ~ ~ ""' ¦ ¦ - ' . ' . " " . " ¦¦^ . ¦ — ¦ ¦¦ —¦¦¦ ¦¦¦ n ¦ - - ^* ¦ ¦¦ - — ^~*^ " ¦ ^^^^^ ^^^^ a ^^^^**^^^^™^^^^^ B ^^^^^ BWBI^—Mfc '¦
-
-
Citation
-
Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 13, 1838, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct988/page/6/
-